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1

BÁBA, Iván. "Central Europe Within the European Union." Central European Papers 9, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25142/cep.2021.002.

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2

Slowinski, Joseph. "SOCRATES Invades Central Europe." education policy analysis archives 6 (April 27, 1998): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v6n9.1998.

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The objective of this article is to explore the current reality faced by higher education students in Central and Eastern Europe and to draw out the implications of this current reality for policy makers in the future. In the article, I explore the influence of transnational corporations' training programs on education as it currently pertains to Central and Eastern European higher education and employment. In addition, multinational corporate entities exercise influence on European Union policy through the role of lobby organizations and activities. I explore the influence of these practices on education with an emphasis on the emerging importance of Western language skills. In addition, I focus on the European Union and its efforts to expand into Central and Eastern Europe in order to provide a focal point for analysis.
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3

Adamczyk, Sławomir. "Inside the trade union family: The ‘two worlds’ within the European Trade Union Confederation." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 2 (March 2, 2018): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118760630.

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The enlargement of the EU in 2004 and 2007 to the post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe brought an encounter between two distinct ‘trade union worlds’ in terms of attitudes towards European integration. Unions from the old EU Member States want to defend their existing national standards, while those from Central and Eastern Europe have nothing to defend and look for solutions at EU level. I ask whether it is possible for the European Trade Union Confederation to realize a trade union vision of ‘Social Europe’ based solely on the perspectives of the West.
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4

Bridgford, Jeff, Michal Košt'al, Dušan Martinek, Yuliya Simeonova, and Janusz Zabiega. "Trade union education in Central and Eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 486–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600311.

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The changes in Central and Eastern Europe that were set in motion at the end of the 1980s threw up a variety of challenges for trade union organisations and placed new demands on their officers and representatives, which in turn produced a range of new training needs. This article intends to start a process - gaining a better understanding of trade union education provision in Central and Eastern Europe. Evidence from four case studies - KNSB (Bulgaria), ČMKOS (Czech Republic), KOZ SR (Slovak Republic) and NSZZ Solidarność (Poland)- shows that trade union organisations have continued to consider education as an integral part of their development strategy, and have established structures for the aggregation of training needs and for the delivery of training within their organisations. In the absence of systematic funding from the state or of agreements with employers' organisations, trade unions carry the financial burden themselves, on occasions with support from western trade union organisations and European or international organisations. The pattern of trade union education provision is generally structured so as to ensure a 'stepped' pathway for the learner, and emphasis is placed, unsurprisingly, on capacity-building. The twin-track approach undertaken by ETUCO provides a response to certain specific needs articulated by CEEC trade unions and also enables a limited number of CEEC trade union officers and representatives to participate in pan-European trade union education activities. However further resources will be needed to increase the number of training activities to the level required to respond adequately to the training needs of ETUC-affiliated organisations in the CEECs.
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5

Muskaj, Blerina. "Democracy in Central Eastern Europe and European Union." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/202nch96.

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Some of the countries in the region have contributed through assistance programs to develop and align their democracies with what the EU itself lobbies. EU aid to CEE is seen as a phenomenon of EU-perceived responsibility in the interaction of new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. This paper will create a genuine study of the perceived responsibility for the development of democracies in these countries. It paints a clear picture of the development of democracy and the need for CEE countries to be under EU assistance. The assistance coming from this institution has given and continues to contribute to developing a democracy with strong executive foundations for society and beneficial to the region. In this way, the EU manages to achieve its objectives of achieving a federal union. When we say federal union we mean a Europe with the same democratic values and executive standards.In this paper the EU's responsibility for the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe is seen in activities with EU programs to enhance institutions above democratic values. Having access to the issues facing the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, the Council Acquis provides an overview in the field of democracy. The paper gives us the opportunity to look more closely at democratic forces in countries where the latter is still developing, aiming not only at the analysis of democracy, but also at the analysis of the European common market. We will look at these two EU phenomena in the context of the EU's perceived responsibility for the interaction of new democracies in CEE. The EU has undertaken this responsibility in the context of strengthening, developing and maturing new democracies on the European Continent. Giving its contribution through various programs designed in the form of grants, which are given to countries that are in the process of maturation, in the form of programs that pave the way for development. The question that arises at this stage is: Does democracy help in a market economy?
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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.

