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1
Smirnov, P. A. "Bulgarian Vector for North Macedonia Foreign Policy: the Problem of Identity." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-86-96.
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The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.
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Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. "Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.
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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.
3
Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Gaćeša, Radmila. "European Union Convention on Common transit procedure." Bankarstvo 51, no. 2 (2022): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bankarstvo2202173g.
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On February 1st 2016, the Republic of Serbia acquired the status of a full member of the European Union Convention on Common Transit Procedure, and joined the existing members: EU countries, EFTA countries, as well as individual members Turkey and the Republic of North Macedonia. In this way, Serbia put its particularly important geopolitical position in Europe, and its openness to support and acceptance of foreign direct investments, into the function of further dynamic improvement in the sphere of economy and overall economic development.
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Skrypnyk, Olena. "EUROPEAN INTEGRATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN MACEDONIA: ACHIEVEMENTS, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." European Historical Studies, no. 21 (2022): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.3.
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The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Republic of Northern Macedonia to the European Union. In particular, the problems that arose on the path of European integration of Northern Macedonia are described. Namely, the blockade by Greece, which since the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 opposed the name of the Republic of Macedonia, arguing that the name Macedonia has the Greek region of the same name. As a result, in 2018 the country was renamed the Republic of Northern Macedonia. Bulgaria’s blocking of the opening of negotiations on Northern Macedonia’s accession to the EU was also assessed. The reasons for Bulgaria’s position and the reaction of the European Union countries to this situation are described. Domestic and foreign policy events in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, which directly affected the country’s cooperation with the European Union, are highlighted. The study concluded that despite a number of problems that have arisen and are emerging on the European integration path of Northern Macedonia, the country has a number of achievements in this process. Northern Macedonia was the first country in the region to sign a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, in 2005 it received the status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In 2009 she received a visa-free regime with the EU. However, despite the great achievements in terms of ambitious reforms and reaching a historic agreement with Greece, accession talks have not yet begun. After all, the decision-making process in the European Union takes place through consensus. All countries, without exception, must agree to open a negotiation process with Northern Macedonia. Given the country’s determination and courage in its European integration policy, all the existing problems at the bilateral level can be resolved, as Northern Macedonia has made a number of concessions in order to start the pre-accession process with the EU.
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Idrizi, Arsim. "THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1901–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061901a.
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Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.
7
Imeri, Amir, and Jana Gálová. "Challenges of EU Accession for Macedonia and Ukraine: Selected View from Inside Europe and Outside Visegrad." Visegrad Journal on Bioeconomy and Sustainable Development 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjbsd-2014-0013.
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Abstract The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is a country with huge interest in accession to the great family of the European Union, which now counts about 500 million people. The paper aims to explain this interest and to give detailed arguments to all the expectations, by focusing on the process of accession of the country to the European Union and giving examples of other countries‘ similar efforts from wider region. This process represents the culmination of more than two decades of economic, social and political transformation of the country. The membership in the European Union, according to the theoretical knowledge and comparative experience, should bring convenience for Macedonia and its citizens, including prosperity, more intensive relations with its European neighbours and contribution to shaping the political, social and economic development of Europe. The accession process is long and difficult, partly because of the necessity to adopt many laws and regulations of the European Union for new member states, contained in the Acquis communautaire.
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Ph.D, Suzana Mehmedi, and Ilir Mehmedi Ph.D. "Republic of Macedonia – Theoretical and Practical Approach to the European Integration." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 10, no. 2 (May 19, 2017): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v10i2.p293-293.
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The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism, neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union, requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
10
Mehmedi, Suzana, and Ilir Mehmedi. "Republic of Macedonia – Reform Priorities in Public Administration for a Pro- European Country." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i2.p119-123.
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The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism , neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union , requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.
11
Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Ciborek, Przemysław. "The People’s Republic of China as a ‘Pillar’ in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Serbia during COVID-19 Pandemic." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.08.
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In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.
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Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej. "Problem konsolidacji współczesnego państwa macedońskiego w kontekście jego aspiracji do Unii Europejskiej." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.006.
