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1
Ilyushyk, O. M., and N. I. Didyk. "Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (November 27, 2022): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Sabic, Dejan, Mila Pavlovic, Snezana Vujadinovic, and Miroljub Milincic. "Global and regional aspects for development of Serbia and the Balkans: The events from the past as a message for future." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 90, no. 1 (2010): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1001159s.
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In 2010 Serbia faced with many social, economical and political issues such as the economic crisis, unemployment, uncertain candidate for membership in the European Union, cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and others. Recurrences of the past are still being felt in the political than some of the European Union with Serbia. Serbia has a long way toward permanent membership, and to intensify regional cooperation in Southeast Europe (SEE) through active membership in regional organizations and initiatives. Although this region for many years been burdened with the past and lack of understanding among nations, the steppes of integration is still achieved and is still stricken by stereotyped comparisons with a barrel keg, and so damn yard. The aim of this paper is to point out some directions for further development of the region and review of the circumstances that have contributed to this state, to show the events of the past who may be a message for the future. .
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Petrovic, Milos. "European Union and Ukraine: The strategic partnership leading to (some)where?" Medjunarodni problemi 74, no. 1 (2022): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201075p.
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This article analyses the evolving nature of the strategic relationship between Ukraine and the EU since the onset of the second decade of the 21st century. The author aims to show that, although the two sides have for years been elevating their ties through the neighbourhood policy and the Eastern Partnership strategic initiative, Kyiv?s ultimate ambition has always been focused on securing the EU membership perspective. The author considers the Ukrainian EU membership request precarious due to the Union?s concerns over stability, Kyiv?s territorial integrity problems and the ongoing war, the unfavourable impact for the current membership candidates, but also since such a request sets a precedent for the other eastern partners. To explicate the abovementioned aspects, the author primarily uses the historical method and the document analysis, to clarify in greater detail the chief political events which have gradually led towards the current state. Research conclusions point out that, despite Ukraine?s right to apply for EU membership, such a request is unlikely to result in a speedy accession, due to a variety of abovementioned aspects, coupled with a complicated decision-making process in the Union in that regard. In spite of that, the EU intends to continue supporting Ukraine as a strategic partner in a variety of domains, including also an indirect aid in combating the Russian military incursion. The author finds that the EU?s response to the membership application will have extensive ramifications not only on the two parties? relations, but also on the enlargement policy and the Eastern Partnership domain.
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Żukowski, Arkadiusz, and Marcin Chelminiak. "European Union Enlargement and the new Peripheral Regions: Political, Economic and Social Aspects and Related Issues – A Case of Warmia and Mazury Region." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 4 (October 6, 2010): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.4.353-367(2010).
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This paper analyses the problems of the new peripheral regions after the European Union enlargement. The last EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007 were the logical consequences of political, social and economic changes associated with the break-up of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Communist Bloc. These two enlargements led to substantial geopolitical consequences. The European Union’s demographic and territorial potential increased by around one-third. At the same time, the European Union structures moved east and southwards. In 2004, one of the Polish regions, the Warmia and Mazury region, faced some new challenges associated with the Polish accession to the EU. The years of Poland’s membership in the European Union have been a period of gaining experience in submitting EU projects for the region, and in allocating financial resources properly. The total effect of this period is rather positive. However, we must not forget that many negative economic and social phenomena still occur (e.g., a high unemployment rate, emigration of young educated people, etc.). Politically, a new challenge for the Warmia and Mazury region is going to be a continuation and development of the cross-border cooperation with the Kaliningrad region. Poland’s accession to the EU has had no positive impact on improving the Polish-Russian relations at the central decision-making level.
KEYWORDS: • European Union • regional development • new peripheral regions • Warmia and Mazury region
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ASIRIAN, Siuzanna, Tetiana SEMENCHENKO, and Olena LESHCHENKO. "Stages of Ukraine's accession to the European Union and future prospects." Economics. Finances. Law 11/1, no. - (November 18, 2022): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2022.11(1).2.
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Introduction. Accession to the European Union provides a large number of economic, political, cultural and social benefits. Back in 1994, Ukraine expressed its aspiration to become a member of the EU and is still not a member of the EU. Today our country is a candidate for EU membership. The purpose of the paper is to consider the general stages and criteria of EU accession and to analyze Ukraine's path towards EU accession and future stages of accession. Results. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union defines the geographical criterion for accession to the EU. Being the largest country in Europe by area, located in its eastern part, bordering the EU member states: Romania to the southwest, with Hungary, Slovakia and Poland to the west - Ukraine undoubtedly meets the geographical criterion. The Copenhagen criteria are: political, economic and membership criteria. As for the Copenhagen criteria, the answer to the question whether Ukraine meets them is currently different among international scholars. In our opinion, indeed, at the current stage of European integration Ukraine has already implemented a number of political conditions, in particular, partially fulfilled the requirement of the European Union to carry out a number of reforms and adapt Ukrainian legislation to the European one. As for the stages of accession to the EU, they are evaluation; negotiations; ratification. Usually, accession is preceded by years of cooperation with the European Union. To express its intention to do so, the state and the Community conclude an international agreement on in-depth cooperation, which provides for an active political dialogue. Negotiations are a process that involves the adoption of established EU legislation, preparations for its proper application and compliance, as well as the implementation of judicial, administrative, economic and other reforms necessary for the country to meet the conditions of accession, known as the accession criteria. After that, the last stage is ratification. Ukraine has successfully passed the first stage and received the status of a candidate state. Conclusion. On February 28, 2022, the President of Ukraine signed the application for Ukraine's membership in the EU - this marked a new stage for our country on the path of European integration. In this regard, close cooperation between Ukrainian officials and representatives of the European Union is currently underway to simplify and speed up the overall lengthy accession procedure. Ukraine will be able to achieve an appropriate level of economic development, high quality of life, make effective and accessible the provision and protection of human rights, implement all aspects of democracy, introduce energy security.
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Wardana, Adhi. "UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA." Global Political Studies Journal 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.
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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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Andonov, Oliver. "Maintenance and achievement of national interests and security policy of the European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301085a.
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The objective of the research of connection between national interests and the security policy of the European Union is to perceive the possibilities of the Balkan states to preserve their identity and achieve their vital and permanent national interests by their membership in the European Union. According to the author, the implementation of the security policy of European Union is often opposite to one?s own national interests. However, a pragmatic question for political leaders is how to resolve the following dilemma: ?is the created european security identity more important at the moment than the preservation of immediate or some permanent national interests?? The author points to the fact that the notion of national interests is a variable both historically and theoretically. Political, economic, security and other objectives determine vital national interests in some historical periods. At the same time, not rarely, some states alter their strategies and objectives for their own interests assessing whether the conditions prevailing in the internal and external surroundings have changed. The author devotes special attention to a comparative analysis of defining, determining and conceptual determination of national interests from the aspect of national security policies of some important states and the European Union. The second part of the article contains an analysis of the response of a group of Macedonian experts to the questions pertaining to the possibility of preserving and achieving of national interests of the Republic of Macedonia through its membership in the European Union.
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Kaveshnikov, N. Yu. "Ukraine’s Membership Application As a Trigger to Reform the EU Enlargement Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S7 (December 2022): S651—S659. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622130032.
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Abstract The European Union’s successive enlargements had a qualitative impact on the nature of the integration organization, entailing changes in the agenda and priorities, institutions, and decision-making process and also changing the attitude of other international actors towards the European Union. The EU’s decision to grant candidate status to Ukraine reflects a fundamental change in the logic and goals of the enlargement policy and will have a strategic impact on the design of integration processes both within the EU and on its periphery. This article is devoted to two aspects of the ongoing changes: (1) the geopoliticization of the enlargement policy and (2) the further development of differentiation processes and the prospect for new forms of external differentiation (partial membership).