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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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7

Horváth, Gy. "Regional Policy in Europe." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.6.

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Among European Union policies, regional policy has always been considered a key domain due to its considerable role in negotiation of interests between mem-ber countries and distribution of European Union funds. Its significance, however, is expected to increase further as soon as countries of the Central Eastern Euro-pean region join the European Union and start lobbying for the concentration of European Union resources in the area. The new member states of the EU will stand on the periphery – not only in the geographical sense, but also regarding their level of economic development.
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8

Czarzasty, Jan, Sławomir Adamczyk, and Barbara Surdykowska. "Looking for European solutions. Trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe striving for cross-border solidarity." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 10, 2020): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933117.

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This article deals with the dilemmas faced by trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the context of their relations with western European (EU-15) unions and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). The issue of cross-border solidarity is re-examined, taking into account its historical meanings as well as current developments under the pressures of globalisation and EU integration. The article analyses key factors affecting East–West trade union relations – different views within the ETUC, discontinuities in European social dialogue, challenges faced by European works councils and the uncertain future of transnational company agreements. Major dilemmas CEE unions cope with vis-à-vis their western counterparts are outlined. The question of how to achieve a common interest platform for trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe and from western Europe is raised, followed by a suggestion that ‘downward convergence’ in industrial relations is bringing the two regions closer.
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9

Slavinskaite, Neringa. "Fiscal decentralization in Central and Eastern Europe." Global Journal of Business, Economics and Management: Current Issues 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2017): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjbem.v7i1.1236.

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The paper analyses the level of fiscal decentralization (FD) in selected countries of European Union for 2014 year. The empirical analysis was based on the method of multicriteria decision-making. Method of Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) was used as framework for the analysis. In order to evaluate the different level of fiscal decentralization, the same analysis was applied to subsets of countries categorized into two groups - Central and Eastern Countries. The empirical results show that developed countries of European Union has higher degree of fiscal decentralization than countries of Eastern andCentral Europe. These results show that local government of developed countries (such like Sweden or Denmark) has more power for financial solutions then developing countries (Estonia o rPoland). Fiscal decentralization index in Lithuaniais the lowest among 14 countries of European Union. Originality of this article that was used new fiscal decentralization index, which consists of 26 indicators.
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10

Reinhard, Janine. "Book Review: Europe: The European Union and Central Asia." Political Studies Review 10, no. 1 (January 2012): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2011.00255_13.x.

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11

Gavrilova, S. "New European Union strategy for Central Asia." Diplomatic Service, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2004-08.

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For several decades, the European Union has been steadily increasing its presence in Central Asian countries. The EU's interests in the region are due to a number of reasons, including the desire to expand its influence in the Central Asian countries, the high importance of the region as a transit corridor between Europe and China, the prospects for economic cooperation, and the importance of the region's energy potential. In May 2019 The European Union has presented a new Strategy for Central Asia, designed to intensify cooperation in a number of areas of interaction. The new strategy is aimed at both implementing these interests and expanding cooperation in a number of other areas.
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12

Schmidt, Andrea. "The Uncertain Revival of Central Europe – Central European Thought from a Hungarian Perspective." Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (February 1, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0001.

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AbstractThe recent crisis that, the European Union has had to face certainly raises questions about the current state of Europe. The question about the legacy of regional integration; the debate between the standpoints about the vision on the European Union with the necessity of strong nations or on the contrary, the opportunity of deepening the cohesion that could lead to the united states of europe; in other words, political integration, the deepest step of regional integration. the paper deals with the problem of the concept on central europe from the standpoint of various concepts; the question of mapping, the meaning of borders, the ways of identification appear in this paper. the difference between the concept of mittel europe and central europe also appear in the paper. analysing the question of central europe it is also inevitable to examine the meaning of central europe from historical context. after the end of the cold war and as the consequence of the euro-atlantic integration, the concept of central europe changed a bit. while during the bipolar system this phenomenon served as a differentiation of the groups of countries being located in the soviet sphere of interest. being central european meant something that was much more engaged with progressive approach in democratization, transformation rather than a sign of nostalgia towards the historical past.
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13

Dominguez, Kathryn M. E. "The European Central Bank, the Euro, and Global Financial Markets." Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 4 (August 1, 2006): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.20.4.67.