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The issue оf contemporary Macedonian state consolidation in the context of its aspiration to the European Union Since its establishment, the Republic of Macedonia has been facing the crisis of social and political system. This is connected with the complicated ethnic and religious relations, difficult economic condition of the state and complex, international circumstances in the Balkans. The European Union makes the membership of Macedonia in its structures dependent on the implementation of solutions preventing the renewal of the armed conflict between the Macedonian authorities and Albanian rebels in the year 2001. The reforms implemented on the basis of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) are designed to provide the social and economic stability in the country, mainly through the cooperation between Macedonians and Albanians. The imbalance between the strengthening of the position of the Albanian national minority in the entirety of the state system and the progress in the establishment of the civil society raises the concern of the observers of the social and political life in Macedonia. The division of the society based on the ethnicity criterion is strengthened in Macedonia. The opportunity of the development of cooperation over the ethnic divisions is limited due to a strong role of nationalistic sentiments, insufficient legitimacy of framework agreement by the citizens and pathologies of social and political life (corruption, organized crime). It is likely that ethnic criteria that are the basis for currently implemented system changes in the Republic of Macedonia shall dominate the pursuit to democratize the state as a whole. It will be a threat for the consolidation of the republic, since the particularistic tendencies may outweigh the peaceful cooperation for strengthening the unity of the state.
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Shelton, Joel T. "Diagnosing Europe: Greece, Macedonia, and the Meaning of Crisis." New Perspectives 25, no. 2 (June 2017): 17–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1702500202.
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Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the ‘European project’ in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adopts Michel Foucault's understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the diagnostic discourse in relation to ongoing events in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. Diagnostic practice produces accounts of crisis that are clinical, moralising, and prescriptive, affixing meanings to complex and overdetermined events in order that they can be acted upon. Diagnoses of the crises in Greece and Macedonia converge in their identification of political and cultural features of the national political economy in need of expert correction. The diagnosis of crisis emerges as an essential feature of European Union governmentality, which functions to delimit the bounds of political contestation in times of uncertainty and upheaval in favor of technocratic interventions.
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Kaytchev, Naoum. "Bilateral relations with the republic of /North/ Macedonia as an element of Bulgarian regional policy after 1989." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.016.13809.
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The article begins with a re-evaluation of the often neglected importance of 1989 developments in Skopje that inaugurated the subsequent transition of Yugoslav Macedonia leading to its transformation into an independent republic. The text argues that the outcome of the often overlooked congress of the League of Communists of Macedonia in late November 1989 dismantled a small break out of the pan-European Berlin Wall that autumn. After 1989 Bulgaria maintained a policy aimed at limiting and the non-proliferation of the conflict from the dissolving Yugoslav federation and contributed to the stabilization of the former Yugoslav and wider region. One of the most sensitive aspects of Sofia’s regional policy was that towards Skopje. The article offers evidence and argues that Bulgaria’s approach since 1989 went through different phases but nonetheless was based on three key constant principles: first, support for the independence and for the statehood of the new Republic of Macedonia; second, the countering and dismantling of Macedonianism (in its ‘Yugoslav’ and ‘antiquated’ versions alike) both as a provocative construct of history and as Skopje’s foreign policy practice; third, seeking of solutions within the wider EU and NATO framework and support for the Republic of /North/ Macedonia’s integration into NATO and EU structures.
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Barsegyan, D. E. "Analysis of the impact of tariff preferences on the foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-42-50.
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The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.
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Simić, Milica, Antoaneta Vassileva, and Anđelka Aničić. "Economic aspects of the integration processes of the Republic of Serbia." Oditor 7, no. 2 (2021): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/oditor2102083s.
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Exchange of goods and services is the most important domain of economic cooperation between the Republic of Serbia with the world and is crucial for faster growth of gross domestic product (and thus expected economic growth rates and faster social development and rising living standards) in the coming period. Due to this, paper analyses the degree of involvement of the Republic of Serbia in total world exports, its most important foreign trade partners, the degree of openness of the economy and the share of exports in gross domestic product, analyzing the period from 2008 to 2017. The aim of this paper is to study specific relations between the Republic of Serbia and its most important foreign trade partners and their interdependence with the integration processes through multilateral and bilateral cooperation with the European Union, Eurasian Economic Union, World Trade Organization and Central European Free Trade Agreement. Based on the updated statistical research and analysis of the content of the basic determinants of bilateral agreements, recommendations were given for the future development of integration processes within the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Liargovas, Panagiotis, and Spyridon Repousis. "International Development Assistance and Economic Growth: the Case of Four Southeast European Countries." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703002.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of international development assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period 1991-2010. Foreign aid as additive to domestic savings is expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since foreign aid is negatively related to domestic savings. These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
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Burdjak, Vira. "Changes in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Bulgaria under the Russian Influence." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.34-41.