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Klym, Ruslana. "Theoretical Aspects of the Communication Interaction of Political Institutions and Media (Illustrated by the Republic of Bulgaria)." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.260-270.
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The article defines that political institutions are integral elements of the political system of society, important subjects of politics and carriers of the political process, that regulate the political organization of society, ensuring its stable and long-term functioning. It is stated that the main scientific approaches to understanding the phenomenon of political communication is positivism, behaviorism, structural functionalism, institutionalism and the attention is drawn to the fact that the mass media perform several functions in modern society – communicative, informational, relay, through the implementation of which, media affects all spheres of society and play an important role in the process of interaction between the government and the public. It was noted that the authorities of the Republic of Bulgaria took advantage of the historical moment when the European Union member states were interested in cooperation and were able to convince the Bulgarian society that membership in the EU is a way to solve economic problems, which will further contribute to the economic well-being of the country. The article mentions that an important role in the European integration process of interaction between the authorities and the public was played by Bulgarian journalists, who conducted an extremely intensive and important information campaign, which resulted in 76% of support for the Republic’s membership in this international organization by the Bulgarian society The experience of the Republic of Bulgaria shows that effective work of the mass media is extremely important for establishing communication interaction between government and civil society at a crucial moment for the country. However, the modern Bulgarian media environment is subject to intense criticism for the poor quality of the media product, the media’s dependence on oligarchs, and corruption.
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Imamović-Čizmić, Kanita, and Samir Sabljica. "Legal and politological aspects of competition in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a paradigm of the European integration process." European Integration Studies 1, no. 14 (October 22, 2020): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.1.14.25287.
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As a country in transition and development, committed to the path towards membership in the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina encounters many challenges and obstacles in terms of fulfilling the tasks set before it. Quite complicated governmental and legal arrangement determines the pace of achieving the tasks that are prerequisites for the European Union membership status. By signing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina assumed the obligation to gradually harmonise the national legislation with the EU legislation in the most important areas related to the internal market. In this context, one of highly important ones is the area of competition law. This paper analyses the quality of solutions provided by the normative and institutional framework of the market competition protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina by using the normative, historical, comparative, and content analysis methods. Basic features of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the EU are presented through a chronological summary of the integration process of BiH into the EU. The primary hypothesis of the paper is that recent legal solutions in the area of competition do not follow the current legal standards of the competition regulations in the EU. Analytical overview of annual reports on the operation of the Council of Competition as regulatory body in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows that competition is a typical example of the ‘crawling’ integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU. It is quite obvious that the lack of political will of the ruling structures slows the integration processes down. This area requires an efficient enforcement of competition regulations whose implementation enables the companies to act in line with the law. Without adequate and prompt amending of the Law on Competition and related by-laws there can be no positive evaluation of the European Commission concerning the progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Trahniuk, Olesya, Maksym Vytvytsky, and Konstantin Shpak. "Ukraine’s compliance with the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the European Union." Law and innovations, no. 4 (36) (December 15, 2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2021-4(36)-5.
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Problem setting. Since gaining independence, Ukraine has been steadily moving towards integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures. However, the process of acquiring membership of our state in the European Union is quite long and involves a number of criteria, in particular, in addition to the general ones specified in Art. 49 of the Treaty on European Union of 1993, and additional Copenhagen criteria to be met by the applicant state. European integration processes have a positive impact on the development of Ukraine as a democratic, social, legal state, strengthen its position in the international arena, contribute to economic reforms. Which, in turn, should be demonstrated in practice by bringing Ukraine closer to the requirements set by the EU for states that have expressed a desire to join the union. Recent research on the topic. Various aspects of the issue of European integration were developed primarily by European lawyers and political scientists, among whom the works of K. Baimi, A. Bogdandi, J. Buchanan, M. Burgess, W. Della Sala, A. Dashwood, G. De Burke are of special interest. J. Zimmerman, L. Cartou, N. Catalano, P. King, P. Craig, D. Lassok, S. Leikoff, W. Ostrom, D. Sidzhansky, R. Watts and many other authors. The list of scientific researches is not limited to the works of Western authors, as the integration process is quite dynamic, and therefore scientists are no less interested in the scientific developments of their colleagues from countries seeking to gain EU membership, including Ukrainian lawyers, including I. Bratsuk, O. Golovko-Gavrisheva, V. Kopiyka, T. Komarova, K. Smirnova, L. Luts, M. Mikievich, Z. Makarukha, V. Muravyov, V. Poselsky, R. Petrov, O. Tragnyuk, I. Yakovyuk and others. The purpose of this research is to analyze the current state of the legislative, legal and economic base of Ukraine for compliance with the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the European Union. Article’s main body. The article is devoted to the issue of Ukraine's compliance with each of the Copenhagen criteria. First of all, the authors note that the main purpose of the Copenhagen criteria is to select the most "worthy" applicants for membership in the Union. And compliance with these criteria must indicate the ability of the state to perform the duties of a member state of the Union. In addition, specific examples are given of the requirements that Ukraine has met as of 2021 and that it must meet in the near future. It indicates in which direction Ukraine should move in order to acquire the full status of a member state of the European Union. In conclusion, the opinions of scientists on the prospects of Ukraine's further accession to the European Union are presented. Conclusions and prospects for development. The research shows that Ukraine does not yet fully meet the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the EU, as for a number of objective and subjective reasons there is a lack of stable economic development and a well-established understanding of the direction of the political movement. Despite significant advances, national legislation also needs to be improved. After the entry into force of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU, the development of integration processes has significantly intensified. The implementation of the planned reforms is undoubtedly able to bring our country's accession to the EU closer, which should add optimism and encourage daily work in this direction.
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Kirkby, Diane, and Dmytro Ostapenko. "‘Second to None in the International Fight’: Australian Seafarers Internationalism and Maritime Unions Against Apartheid." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (November 10, 2017): 442–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417719998.
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The participation of trade unions in the anti-apartheid movement is a subject which arguably merits more attention. This article brings into focus a group of unionists whose activism against apartheid was in the forefront of key initiatives. Drawing on new research the argument recounts the role of Australian seafarers on the international stage, particularly its association with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and shows how knowledge of events in South Africa passed from the WFTU to educate the union membership. By the 1980s, Australian seafarers were taking the lead in bringing European unionists together in united action to enforce the United Nations' embargo on oil supplies to South Africa by founding a new organization, the Maritime Unions Against Apartheid (MUAA). Reconstructing these events demonstrates two aspects of significance: the growing importance of monitoring shipping as an anti-apartheid strategy coordinated and led by European unions, which we point out relied on ships’ officers and crews for knowledge, and the breaking down of the ideological divide between the WFTU and the anti-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) working together in the MUAA. The article contributes new understanding of connections between anti-apartheid activism and its Cold War context.
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Koutrakos, Panos. "Legal Issues of EC–Cyprus Trade Relations." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 2 (April 2003): 489–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.2.489.
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Whilst the political aspects of Cyprus's membership to the European Union have become the main focus of academic analysis over the years, its trade relations with the Member States have raised issues just as interesting from a legal point of view. This has been illustrated quite recently by the Anastasiou II judgment delivered by the European Court of Justice in 2000. The article aims at highlighting some of these issues. It is structured in three parts: the first part outlines the provisions of the EC–Cyprus Association Agreement governing trade between the parties; the second part analyses the Court's first ruling on imports of certain produce from the northern part of Cyprus;1 the third part examines the recent judgment of the Court on imports of produce which, whilst originating in the northern part of Cyprus, are being accompanied by phytosanitary certificates issued by the Turkish authorities.