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The economic case for European monetary union was shaky at best when it was first discussed 35 years ago. Europe's leaders felt that monetary union was the capstone to their efforts to create an integrated Europe, and much to the rest of the world's surprise, they succeeded. The introduction of the euro and the establishment of the European Central Bank (ECB) as the monetary authority of Europe went much more smoothly than many predicted. But nagging doubts about the wisdom of integration persist. The slim margins by which the Maastricht Treaty passed and the wide margin on which the European Constitution failed are reminders that Europeans are still wary of giving up their national sovereignty. This wariness also influences the ability of the ECB to efficiently take over monetary policy and limits the ability of the euro to become a true rival of the dollar in global financial markets.
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14

Baranov, Nikolai. "Central‑Eastern Europe in the European Political and Historical‑Geographical Context." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.03.

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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe were singled out from the European context because of their cultural and historical background. These states, historically parts of empires, after the World Wars were located between the great powers and served as the watershed between the West and Eastern Europe, with which Soviet Russia was associated. After the collapse of the socialist system, and then the Soviet Union, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were oriented toward European integration structures. Despite the queue for entry into the European Union, the dividing lines in Europe have not disappeared, which indicates the political nature of the processes on the continent, even though the need for cooperation to solve urgent European problems is high.
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15

Bean, Charles R. "Economic and Monetary Union in Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no. 4 (November 1, 1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.4.31.

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The European Council's Maastricht Agreement maps out a precise route to monetary union and the eventual introduction of a common currency. My discussion begins with a look at the general arguments for and against monetary union. I shall then discuss the proposed constitution of the European Central Bank and whether it is likely to be conducive to monetary stability, together with some of the problems posed by the transition to the new regime. Finally, I will turn to the issue of rules for the conduct of fiscal policy and the question of “fiscal federalism.”
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16

E. Kanet, Roger. "The Russian Challenge to the European Union." Debater a Europa, no. 18 (January 23, 2018): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_18_4.

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After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe – especially Central and Eastern Europe – and relations that mirror some of the worst days of the Soviet-Western cold war. The central issues in the dispute include Moscow’s commitment to rebuilding ‘Greater Russia,’ the European Union (EU)’s goal of surrounding itself with stable democratic states, and the fact that these goals conflict in post-Soviet Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. The revival of the Russian economy and political system under Vladimir Putin has enabled Moscow to use various forms of coercive diplomacy, including outright military intervention, to pursue its goals. The EU’s support for democratic governances in the region is viewed in Moscow as a direct challenge to Russia’s interests and to the Russian state itself. The result has been a confrontation between the two sides, as Russia challenges the very nature of the liberal international system put into place by the EU and its U.S. allies in the post-World War II period. It is important to note that the US-Russian relationship overlaps with and contributes to the standoff in Europe.
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17

Bianchini, Stefano. "L'Europa orientale a venti anni dal 1989." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078001.

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- Eastern Europe twenty years on looks retrospectively at the radical changes that have occurred in East-Central Europe since 1989. Despite the Cold War, cultural, economic and social exchanges and "métissages" had developed between the two parts of Europe. The communist collapse of 1989 offered a simultaneous opportunity of reforms and integration, given the interdependence between the "post-socialist transition" and the double process of the Eu enlargement and deepening. Nationalism however has emerged in opposition to integration (and globalization) in both Eastern and Western Europe, giving a new dimension to processes that increasingly have emphasized how Europe is no longer divided in an East-West dichotomy, but displays similar problems in dealing with diversity, social welfare, effective governance and mutual recognition.Key words: Post-socialist transition, European Union, métissage, Nationalism, Globalization.Parole chiave: transizione post-socialista, Unione europea, meticciato, nazionalismo, globalizzazione.
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18

Rogalewski, Adam. "Organising and mobilising Central and Eastern European migrant women working in care. A case study of a successful care workers’ strike in Switzerland in 2014." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 4 (October 3, 2018): 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918800407.