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The article explores changes in the foreign policy of the Republic of Bulgaria, which began with the transformation of the political regime in the state and the establishment of a democratic political system. At the turn of the century, Bulgaria became a member of influential international organizations – NATO and the European Union. Bulgarian officials have stepped up their relations with NATO officials and the military departments of the Allies. The Russian war in Ukraine has transformed RB into a “frontal zone” of the EU and NATO, increased its strategic importance, strengthened the desire of the politicians of the Republic of Bulgaria to seek guarantees of their security in the United States. However in the last six years, under the influence of a Russian factor, Bulgaria often takes other positions, different from the NATO and EU common line, in particular, seeking to re-establish traditional close ties with Moscow, advocates a good and constructive dialogue with the Russian Federation, in the European arena, stands for softening sanctions and giving the European Union a position more pragmatic about Russia.
Keywords: Republic of Bulgaria, NATO, European Union, Ukraine, Russian Federation, Russian factor, sanctions.
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Panara, Carlo. "In the Name of Cooperation: The External Relations of the German Länder and Their Participation in the EU Decision-Making." European Constitutional Law Review 6, no. 1 (February 2010): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610100042.
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‘Foreign relations power’ (auswärtige Gewalt) in the Federal Republic of Germany strongly centralised by the Lindau Agreement in 1957 – Although the German Länder still retain some rights to act at an international level, the Federal Government is the dominant player in the foreign relations of the state – Introduction of Länder participation in European Union law-making and policy-making; new opportunities for them to perform a role in external relations – Cooperative character of German federalism confirmed
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Boiko, A. "THE CULTURAL-CIVILIZATIONAL ASPECT IN THE FORMATION OF THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION POLICY OF R. ERDOGAN GOVERNMENTS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 128 (2016): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2016.128.1.02.
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The question of European integration of Turkish Republic is considered as one of the central issues in the sphere of the history of international relations. The origins of this problem should be sought in the processes that have shaped the modern Turkish state, that being the rule of the first President of the Republic. With the government headed by R. Erdogan taking a grip of power in 2002, Turkey has fully revised its foreign policy. In particular, it intensified efforts to integrate the state to the EU. However, these intentions could not be realized due to a number of reasons. The article considers cultural-civilization influence on the formation of the foreign policy of Turkish Republic in the sphere of European integration, formation and evolution of the views of the Turkish government on the idea of state "Westernization". It devotes main attention to the views of Ahmet Davutoglu and his strategy of Turkish foreign policy. The article also researches his views on the influence of the eastern cultural and civilizational values and religion on the international position of the Eastern countries and, in particular, on their relations with European countries. Moreover, the research provides an attempt to analyze the cultural-civilizational differences as a factor of preventing Turkey from entering the European Union.
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Herasymenko, Maxym. "CURRENT STATE OF COOPERATION BETWEEN MOLDOVA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.1.
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To date, the issue of Moldova’s accession to the EU remains unexplored. From year to year, from one president to another, Moldovans go in the direction of Europe, then Russia. At the same time, life in the country takes its turn, and eventually the people begin to understand that the path to prosperity is in the direction of Europe. That is why, on the example of Moldova, there is an opportunity to show how the country is fighting for a better life in the EU. The aim of the article is to analyze the solution of foreign and domestic (territorial) problems of the Republic of Moldova in the context of cooperation with the European Union. The main task of this article is to study the current state of cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union; in determining the level of EU interest in the new partner. The article examines the current state of the European integration course of the Republic of Moldova (from the time of independence in 1991 to the end of 2021) and its path to the European Union. The dynamics of Moldova’s foreign relations with the EU is traced. The key problems that prevent members from joining the ranks are described. The article separately analyzes the political and legal process within the country and the factors that affect its current pro-European orientation. The positions of two political parties within the country (pro-European and pro-Russian) are taken into account. Moldova’s achievements on the path to the EU are highlighted. Another issue remains: the joint international coercion to curb the imperial ambitions of the Russian Federation, which will help stabilize and accelerate social development in Moldova, will push the current leadership of Transnistria to return to the political, legal and economic space of the country. Thus, it was concluded that in political terms the Republic of Moldova has set a course for European integration. After the victory of the pro-European camp led by Maia Sandu, Moldovans set course for Europe for the first time in recent years. The President assured the leaders of the European Commission that despite all the problems, she will be able to keep the country on the path to the EU. The main obstacle remains the Transnistrian conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the pro-Russian self-proclaimed Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Valeeva, R. A. "Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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Horopakha, Serhii. "Key milestones of the negotiating process on the accession of Croatia to the EU in 2007 – 2008." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.8-27.