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Savchuk, Sergiy. "Special aspects of legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts of some European countries." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.54.
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The article is devoted to the study of foreign experience in legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. Fixed-termemployment contracts should be considered as one of the earliest and, accordingly, the oldest forms of non-standard employment. Tur -ning to the concept of the application of fixed-term employment contracts in Ukraine in the near future, it seems appropriate to consider the possibility of their further development through the prism of studying European experience. Indeed, in many European countriesthe fixed-term contracts are quite common and therefore analysis of both positive and negative examples of their legal regulation willbe useful for the future development of labour legislation in Ukraine.The article features an analysis of the relevant legislation of the United Kingdom, Estonia, Italy, Poland and France. It is concludedthat the membership of these states in the European Union has had a significant impact on the evolution of national labour le -gislation. This also applies to the United Kingdom, which had been part of this economic and political union for a long time.The transposition of EU legislation into national law by these countries predetermines the existence of common features betweenthem in the legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. This common features include: clear time limits of the employmentcontract, maximum allowable number of renewals enshrined in law, compliance with the principle of non-discrimination, etc.In turn, the implementation of fixed-term employment relationships in each country differs in its uniqueness, which is due to thedomestic tradition of their implementation. For example, in the United Kingdom, the dismissal of an employee due to the expiration ofthe employment contract is considered through the lens of fairness of the employer’s actions, while in Italy the number of fixed-termemployment contracts with a particular employer cannot exceed 30 %.The above circumstances should be taken into account by Ukraine when reforming labour legislation. Indeed, the need to implementCouncil Directive 1999/70/EC is clearly provided for in clauses 1139 and 1140 of the Action Plan for the implementation of theAssociation Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and theirmember states, on the other hand, approved by Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1106, of 25.10.2017.
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Mushak, N. "THE CONCEPT OF “THIRD SAFE COUNTRY” IN THE EUROPEAN UNION LAW." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.90-98.
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The article investigates the concept of "safe third country" in the law of the European Union. The article analyzes a number of international legal instruments that define the content of the concept of "safe third country". The research provides the definition of "safe third country". In particular, the safe third country should be determined as the country whose territory a person is crossing through the territory of the state where such person is seeking for the asylum, with the ability of that person to apply for asylum and use proper and relevant procedures. In fact, the concept of "safe third country" is applied by the EU Member States only when it is safe to guarantee that foreigners will be able to use the fair asylum procedures on the territory through they passed, and such persons shall be provided the effective protection of their rights. The article also determines the cases of the concept application by the EU Member States. In particular, the competent authorities of the EU Member States are confident that the third country the following aspects should be guaranted: the life and liberty of the applicant are not at risk due to race, religion, nationality, membership to a particular social or political group; the principle of prohibition of expulsion under the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees, 1951 shall be observed; the principle of prohibition of expulsion in case of violation of the right to be subjected to torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment envisaged by international law is been respected; there is the possibility to apply for a refugee status and to receive protection under the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees 1951.
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Entin, Mark, and Dmitriy Galushko. "On the Legal Consequences of Brexit (on the example of personal data protection)." Contemporary Europe 105, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520214555.
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The article explores the legal consequences of the UK's withdrawal from the European Union. The scope of personal data protection was taken as an example. The purpose of the article is to study and analyze the legal aspects of the termination of the UK's membership in the European Union, its impact on the cross-border transfer of personal data between the parties, as well as the development of legal regulation in this area. The article shows that, despite the signing of the Withdrawal Agreement, as well as the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, there is a complication of legal regulation, as well as the emergence of potential contradictions and threats to the interests of interested parties. The sphere of personal data protection clearly demonstrates that despite the desire for the sovereignization of legal regulation on the part of the UK, its legal system remains dependent on the legal order of the European Union. The UK's national regulation on personal data will be under constant monitoring by the competent EU authorities, which indirectly confirms the failure to achieve the goals of the full return of the UK's delegated sovereign powers. It is concluded that the EU Court of Justice still retains its jurisdiction over the United Kingdom, in particular, in connection with possibility to challenge decisions on adequacy, as well as through the adoption of its own practice on issues related to personal data protection.
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Stevanović, Miroslav, and Dragan Đurđević. "The problem of the Eurozone in the process of European integration from the aspect of entrepreneurship planning in the Republic of Serbia." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104129s.
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The situation in eurozone, which encompasses some of the most developed countries, inevitably impacts the planning of individual entrepreneurship in Serbia, as the candidate for EU membership. In this article, we analyze how much the eurozone is part of economic integration in Europe or the result of that process in the context of the political process of EU enlargement. In this context, we look into the motives for integration and enlargement, the institutional framework for the functioning of the monetary union, and the implications on the concept of European integration. The findings indicate that entrepreneurship planning, today, cannot rely on the monetary stability provided by the institutions of the eurozone and that there are indications of divisions within the EU itself. Moreover, some of the observed problems indicate that monetary policy is one of the key sources of disagreement within the European Union and that for now, it is unlikely that real monetary stability will be ensured outside the accounting operations of the European and national central banks. The conclusion that follows is that, while the Republic of Serbia still has monetary sovereignty, entrepreneurship, primarily small and medium-sized, must focus primarily on internal resources and find internal models that will provide a market orientation of capital, in which the leading role could be played. has a chamber connection.
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Prokhovnyk, Pavlo. "HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION UKRAINE-NATO AT THE PRESENT STAGE." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 30 (November 30, 2020): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-54-60.
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The article analyzes the history of the development of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO as one of the defining areas of international military partnership. Taking into account specific historical circumstances and external aggression by the Russian Federation, the importance of Ukraine’s military-technical cooperation with partner countries for the implementation of political goals and objectives of the state for the development of defense industry and national security is emphasized. Ukraine faced new types of threats in all spheres of the state’s life, in the military in particular, which required active assistance from partner countries. The realities of the hybrid war, which has targeted our country, require new approaches to ensuring the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including by strengthening military partnerships with the European Union and the United States. In modern geopolitical, socio-economic, international legal, military-political conditions, the nature, forms and directions of Ukraine’s military partnership need to be rethought and clarified. Today, Ukraine’s military cooperation with NATO is of a strategic nature, the tasks of which can be grouped into four key areas: maintaining military-political dialogue; assistance in reforming and developing the Armed Forces of Ukraine; ensuring contribution to international security and peacekeeping; defense and technical cooperation. As a result of this study, NATO membership will open new opportunities for Ukraine’s competitive defense industries and lay the foundation for military-technical cooperation at the international level. In this context, the myth that Ukraine’s accession to NATO will involve the collapse of Ukraine’s defense industry through the introduction of new NATO military standards, requirements for rearmament for our army is completely eliminated.
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Rotar, Natalia. "Features of Positioning the Geopolitical Status of Ukraine in the Media-Discussion of the Countries Caucasus’s Region (at example of Azerbaijan)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.26-30.
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The article specifies the features of positioning the geopolitical status of Ukraine in the media discourse of the countries of the Caucasian region on the example of Azerbaijan. It is proved that the topic of Ukrainian-Russian relations is formally dominant in the discourse of Azerbaijani media, however, the story lines (Ukraine's membership in NATO, Ukraine's membership in the European Union as its geopolitical perspective, prospects for Soviet reintegration of Ukraine, Ukraine's activities in the UN) with which the content is filled with the meanings of this topic do not always reflect its essence, because in no title of this thematic block the Russian annexation of Crimea or aggression on Donbass.