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On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.
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Kardanov, V. A., V. N. Kulik, T. A. Petrova, and V. V. Vulshonok. "ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF EXPORT AND IMPORT OF GOODS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-100-107.
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The issues related to the analysis of export and import of goods between two neighboring states: the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation have been examined. Relations between the EU countries and Russia to date have been in a significant crisis. Cooperation in the economic field is reduced in the context of mutual sanctions. According to the authors, for the Russian Federation in the near future the main task should be set – economic rapprochement with the countries of the European Union and further negotiations on easing mutual sanctions, since these and other reasons significantly complicate the countertrade in goods and services and impede European integration. It is obvious, that European companies are also interested in normalizing commercial and economic relations. The limitations of non-tariff regulation in foreign trade have been considered also in the paper. It has been concluded on the need to gradually mitigate restrictive measures. And efforts in this direction should be made by both the Russian Federation and the member States of the European Union, including the Republic of Poland.
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Nursultanova, L. N., and A. E. Erkin. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST: HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ASPECT." edu.e-history.kz 31, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_333-343.
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The modern history of Kazakhstan includes cardinal reforms, socio-economic changes, as well as the transformation of the political system. Kazakhstan is a subject of new geopolitical realities and an active factor in the international arena. The multi-vector course of our Republic's foreign policy allows us to pursue a balanced strategy with the international community.The First President of Kazakhstan N.Nazarbayev defined the long-term goal of forming and maintaining constructive relations with thecountries of the near and far abroad. The institutional reforms carried out allowed the European Union toassign Kazakhstan the status of a country with a market economy. The foreign policy of the Republic ofKazakhstan is aimed at implementing a competitive economy,attracting foreign investments that meetnational interests.Kazakhstan has achieved success in the regional economy and participates in global projects, joined the World Trade Organization, is building fruitful and constructive ties with the European Union, the OIC and other international organizations.Kazakhstan's cooperation with the countries of the Near and Middle East has many aspects. Within the framework of one monograph, it is impossible to explore different issues of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the BSV, which have many directions. Perhaps this will be the task of further scientific research.
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Djukanovic, Dragan, and Ivona Ladjevac. "Priorities of foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Serbia." Medjunarodni problemi 61, no. 3 (2009): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0903343d.
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In this article, the authors point to the basic priorities the future foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia should include. They point out that a basic social and political consensus on the most important foreign policy objectives should be primarily achieved. Afterwards, the way of tactical and operational implementation of the set objectives should be defined within the strategy specifying the constitutional and legal institutional frameworks for its implementation. Considerable attention is devoted to the positioning of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union and NATO, the United States of America and the Russian Federation as well as to the participation of Serbia in the work of universal and regional organizations. The paper also analyses the bilateral and multilateral relations in the Western Balkans region.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. "BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
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Martynov, Andriy, and Hanna Harlan. "The Aleksander Kwasniewski’s Polish Diplomatic Breakthrough to the EU and NATO (Natalia Buglay’s «Kwasniewski’s Epoque in Polish foreign policy (1995–2005)» review) 181-189." European Historical Studies, no. 9 (2018): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.09.181-189.
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The monograph delivers a complex study of shaping the foreign policy strategy and of implementing the priorities of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland in 1995-2005. Through utilizing a wide and diverse source material and large amount of literature, the conceptual and historical basis, the regulatory and institutional framework of the foreign policy of Poland have been investigated. Particular attention is paid to the complex implementation process of the key tasks of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland related to its accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. According to the research materials, the successful Euro-Atlantic and European integration of the Republic of Poland managed top have strengthened the position thereof on the international arena and brought peace and security to Poland. What is more, the integration has led to democratic changes in the legislative sphere, has increased its macroeconomic stability and has improved the situation in the social sphere. Special attention is paid to the East direction of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. In particular, the patterns and stages of the development of good neighborly relations with Ukraine have been underlined, for the latter had reached the level of strategic partnership in the investigated period. The formation of stable relations with Belarus, Lithuania and the Russian Federation has been outlined as well. The role, the problems and the prospects of the cross-border cooperation and activities of the European regions to deepen and improve their cooperation have been examined individually.
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Zhildikbaeva*, A., and S. Elemesov. "ORGANIZATION OF LAND USE ON AGRICULTURAL LANDS IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Izdenister natigeler, no. 3 (91) (September 30, 2021): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37884/3-2021/03.
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In the article the experiences of foreign countries in the organization of land use, such aspects as: forms of ownership, restrictions on the size of land, the development of rental relations in different countries of the world, the opinions of various authors are considered. The minimum and maximum sizes of land use granted to one person in the countries of the world have been analyzed. Direct payments to farmers in European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) countries have been studied. The analysis of the current legislation on land turnover in foreign countries has been presented.
The current restrictions on the size of land plots provided for rent and private ownership to one individual and legal entity are given. The results of the work of the Land Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the identified costs in the process of land reform are presented. The measures taken by the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan to eliminate them by introducing a moratorium for 5 years on the sale of land to private ownership are outlined and the main directions for improving land relations in Kazakhstan are outlined.
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SILJANOVSKA, Liljana. "THE INFLUENCES OF PUBLIC RELATIONS AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT IN THE BUSINESS SECTOR: A CASE STUDY IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v6i2.344.
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The subject of this research is the preparedness of companies in terms of crisis management under the conditions of various endogenous and exogenous factors, such as economic growth, new technologies, the Internet, media, social media, as well as unfair competition. That being said, the purpose of this research is setting up the tactics of communication which should be developed good communication of the message to the members of the target group. Medium and large companies operating in the Republic of North Macedonia are taken as an example for this research. These are companies in the field of water production, telecommunications, design and printing of material, work with social networks, as well as providing services. In addition, the two largest PR agencies in Macedonia were included in the research as well, which significantly contributes to its validity results. As a candidate country for membership in the European Union, in the Macedonian business sector it is necessary to raise awareness of the existence of a team in companies that will contribute to their readiness for future crisis situations, coordination and work efficiency. It is to be anticipated for the obtained results of this research to significantly promote and advance the country’s serious intention of such ambitious international tendencies.
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Magaš, Damir. "Kraj hegemonije i dominacije u Jugoistočnoj Europi." Geoadria 9, no. 2 (January 11, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.135.
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At the end of the 20th century the SE European region was surviving one of the most difficult periods of changing hegemony and dominance circumstances. The disintegration of the communist world and the collapse of former Yugoslavia, as part of the process, could be considered as the result of the new relations among big powers’ hegemonic systems. The NATO spreads to the European east (Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland etc.), which has direct influence on SE Europe. After new countries (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia) had been internationally recognised in 1992, and the loyal Slovenian and Croatian partnership with NATO in the Kosovo action in 1999 was proved, it is obvious that regional hegemony of the Serbia core region does not exist any more. Also Russian (former Soviet) attempts to play the role of the dominant leader in this region have been suppressed to a minimum. The author discusses European Union interests in this zone, and the way European countries include themselves in the process of pacifying and developing the region. After Slovenia joined the European Union in 2004, Bulgaria, Romania, and Croatia are expected to satisfy the conditions for entering EU in next 3 to five years. In the same time Serbia and Montenegro enters a new, more democratic phase of its development.
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Gladkov, I. S. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE EU PARTNERSHIP WITH JAPAN, THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 3 (October 24, 2018): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2018-3-19-30.
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Lenoir, Noëlle. "The Representation of Women in Politics: From Quotas to Parity in Elections." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2001): 217–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.2.217.