It is substantiated that an important aspect that characterizes the geopolitical status of Ukraine in the Azerbaijani media is the appeal to the comparison of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and Russian aggression in Ukraine. However, this aspect in the opposition edition is represented by the pro-Russian position. The study of the media discourse of Azerbaijan indicates that Russian aggression in Ukraine as a security threat has found its reflection in the national media in an insufficient level. The events and processes that unfold in Ukraine are positioned as phenomena developing in parallel with Azerbaijani realities, and the challenges to Ukraine's national security are positioned without projection to the level of national security of Azerbaijan.
The conclusions note that the media discourse of Azerbaijan unambiguously links the prospects for the solution of the question of the annexation of Crimea and the cessation of armed aggression of Russia in Eastern Ukraine to (1) the European integration of Ukraine; (2) geopolitical support of the European Union; (3) US military and financial support. And domestic political factors have never been evaluated in the context of Ukraine's geopolitical prospects. The geopolitical prospects of Ukraine and the problem of its relations with Russia as an aggressor country were on the periphery of the Azerbaijan media discourse.
Key words:Ukraine, geopolitical status, media discourse, Azerbaijan, political positioning
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Martinico, Giuseppe, and Marta Simoncini. "Wightman and the Perils of Britain’s Withdrawal." German Law Journal 21, no. 5 (July 2020): 799–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.49.
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AbstractOn 10 December 2018, the Court of Justice (CJEU) delivered the Wightman judgment and recognized the unilateral revocability of the notification ex Art. 50 Treaty on European Union (TEU). This article offers a critical analysis of the decision by insisting above all on the national background of the ruling and the political risks stemming from the decision. The article is structured as follows. Firstly, it analyses the legal questions of the Scottish case, which constituted the ground for the admissibility of the preliminary ruling and showed the perils for the exercise of national sovereign rights embedded in the lack of clarity on revocation options. It thus reconstructs the critical aspects of the preliminary ruling of the CJEU. Subsequently, the article examines the implications of the ruling for the EU legal order. On the one hand, the analysis considers the conception of the EU membership by comparing the approach of the CJEU and that of Advocate General Campos Sánchez Bordona in Wightman.
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Zavhorodnia, V. M. "The origin and development of the European Union sports policy and law." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 39 (2022): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2022.i39.p.50.
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The presented work is devoted to highlighting the processes of evolution of the EU sports law and policy, identifying facts and events that have contributed to the development of communitarian regulation in this area and establishing trends and directions significant for Ukraine in the European integration aspect. Integration processes, first purely economic and then increasingly multidirectional, could not but affect this vital sphere of social life on the European continent and internationally. Sport is an essential element of the self-realization of a human personality and a sphere of economic activity. It is also a form of international communication, cross-cultural communication, the assertion of authority, and a positive image of countries. Also, sports can be an instrument of political and diplomatic influence or even a means of responding to violations of international law and order. The evolution of EU sports policy and law has been a difficult and long way in the general context of European integration processes. Initially, the sport was not covered by Community law and the spheres of competence of the Communities. However, since the 60s of the last century, the foundations of the European sports model began to form. Implementing the Council of Europe’s standards in the Member States’ practice was essential in forming this model. The European sports model implies, on the one hand, the unity of values and sports traditions of Europe. On the other hand, it is based on considering the national characteristics of European countries, pluralism, and diversity of the organization of sports relations and activities of non-governmental sports organizations. To the main features of the European sports model, which have developed historically and are preserved to this day, the author refers voluntary participation in sports competitions, non-discrimination, democracy, solidarity, compliance with the rules of “fair play,” good governance, and prevention of corruption and abuse. The article characterizes the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the creation of the EU acquis in the field of sport. CJEU developed the legal criteria system for extending communitarian rules and principles to the economic aspects of sports activities, including regulating relations with non-state actors such as national Olympic committees, sports federations, etc. Relevant CJEU decisions are analyzed in the study, approaches to the application of EU competition rules in sports, as well as to labor relations, freedom of movement of workers, and the provision of services, are revealed. Further integration and reform of the EU under the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty led to the emergence of a sector of the EU policy in the field of sports and several regulations and organizational measures aimed at realization of this policy. Implementation of the relevant standards in the national legislation, introduction of the best practices of governance in the field of sports in the state policy and activities of non-governmental sports organizations are important components of the implementation of Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, fulfillment of obligations under the Association Agreement and prospectively – the criteria for the EU membership.
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Falkovskyi, Andrii, and Olga Dzhezhik. "FORMATION OF THE MODERN CONCEPT OF EUROPE IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIAL NEO-INSTITUTIONALISM." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 4 (October 29, 2019): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-4-221-226.
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In the scientific discourse of the XXI century, the concept of modern Europe is being reformed under the influence of reforming the activities of the European Union. Scientific publications and research are conducted based on a study of the policies of the European Union countries, EU institutions and structural elements, and the problems that arise in the process of activity and development. The concept of modern Europe is a general term that embraces European values, the European standard of living, European policy, and European priorities, giving the concept of European studies a stable association with the European Union. In this context, the main causes and consequences for the scientific discourse, political practice, and future development of European countries must be considered. Neoinstitutionalists have attempted to analyse institutions based on atomistic methodology. Institutional transformations, processes of intra-European integration and enlargement of the EU, discussions on membership and exit from the EU raise issues of identity and development of governance in Europe. Europeanisation can be seen as a discourse, governance, and institutionalisation. The first interpretation emphasizes that modern Europe is a discourse, not only ideological but also administrative. In this sense, Europeanisation can be a means of expression of institutional globalization through domestic policy. In the article, the hypothesis is put forward and proved that the interpretation of the concept of modern Europe directly correlates with the future development of the European Union and its members. The dissemination of exclusive practices will help to spread the ideas of radical “Eurosceptics”, which could lead to the collapse of the European Union. The inclusive aspect of the concept of Europe is represented by the ideas of “Europeists” who, based on the common history, culture, mentality of the peoples of Europe, substantiate the positive influence on the state development of integration, non-state cooperation, and extrapolation of EU norms and principles into the new territories of Europe. There are three main reasons for shaping the concept of Europe as the boundaries of EU policy: The consolidation of political positions of the European Union and its growing role as an actor in world politics; Essence of the EU enlargement concepts; Features of development within the European community. The modern concept of Europe is considered in the context of a modern multi-level governance model. Therefore, Europeanisation is the interaction of different layers of interests, including structures of regional, multi-level governance, legitimacy of domestic and foreign policy. The impact of the multi-level governance system on the functioning of public administration systems in the Member States and neighbouring countries is considered. Four approaches are identified based on the analysis of relationships between different levels of governance. The necessity of formulating new theoretical paradigms defining the relations between the Member States and the technocratic institutions of the EU, as well as between the Europeanised system of national agencies and the ministries overseeing their activities, has been proved.
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Mulvey, Gareth, and Neil Davidson. "Between the crises: Migration politics and the three periods of neoliberalism." Capital & Class 43, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818780652.
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Between the two UK referendums on European Community/European Union membership, the issue of migration came to dominate the entire debate. The period between 1975 and 2016 corresponds almost exactly to the neoliberal era in capitalism, in its British manifestation, and this is not coincidental. This article traces the shifting periods of neoliberalism (‘vanguard’, ‘social’ and ‘crisis’) across these 40 years, focusing in each case on how the policies associated with them specifically impacted migration into the United Kingdom. In particular, it will argue that the current migration crisis is at least partly an aspect of the wider crisis of neoliberalism as a form of capitalist organisation. It concludes that current levels of anti-migrant sentiment are a displaced expression of hostility to the social effects of neoliberalism, and which may nevertheless cause difficulties for British capital through the imposition of anti-free movement policies to which it is opposed.
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Shlapko, T., M. Starynskyi, and V. Myrhorod-Karpova. "European landmarks for health care reform in Ukraine compared to Germany." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 68 (March 24, 2022): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.16.
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The article is devoted to improving the legal regulation of health care in Ukraine in the light of European integration processes, using the experience of Germany. This issue is relevant both in Ukraine and abroad, as the health care systems of many countries are currently in need of improvement and indepth research, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.
As a country with a vector to join the European Union, Ukraine must meet precise criteria for membership in this economic and political union and continue to reform the health care system. This article discusses the main German regulations concerning the health care system. The main problems that arise during medical services and their financing are summarized. The newest aspects of health care development are considered; in particular, the influence of digitalization on the development of health care, in general, is studied. The emergence, development, and further prospects of digitalization in Germany and Ukraine are analyzed in detail. The latest information and electronic technologies are mentioned, based on which there is a direct connection between patients, healthcare professionals and other participants in relations in healthcare field.
Initiatives for digitalization in European countries, including Germany, which are gradually improving the functioning of the electronic health care system in Germany, are considered because the Federal Ministry of Health receives feedback from consumers of innovative technologies, namely ePa, eHealth, and others. The introduction of new technologies is not unilateral but rather bilateral because citizens can express their views on the functioning of the new electronic system. Ukraine, in turn, is adopting the experience of Germany and implementing it in our electronic healthcare system.
The conclusion is made about perspective directions of state regulation in the sphere of reforming the health care system in Ukraine, taking into account the European experience. Particular attention is paid to highlighting what Ukraine can borrow from Germany to improve its health care system and ensure and improve the quality of medical services.
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Mikheeva, N. M. "MIGRATION CRISIS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-91-100.
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The article discusses some aspects of the relationship of the European Union and Turkey. Against the backdrop of the immigration crisis, that has gripped almost all countries in Europe, the EU states were forced to appeal to the Turkish Government for assistance. Europe requested to withhold part of the f refugees on the territory of Turkey. The EU promised financial support. The Government of RecepTayyip Erdogan linked problems with the issue of refugees entering the country in the EU. The author analyzes the possibility of positive promotion of the negotiation process on Turkey's EU membership. Focuses on the settlement of the Cyprus problem, as one of the three major political obstacles to Turkey in Europe. We are seeing a situation in which EU political circles are willing to exert pressure on the Cyprus conflict and to push for the signing of a formal treaty on the settlement of problem. Some progress in the negotiation process between the communities of Cyprus EU starts to participate in the negotiations on Cyprus, together with the United Nations. Creates good conditions for the settlement of the conflict. Such a way of resolving the long-standing territorial-community conflict creates much more new problems on the island. Obstacles to the integration of Turkey into the EU will become even more.
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Connolly, Michael. "Objective justification, less discriminatory alternatives, and the ‘Great Repeal Bill’." International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 17, no. 3 (September 2017): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1358229117729071.
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On the 13 July of this year, the UK Government published the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill, 1 more commonly called the ‘Great Repeal Bill’. Aside from the repeal of the European Communities Act 1972 (and with it the proposed ousting of the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice), the Bill’s purpose is to ‘convert the acquis’ of EU law and preserve any UK law implementing EU law.2 This will include ‘workers’ rights’ and with it their employment discrimination rights.3 The efficacy of such a move will be limited if the British judges fail to adopt the same interpretations of these rights as their counterparts in the Court of Justice in Luxembourg. Over the years of Britain’s membership, there have been many references to Luxembourg to clarify the meaning of particular aspects of the discrimination provisions, with the Court generally giving a more liberal interpretation than the domestic courts had suggested would be their preference. One element of the law largely untouched by this process is the objective justification defence to claims of indirect discrimination. This is because the domestic courts have maintained a fiction that their interpretation is consistent with the EU formula. For no apparent reason, the domestic courts have reworded the EU formula while labelling it as being no different. This presents a major challenge for the Bill. It would be all too easy for Parliament to assume all is well with this aspect of workers’ rights, especially when the judges tell them so. Using a handful of cases, this article exposes the shortfalls within the domestic law and suggests some solutions. It is not the purpose of this article to discuss the Bill (which no doubt is due for many amendments), but to focus on one important aspect of discrimination law, both pre- and post-Brexit.
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Gianfreda, Stella. "Politicization of the refugee crisis?: a content analysis of parliamentary debates in Italy, the UK, and the EU." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.20.
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This paper draws on the literature on party competition and issue ownership to assess whether political membership on the right-left dimension explains party stances on migration. While some scholars argue that on this issue a clear distinction between left and right exists, some more recent quantitative and fine-grained analyses show a more nuanced picture. According to them, a clear difference in narratives exists only when the salience of the issue is high, under pressure of the electoral success of a far-right party or about specific policy issues. This paper further investigates this aspect in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. It looks at the positions held by the main centre-left, centre-right, Radical Right, and Populist Parties in the Italian, British, and European Parliaments. The content analysis shows that centre-left parties frame the refugee crisis mainly as a humanitarian emergency and held pro-European Union (EU) positions, while centre-right parties differ substantially between Italy and the United Kingdom. Both radical right and Populist Parties exploit the political-opportunity offered by the refugee crisis to foster their anti-establishment claims. Moreover, Radical Right Populist Parties stress the need to secure external borders and restore national sovereignty, against further integration. At the EU level, left- and right-wing groups (Socialist and Democrats Party, European Conservatives and Reformists Party, and European People’s Party) are cohesive, while the populist group (European Freedom and Direct Democracy Party) is not. This paper adds on the academic debate on the refugee crisis, showing how the immigration issue can impact on domestic and European party politics, challenging party identities and alliances.
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Andreescu, Florentina. "The changing face of the Other in Romanian films." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532776.
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This article focuses on how the Other is represented and understood in films produced in Romania during periods of radical political, social and economic change. Specifically it addresses films produced during the years of communism and the planned economy, during the transition to democracy and to capitalism, as well as films produced during the period of democracy, capitalism and membership in the European Union. The research acknowledges two main aspects: the changing face of the Other over time (the socialist state, the foreign investors, the West, etc.) and the consistency of the fantasy structure. More specifically, the relationship between self and the Other generally follows a strict masochist fantasy script in which the Other has the power to constrain freedom, to inflict pain, and to function as an essential element through which pleasure is understood and experienced. The research proposes an understanding of this structure of fantasy, reflected in film through the existence of a national psyche written by the main myths and stories embraced by the society in discussion. This structure of fantasy hails and constructs a certain subject that has a basic masochistic psychic structure.
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Tulumović, Vanes. "Level and pace of the regional development of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the context of integration into the European union." Ekonomski pregled 71, no. 2 (2020): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32910/ep.71.2.3.
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The main goal of this paper is to assess the level and pace of regional development of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the one hand, and the Euro-Atlantic path of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potential candidate for EU membership on the other. In the empirical part of the research, the spatial component encompassed the regionalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The research also included an analysis of the process of the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union from the aspect of pre-accession assistance to candidate countries and potential candidates in the function of promoting regional development. The primary research of regional development and assessment of the level of development as well as the scope of structural policies in overcoming the key political, social and economic problems that hinder the development and improvement of the economic integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the European Union are limited to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basic scientific methods used in the work and for giving answers to research questions are historical and comparative methods. They consist of methods and indicators of statistical analysis (indices, growth rates, participation rates, coefficients, averages). Specific scientific methods used in the process of this work are: the method of analysis, the synthesis method, the induction method, the descriptor method, the deduction method, the classification method and the comparison method. The empirical results of the research confirm that Bosnia and Herzegovina is faced with the problem of regional development with a pronounced imbalance between the areas within the whole territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is a confirmation for the need for systemic policy as well as regional development policy at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would be in line with the policies of the European Union.