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Although the Republic in France is traditionally represented by the image of Marianne, this symbol is far from illustrating the role played by women in public life. The fact is that in terms of women's representation in politics, France still shares with Greece the bottom place in the European Union. And this is one of the great paradoxes that foreign observers like to highlight in France.
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Danilov, Dmitriy. "Russia – EU: Dialogue without Dialogue." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22021715.
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The article deals with the problems of political and diplomatic relations between Russia and the European Union. The key event was the meeting of Josep Borrel as the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Moscow in February 2021. The Russian side considered it as an opportunity to outline the prospect of resuming the political dialogue interrupted by the European Union in 2014, notably in the context of the reviewing a strategy on Russia initiated by the EU. The author analyzes the differences in the approaches of European countries and institutions in the context of the ongoing aggravation of Russia – EU relations. The main result of the meeting was not its «ineffectiveness», but, on the contrary, its obvious counterproductive effect. The EU has even more consolidated its policy of deterring Russia and increasing sanctions pressure, which actually closes the prospect for systemic dialogue. In this context, the political and diplomatic conflict in connection with the mass expulsion of Russian diplomats by the Czech Republic (the «Czech case») and the narrowing of opportunities to compensate for the EU-Russia dialogue shortcomings by bilateral tracks are also considered. In conclusion, some finding are presented regarding the perspective Russian reaction.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Cavatorta, Francesco. "The European Union’s Critical Engagement with the Syrian Arab Republic." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (December 1, 2010): 629–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010045.
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This article examines the way in which the Syrian search for a renewed partnership with Europe has met with the corresponding European Union (EU) foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). In particular, the impact on the EU of dealing with Syria has not been analysed. This article contributes to fill this gap and examines the founding principles and policy mechanisms of EU engagement with Syria and what they tell us about the priorities, interests, and beliefs of the EU. This is important because the nature of the Syrian regime provides us with the possibility to explore how the EU engages with countries that have a very problematic relationship with the West. What emerges is that EU policy-making is not only highly complex but is greatly influenced by the regime with which it works and therefore, contrary to what many argue, is a pragmatic actor in international relations.
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Shumilov, M. M., and O. I. Shmidt. "South Tyrol Issue as a Factor of Interstate Relations between Italy and Austria." Administrative Consulting, no. 6 (August 8, 2020): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-6-64-81.
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The research highlights the ethnopolitical conflict within the European Union (using the example of the South Tyrol autonomy). The article states the reasons for the formation of separatist sentiments on the territory of this region, considers in detail the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Austria and the relationship between Austria and Italy. This paper discusses the historical background and the current state of the ethnopolitical conflict in the South Tyrol region. The purpose of the study is to disclose the nature and manifestations of the conflict, policy statements, documents, reasons and actions of Austrian and Italian officials, aimed at escalating as well as settlement of the conflict. Taking into consideration the objectives and preferences of the local population, the authors question the possibility of further autonomization of the Italian province and its political self-determination. However, they do not exclude the future aggravation of the conflict and exacerbation of the Austria-Italy relations in the context of the European Union transformation.
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Puslecki, Zdzislaw W. "The Need to Establish a New Format for Trade Political Relations between European Union and China." Research in Economics and Management 4, no. 3 (June 12, 2019): p133. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v4n3p133.
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In this research work, Author focus on the analysis the need to establish a new format for trade-political relations between European Union and People Republic of China. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress especially in China, the growth of economic ties with the European Union and the benefits resulting from liberalised of the China foreign trade policy under WTO. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime between EU and China. Their commercial relations are too important to become hostage to political grandstanding or airy rhetoric by politicians performing for domestic galleries. Europe is China’s largest export market, and China now ranks second on Europe’s list of key trading partners. Trade with China dwarfs any other trade relation Europe has with emerging Asia. Disturbing this relationship would have ramifications for sales, growth and employment. The Chinese government is less concerned today about Western criticisms of China’s autocratic system, but the Chinese people have grown more nationalistic and represent a potentially greater threat to commercial relations. Commercial interests in autocratic regimes cause political dilemmas. The main aim of the paper is the presentation the need to establish a new format for trade political relations between European Union and China.
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Restrepo Amariles, David, Amir Ardelan Farhadi, and Arnaud Van Waeyenberge. "RECONCILING INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LAW AND EUROPEAN UNION LAW IN THE WAKE OF ACHMEA." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 4 (September 18, 2020): 907–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589320000299.