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Mehmeti, Ermira. "Recogntion in International Law: Recognition of States and European Integration - Legal and Political Considerations." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p242-263.
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Recognition of States in international law is a political act based on interests and assessments made by states individually. However, in granting recognition, it is the legal arguments that must prevail. The recognizing State should base its decision on a legal framework which makes the act of recognition valid and credible. At the same time, such political decision supported by legal arguments may in no way threaten international peace and security, and may not be in collision with the peremptory norms of international law. Following is a paper on recognition of States in international law as seen from the aspect of international peace and stability. The primary objective of the international community, particularly since the establishment of the United Nations Organization, has been the maintenance of peace and security in the world. Therefore, the international recognition of entities that have demonstrated wide and strong capacity to be states, and whose attitude has been to serve the greater interests of peace, security, harmony and prosperity among people, must be a principled decision, not conditioned by mere political interests. International recognition of states is a precondition for the prosperity of new states. As such, it must obtain the status of a stabilizing instrument of new entities as well. When it comes to small states, this act is even more significant, for it secures and protects them from potential threats, hence strengthening the commitment for peace and stability. In the context of European Union membership process, it must be underlined that recognition may not become an obstacle to the aspiring States, though it seems to be the case at present. Macedonia and Kosovo are case in point. Recognition must become a catalyst and incentive for a quicker, more efficient and full-fledged euro-integrating process, which is crucial for preserving long-term stability, functioning democracy and peace and understanding among people.
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Mehmeti, Ermira. "Recogntion in International Law: Recognition of States and European Integration - Legal and Political Considerations." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p242-263.
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Recognition of States in international law is a political act based on interests and assessments made by states individually. However, in granting recognition, it is the legal arguments that must prevail. The recognizing State should base its decision on a legal framework which makes the act of recognition valid and credible. At the same time, such political decision supported by legal arguments may in no way threaten international peace and security, and may not be in collision with the peremptory norms of international law. Following is a paper on recognition of States in international law as seen from the aspect of international peace and stability. The primary objective of the international community, particularly since the establishment of the United Nations Organization, has been the maintenance of peace and security in the world. Therefore, the international recognition of entities that have demonstrated wide and strong capacity to be states, and whose attitude has been to serve the greater interests of peace, security, harmony and prosperity among people, must be a principled decision, not conditioned by mere political interests. International recognition of states is a precondition for the prosperity of new states. As such, it must obtain the status of a stabilizing instrument of new entities as well. When it comes to small states, this act is even more significant, for it secures and protects them from potential threats, hence strengthening the commitment for peace and stability. In the context of European Union membership process, it must be underlined that recognition may not become an obstacle to the aspiring States, though it seems to be the case at present. Macedonia and Kosovo are case in point. Recognition must become a catalyst and incentive for a quicker, more efficient and full-fledged euro-integrating process, which is crucial for preserving long-term stability, functioning democracy and peace and understanding among people.
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Predmestnikov, Oleh, and Vitaliy Gumenyuk. "HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
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Dadashov, Kanan K., Kamilla K. Dadashova, Nazim N. Abdullayev, Mikhail A. Evdokimov, and Leyla Sh Mirzoeva. "History Of Establishment And Development Of Relations Between The South Caucasus And The EU." Webology 19, no. 1 (January 28, 2022): 5634–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14704/web/v19i1/web19381.
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The aim of the article is to define and analyze the stages of development and formation of relations between the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and the European Union (EU) and other European organizations in a historical retrospective, as well as to identify possible prospects for expanding and strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation and interaction in the near future. At the same time, the analysis of activities of South Caucasian countries in the European organizations is narrowed to aspects that influence the process of European integration of these countries. Methods. In the research process a wide range of methods of scientific knowledge were used: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, generalization, systematization, forecasting, comparison. Results. During the research special attention was given to the terms and determinants of the formation of the European vector of development of the countries of the South Caucasus at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries. The evolution of understanding and key aspects of the development and structuring of the EU policy regarding the development strategy of the South Caucasian region in general, as well as the need of participation and support of the South Caucasian countries in maintenance of national security and building state institutions, developing the economy and the humanitarian sphere are defined. In order to conduct a systematic analysis of evolution of relations between European and South Caucasian countries three historical stages were emphasized. Within the framework of each stage initiatives and ongoing cooperative programs are characterized, as well as key areas for establishing partnerships between the South Caucasian republics and European countries. Besides stages of the formation of conditions, the signing of agreements and implementing an action plan for EU membership of the South Caucasian countries were studied in historical retrospective. Conclusion. The results of the study led to the conclusion that, in the 1990s, the EU to a large extent viewed the South Caucasus binded to Moscow, taking into account the presence of Russia in the region and its active actions. The situation changed in 2000s, when the EU’s interests and its interaction with the region deepened, and also after the armed conflict in Georgia, when Europe was concerned about the necessity of respecting and strengthening security in the region. Eventually security policy was supplemented by new dimensions of cooperation such as political, economic, humanitarian.
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Tonelli, Simon James. "Migration and democracy in central and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900309.
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Amidst the political changes that swept through central and eastern Europe following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the right to migrate was synonymous in the minds of many with the establishment of democracy. Although the political transition of the 1990s was preceded in some countries by a relaxation of their strict exit regimes, these were only minor measures in comparison with the profound changes to the system of population control ushered in by the political transition to democracy. A mosaic of migration patterns (ethnically based migrations, return migration, labour migration, transit migration) gathered pace during the 1990s throughout the vast region of the former Soviet bloc. As conflict and war broke out in different areas, notably in the Caucasus and south-east Europe, these migratory movements were inflated by huge numbers of refugees, asylum-seekers and displaced persons. The newly independent states underpinned their political transition towards democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights through membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of international conventions which included important guarantees for the rights and protection of migrants and their families. In May 2004, eight of these countries will join the European Union and after a transitional period become integral parts of the internal labour market with their populations enjoying the full freedom of movement rights of EC law. This article outlines the major migration trends in central and eastern Europe since the extension of democracy across the continent, highlights different aspects of labour migration in the region, including the impact of EU enlargement, and refers to some integration issues. This description is preceded by a series of brief historical, political and legal perspectives.
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Horodyskyy, Ivan, Andriy Borko, and Mariia Sirotkina. "ADAPTATION OF UKRAINIAN CORPORATE LEGISLATION TO EUROPEAN STANDARDS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 3 (June 25, 2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-3-56-64.
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Defining the European vector of development of Ukraine in the model of international cooperation as a priority involves the use of European standards in the field of law. This is impossible without careful adaptation work to bring the domestic legal system in line with the system that exists in the countries of the European Union. Recent changes in legislation have been long-awaited and have been a breakthrough in the corporate and financial sectors. The authors aim to carry out a comprehensive analysis of Ukrainian corporate law by comparing the political governance of Eastern Europe, economic and political aspects of the current situation, problems of corporate governance and ways to solve them, and the current stages of adaptation of corporate law in its transformation to the EU’s norms. In February 2018, the European Commission proposed to consider 2025 a possible date for the accession of Serbia and Montenegro, which means recognizing these countries as the first league in the Balkans, even in case the EU Council does not approve this date. The second league was set by the Council in June 2018, when 2019 was marked as a possible conditional date for the opening of accession negotiations with Albania and Macedonia. While the third league is for the accession of Bosnia and Kosovo, for which no date has been set. Negotiations with Turkey have been suspended. For comparison, if we take into account both political and economic indicators, Ukraine is approximately equal to the Balkan states of the second league. The prospect of EU membership has been recognized as the strongest external factor in domestic political change in the countries surrounding the EU. In accordance with the requirements of the Association Agreement with the EU on corporate law (EU Directives No. 2001/34/EC, No. 2003/71/EC, No. 2004/109/EC, No. 2007/14/EC, No. 2007/36/EC, No. 2012/30/ ЕС, No. 2013/34/ЕС, Recommendations of the European Commission No. 2005/162/ЕС and No. 2004/913/ЕС) the Law of Ukraine No. 2210-VIII, the Law of Ukraine “On Limited Liability and Additional Liability Companies” dated February 06, 2018 No. 2275-VIII, amendments to the Laws of Ukraine №514-VI, “On Securities and Stock Market”, “On Business Associations”, the Economic Code of Ukraine, the Civil Code of Ukraine, the Criminal Procedural Code of Ukraine and other laws were made and came into force on July 1, 2021 in the Law of Ukraine No. 738-IX. European integration transformation of Ukrainian legislation in the context of protection of shareholders’ rights was manifested through the implementation of Directive 2004/25/EC in the Law of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine Concerning the Simplification of Doing Business and Attracting Investments by Issuers of Securities” dated March 23, 2017 No. 1983-VIII and the Law of Ukraine No. 514-VI. Ukraine’s economy has not yet recovered from the negative effects of the global financial crisis of 2008, the political coup, the national crisis of 2015, the current crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This situation shows declining dynamics, and changes in Ukrainian legislation are offset, not showing real effect. The harmonization of Ukrainian legislation is complicated by the unwillingness of Ukraine’s business environment to comply with EU rules. Analyzing the activities of the JSC, the dynamics of the securities market, stock market and the transformation of Ukrainian legislation, the initiatives of certain branches of government, we can say that Ukraine is moving in the right direction but not fast enough and forms a country with a real market economy. Therefore, we can conclude that the adaptation of Ukrainian corporate law to EU legislation should be carried out not only in relation to existing EU directives but in accordance with general trends and prospects for the development of European corporate law.
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Gardner, Andrew. "Brexit, boundaries and imperial identities: A comparative view." Journal of Social Archaeology 17, no. 1 (January 17, 2017): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605316686875.
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The year 2016 will be marked as a year in which identity politics reached new levels of significance. Among numerous dramatic events, the UK referendum on membership of the European Union has brought many issues of interest to archaeologists to the fore. These range from entirely contemporary concerns, such as the future of research funding in Britain, to topics of more longitudinal significance, including the interactions between different identity groups in particular economic and political circumstances. In this paper, I wish to explore aspects of the distinctive position of Britain as an illustration of identity dynamics in the long term, focussing on the relationship between imperialism and identities and viewed through the lens of recent work in Border Studies. Brexit can be seen as the culmination of the collapse of the British empire, and transformation of British identity, in the post-Second World War era and the particular dynamics of this process invite comparison with Britain’s earlier position as one of the frontier provinces of the Roman empire, especially in the 4th and 5th centuries AD. This comparison reveals two paradoxical dimensions of imperial identities, the first being that so-called ‘peripheries’ can be more important than ‘cores’ in the creation of imperial identities and the second that such identities can be simultaneously ideologically powerful yet practically fragile in the circumstances which follow imperial collapse. Such insights are important because, at a time of apparently resurgent nationalism in many countries, archaeologists need to work harder than ever to understand identity dynamics with the benefit of time depth.
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Ellul, Lauren, and Ron Hodges. "Reforming the government budgeting system in Malta." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 31, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 518–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-10-2018-0108.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the pre-adoption phase of budgetary reform. Perspectives on the introduction and use of performance information in budgeting are obtained through interviews with current and former senior politicians and civil servants in Malta. Institutional theories are used to analyse the pressures that are perceived as promoting or inhibiting reforms. Design/methodology/approach The research followed a qualitative approach, using data gathered from documentary sources and empirical evidence collected from semi-structured interviews. Documentary sources were used to provide knowledge, obtaining an understanding of budgeting processes in the Maltese central government. Two categories of interviewee are identified in the analysis: political interviewees, consisting of 7 politicians; and administrative interviewees consisting of 13 senior civil servants. Findings The authors find that the current line-item budgeting system is deeply embedded into government practices. Malta’s membership of the European Union and its adoption of the Euro support coercive pressures for reductions in fiscal deficits. Normative pressures appear to be significant and may have a longer-term impact in promoting budgeting reform. Originality/value This paper contributes to existing performance-based budgeting literature by studying the pre-adoption phase which has rarely been the focus of previous studies. The study delves into the interaction between institutional and economic forces, an aspect which has been inadequately studied. The access to current and former Prime Ministers and other Ministers of State in this study is unusual. As such, the researchers have been able to obtain the perceptions of political decision makers in a way that might be more difficult to do in larger countries.
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Fomin, S. "Multi-vector Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan as an Important Means of Solving the Socio-economic Problems of the Country." Problems of World History, no. 16 (December 16, 2021): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-8.
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The article elucidates the internal problems of Uzbekistan among which one should mention the problem of poverty, mass unemployment, shortage of arable land and water resources, serious ecological problems. To a high degree these problems have been caused by a rapid growth of population. Uzbekistan tries to solve these problems by means of liberal market reforms and the multi-vector foreign policy developing political, economic and trade relations at the same time with different countries, in particular with China, the USA, the EU, Turkey, South Korea, Russia and other countries-members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It was shown that volumes of trade of Uzbekistan with the Western countries as well as the level of Western investments remain at least now not high. The conclusion is drawn that for the USA Uzbekistan presents the interest mainly in geopolitical, military and strategic aspects, especially now after the US troops left Afghanistan. The EU is more than the USA interested in developing the trade and economic relations with Uzbekistan. The new agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU on enlarged partnership and cooperation will create more favorable conditions for economic cooperation and trade, growth of European investments into economy of Uzbekistan. Nevertheless it seems that the factor of geographic remoteness of Uzbekistan from Europe will not make it possible for the EU countries to occupy the same place in external economic links of Uzbekistan as the countries-neighbours such as China, Russia and other countries-members of the EAEU. It is shown that China is the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. China considers Uzbekistan as the important transit country with transport corridors indispensable for transportation first of all of Chinese goods to the countries of Europe and other regions of the world. The Chinese investments into economy of Uzbekistan are constantly growing. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), in particular Russia and Kazakhstan, is also the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. Besides, Russia is the biggest labour market for millions of Uzbek migrant workers. Within the EAEU the common labour market was created, migrant workers who are citizens of the countries-members of the EAEU enjoy the social rights of the country of stay and may freely move over territories of the countries-members of the EAEU. This fact is especially important for Uzbekistan which is interested in improving living conditions of its migrant workers. Besides, as the facts show, the economic integration within the EAEU does not prevent the governments of the countries-members of the EAEU from developing intensive political and economic relations with different countries. Taking into account the complex of acute socio-economic, ecological and demographic problems facing Uzbekistan it seems that in the future one cannot completely exclude the possibility of membership of Uzbekistan in the EAEU especially if such a membership does not prevent the Uzbek government from pursuing the multi-vector foreign policy. The parliament of Uzbekistan approved the decision to obtain the status of observer at the EAEU. The EAEU granted this status to Uzbekistan in December 2020.
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Yakovenko, Natalia. "Ukraine’s Diplomatic Efforts in Relations with NATO in Conditions of russian-Ukrainian War." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 296–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-17.