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AbstractThe decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Slovak Republic v Achmea dealt a major blow to the predictability of the legal regime for the protection of foreign investments, whilst failing to offer a realistic, clear and sustainable solution for the protection of investments within the European single market. Commentators have mainly considered its implications from the perspective of the European Union or International Investment Law, and the potential conflict of regimes. This article offers a different approach, arguing that a reading of Achmea based on a moderate version of legal pluralism could adequately respond to the legitimate concerns about the case from both international and European legal perspectives. It is argued that the imprecision of the decision is in fact constructive ambiguity, allowing a sufficient margin of appreciation for all stakeholders and avoiding direct confrontation between the European and international legal orders. Recent developments, such as the innovative EU agreement for the termination of intra-EU BITs, point to new opportunities for ordering pluralism in the Achmea saga.
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Shi, Fangjun. "A Preliminary Research on the Art Exchange Activities Between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989." Studies in Art and Architecture 1, no. 1 (December 2022): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/saa.2022.12.04.
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After the end of the Second World War, Germany was divided into two parts. The political, economic, cultural, and artistic policies implemented by the German Democratic Republic (also known as East Germany), dominated by socialist ideology, followed the pace of the Soviet Union. At the beginning of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, it maintained friendly and cooperative relations with Eastern European countries such as the GDR. It organized a variety of exchange activities at the cultural level. From the perspective of the sociology of art, this paper discusses the foreign exchange strategies of the founding of China and the Eastern European countries that were also socialist camps, especially the art development of the GDR. At the same time, it sorts out the art exchange activities and interactive trajectories between China and the GDR from 1949 to 1989, thus deepening the understanding of cultural exchanges with foreign countries during the construction of China.
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ONUR TAŞ, BEDRI KAMIL, KAMALA DAWAR, PETER HOLMES, and SÜBIDEY TOGAN. "Does the WTO Government Procurement Agreement Deliver What It Promises?" World Trade Review 18, no. 4 (October 26, 2018): 609–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745618000290.
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AbstractWe examine the impact of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) on government procurement practices in the European Union (EU). We analyse empirically whether the WTO GPA is effective in promoting non-discriminatory, open, transparent, competitive, and cost-effective government procurement. To study this question, we use a unique data set recently released by the EU, covering more than three million tenders conducted in the European Economic Area, Switzerland, and Macedonia during the years 2006–2016. We find that the WTO GPA promotes competition by increasing the probability of awarding a contract to a foreign firm. In addition, the WTO GPA significantly lowers corruption risk by decreasing the number of contracts with single bidders, and by decreasing total number of wins by a single firm. Finally, the WTO GPA fosters cost-effective public procurement by lowering the probability that the procurement price is higher than estimated cost.
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Terentev, Pavel, and Yulia Vlasova. "Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.
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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.
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Plenta, Peter. "The European Two-Level Game in Central Asia: Visegrad Countries and Kazakhstan." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702004.
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Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
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Каширкина, Анна, and Anna Kashirkina. "Eurasian Economic Union: Borders Extension and Legal Reality." Journal of Russian Law 4, no. 11 (October 31, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21996.
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Eurasian integration and the functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union are important parameters for the development of the modern practices of international organizations and associations. The study of the features of the ways of the Eurasian integration is necessary to determine further ways of improvement of the Eurasian Economic Union and efficiency upgrading of it. The article focuses on the scientific problems of possible growth and expansion of the Eurasian Economic Union. The author shows different possible ways of such movement and growth. Extensive way of growth should be seen in the enlargement of the member-states of the Eurasian Economic Union. In this case it should be noted that during two years of functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union, established by of three States — Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, have joined the Republic of Armenia and the Kyrgyz Republic. Another way is increasing and intensification, i.e. intensification of international relations of the Eurasian Economic Union with different subjects of international law, primarily States and international organisations as SCO, ASEAN, European Union. It must be accented the entry of the Eurasian economic Union into the international stage of foreign trade relations with Vietnam and Serbia. In the forecast is conclusion of treaties with China, Israel, Mongolia and South Korea. In such relationships the Eurasian Economic Union will be able to implement its international legal personality, which is stipulated by the Agreement on the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.
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The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.