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The article highlights the diplomatic aspect of Ukraine-NATO relations during russia’s military aggression against Ukraine, launched in 2014. Ukraine’s diplomatic interaction with the North Atlantic Alliance already has a long and difficult history, which has radically changed the image of our country in the world. The indisputable principle on which the fruitful Ukraine-NATO relations are based is that without Ukraine’s involvement in the Alliance’s activities, it will be impossible to build indivisible security in Europe. In 2018, the Verkhovna Rada finally approved the amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine regarding the formulation of the idea of joining the EU and NATO. This decision consolidated Ukraine’s strategic course at joining the Alliance and the European Union and made it impossible to change that political course. From the very beginning of the russian-Ukrainian war in 2014, NATO diplomacy was grounded on its steadfast position to support Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within internationally recognised borders. However, NATO declarations and statements regarding solidarity with Ukraine have become a staple feature of diplomacy of the Alliance. During the russian-Ukrainian war, diplomatic interaction between Ukraine and the Alliance took place in the format of the Ukraine-NATO Commission (UNС). The process of Ukraine’s accession to NATO has been too long, and Kyiv is still trying to convey this to the Alliance. The author is arguing that if our country had taken the same steps as a number of other CEE states, having acquired the status of a full member of the Alliance, the unleashing of aggression by the russian federation could have been averted. Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, NATO, membership in the Alliance, NATO summit, Ukraine-NATO Commission, MAP.
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Arbatova, N. "Crisis and European Union: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2012): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-11-33-42.
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The focal point of the article is the future of the European Union that has been challenged by the deepest systemic crisis in its history. The world economic and financial crisis became merely a catalyst for those problems that had existed earlier and had not been addressed properly by the EU leadership. The author argues that the EU crisis can be overcome only by new common efforts of its member-states and new integrationist projects.
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Powell, Charles. "Spanish Membership of the European Union Revisited." South European Society and Politics 8, no. 1-2 (March 2003): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740808539647.
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Błaszczyk, Maria Celina. "Selected Aspects of European Integration of the Visegrad Group Countries." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.25.14.
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This paper analyzes the membership of the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary) in the European Union (EU). It presents the parallel process of fundamental systemic transformation and integration with the EU in the analyzed countries. Their integration path is shown, starting from the association with the European Communities, a transitional period to membership, through adjustments to the requirements related to EU accession and membership. A comparative analysis of the main macroeconomic indicators, trade development, and the inflow of foreign direct investment showed that the adopted measures and the membership of these countries in the EU positively impacted their overall socio‑economic development, in particular in the context of modernizing and restructuring their economies, which ultimately translated into the civilizational leap of the analyzed countries.
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Nugent, Neill. "Sovereignty and Britain's membership of the European Union." Public Policy and Administration 11, no. 2 (June 1996): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679601100202.
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Kyriacou, Andreas P. "Decision rules, membership and political centralization in the European Union." European Journal of Law and Economics 27, no. 2 (December 20, 2008): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10657-008-9086-2.
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Zielonka, Jan. "The Quality of Democracy after Joining the European Union." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297133.
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Joining the European Union (EU) has changed the nature of democracy in the new member states. The EU's membership has complicated the structure of democratic decision making by making it more multilayered and multicentered. EU membership has enhanced the powers of nonmajoritarian institutions such as the European Commission, the European Court of Justice, and various regulatory agencies. National parliaments tend to be less powerful democratic players after a country joins the European Union—and even before, as the EU accession process has shown. EU membership has also broadened the democratic public space. As a consequence, democratic decision making within the European Union has to accommodate a more diversified set of interests and cultural orientations. Providing citizens with greater access to the European decision-making process seems to be most urgent in the new member states from Central and Eastern Europe, whose citizens feel particularly detached from this process. The article tries to suggest some ways of achieving this.
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Turner, Thomas, Lorraine Ryan, and Michelle O’Sullivan. "Does union membership matter? Political participation, attachment to democracy and generational change." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119844926.
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We examine whether trade union membership enhances political activism and beliefs in the democratic system, and argue that trade unions and union membership are more likely to develop workers’ capacities to participate as citizens in the democratic process. Union members are more likely to engage in political activities and hold more positive attitudes towards democracy than non-union respondents across 11 stable European democracies with varying levels of union density and collective bargaining coverage. A notable trend is the decline over generations of the positive gap in political participation levels between union and non-union workers. It appears that the effects of union membership for political participation and attitudes to democracy, though still significant, are less salient for the 1980s generation.
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Aydinli, Ersel, and Dov Waxman. "A Dream Become Nightmare? Turkey's Entry into the European Union." Current History 100, no. 649 (November 1, 2001): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.649.381.
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As long as Turkey's desire for EU membership represented an abstract ideal…, Turkey's military and civilian elite could avoid acknowledging the potential political costs of membership in the eu. And as long as the Europeans kept Turkey at arm's length, that elite's willingness to implement the domestic reforms necessary for EU membership was never put to the test.
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Năstase, Mihnea Ion. "Communist Legacies and the Quest for European Union Membership." Problems of Post-Communism 49, no. 5 (September 2002): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2002.11656004.
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Cogen, Marc. "Membership, Associate Membership and Pre-accession Arrangements of CERN, ESO, ESA, and EUMETSAT." International Organizations Law Review 9, no. 1 (2012): 145–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-00901008.
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Although there is abundant literature on membership of international organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union or the WTO, membership issues concerning European scientific organizations are rarely looked upon. This can be explained by the focus of the legal community on political and economic organizations. The introduction of the article clarifies why separate European scientific organizations were needed and how the scientific community created European cooperation on a sectoral basis, sometimes aided by US scientists. The scientific organizations maintained themselves as independent organizations notwithstanding the absorptive capacity demonstrated by the dynamics of the European Union. The article argues that the four European scientific organizations developed a similar but not identical legal practice regarding admission of new member states and membership obligations. CERN and ESA are the two conceptual models for the development of legal solutions to membership questions which contributes to the formation of a similar law pattern of European scientific organizations. Treaty amendment has been avoided and legal practice is developed by the plenary organ, the Council. Legal similarities offer the advantage to states, as members of the four scientific organizations, to understand better the particular nature of scientific organizations and their operations. The article pays attention to recent expansion of membership as a complex issue which reinforced the adoption of similar legal solutions and the introduction of a pre-accession policy with increased membership conditionality.
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Bazić, Jovan. "Relations of Serbia and European Union: Socio-Historical Determinants and the Contemporary Political Issues." Politeja 16, no. 3(60) (March 1, 2020): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.60.20.
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This paper deals with the relations between the Republic of Serbia and the European Union, with special attention to the key issues in the process of its accession to the EU, as well as the political moods of the Serbian citizens towards that membership. There are many problems and misunderstandings in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union which are expressed through conflicts of different interests, the EU’s asymmetrical and ultimatumbased relationship with Serbia, a different perception and assessment of reality in Serbia, the value system and other cultural factors. These problems are manifested through many issues, and essentially, they stem from the consequences of the break-up of Yugoslavia and the political conditions for Serbia’s admission to EU membership, such as: the support of the secessionist processes in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, first in case of secession of Montenegro from the FR Yugoslavia and then of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, as well as in the issues of Serbia’s cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The core standards for EU membership from Copenhagen and Madrid remain in the shadow of these problems. This is one of the reasons why in Serbia the skepticism towards its membership in the European Union has been on the rise. Other contributing reasons for skepticism include the current processes within the Union, such as economic, monetary and institutional crisis, Brexit; the strengthening of conservatism and separatism, as well as the increasingly noticeable initiatives for the reorganization of the Union. That is why Serbia’s path to EU membership has become more complicated and why it seems more and more like a road without a final destination.