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This article analyses the experience of Unia, the largest Swiss trade union, in organising Central and Eastern European (CEE) migrant workers in the context of the female workers’ strike that took place in 2014 at Primula, a small care company in Switzerland. The article argues that it is crucial to take into consideration the mobilisation potential of female workers from Central and Eastern Europe and that, combined with adequate support from the union, this could become a powerful tool for advancing their rights. Moreover, their mobilisation potential and collective agency, if properly channelled by trade unions, could also be deployed for the benefit of local workers. Finally, the article suggests that western European trade unions may want to reconsider their approach to organising Central and Eastern European women migrants and recognise their potential for active involvement in the union.
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Randzio-Plath, Christa. "The euro - our future in Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 1 (February 1998): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400107.

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Economic and Monetary Union has been created to complete the single market, to provide optimal macro-economic conditions for employment-enhancing growth and to promote further political integration in the European Union. Unfortunately in the discussion about monetary union the reasons why Europe needs EMU have been almost forgotten. As the future European Central Bank will be solely responsible for European monetary policy and thus be influencing strongly the overall macro-economic framework in Europe, the question of democratic accountability of monetary authorities needs to be debated. EMU is Europe's answer to the challenges of the 21 st century.
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20

Kamusella, Tomasz. "Central Europe in the Distorting Mirror of Maps, Languages and Ideas." Polish Review 57, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 33–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41557950.

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Abstract Central Europe is as much invented as the continent of Europe, and as any human concept for that matter. But when people subscribe to and act in accordance with a concept of this kind, it becomes reality, that is, part of social reality. This essay, in an interdisciplinary manner, traces the origins and the functioning of Central Europe as a concept through the lens of cartography, history and culture. From the vantage of intellectual and political discourse, the usually nebulous idea of Central Europe was a reply to the disappearance of empires in this region after 1918, and to the rise of totalitarianism in 1938-48. After the period of "occlusion" during the communist years (when the concept was preserved among Central European émigré scholars in the West as "East Central Europe"), it resurfaced in the 1980s as a cultural-cum-political banner, under which refusniks and dissident intellectuals proclaimed their protest, seeing the Soviet bloc countries as different from the Soviet Union, then identified with Eastern Europe. In the postcommunist 1990s Central Europe flourished as a cultural and political concept, but following the 2004-07 eastward enlargement of the European Union, its significance was reduced to culture only. Time will show whether any need for Europa Centralis may still remain.
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21

Major, Iván. "Will Central and Eastern European Countries Dismantle the European Union?—Contrasting European Developments to Current Trends in the US." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 5, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): p234. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v5n2p234.

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This paper analyzes the historical background of the current developments in Central Eastern Europe, in other parts of Eastern Europe and in previously member countries of the former Soviet Union. The author concludes that the political and economic transformation of these countries to a solid democracy and well-functioning market economy have not been successful for most of them yet, and this may have serious consequences on the European Union, too.The paper contrasts these trends with what we can observe in the United States now. The author turns to the “hard facts” next, when he discusses the different factors of human and economic development and the issue of migration in the Central and East European post-socialist countries and in a selected group of advanced countries.
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22

Langewiesche, Renate. "The European Trade Union Confederation affiliates trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 2, no. 1 (February 1996): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899600200120.

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23

Schmidt, Andrea. "The Uncertain Revival of Central Europe." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.11.

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The recent crisis the European Union had to face raised the question it there still exists a cleavage that divides the “old Europe” from the Eastern regions. The phenomenon, Central Europe can be examined from the historical, cultural, geographic and political perspective searching for the answer, how many parts the European continent can be divided into. Accepting the tripartite division, this “middle” position had various roles in the historical context. The aim of the paper is to investigate the changes in the perception of this special position based mostly on the works of Hungarian researchers. Analysing their thoughts, it is also our intention to examine the Central European concept and to point how this region was searching for its position during the system change, and what additional meaning was given to this region from the 1980s to nowadays. In order to extend the investigation, this paper also focuses on the problem whether Central Europe serves as a historical reference point losing its importance with the European integration, or if it can serve as an obstacle in the deepening of the European integration.
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Dyduch, Joanna. "Israel and East-Central Europe." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360103.

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Israel’s policy toward the region of East-Central Europe (ECE) started changing notably from 2004 onward, in response to the European Union (EU) enlargement process. The following years brought a further development of Israel’s position toward the region and substantial changes in Israel’s European policy. This article aims to track this evolution: not only Israel’s position but also the shape as well as the content of bilateral and multilateral relations between Israel and selected ECE states. For the purpose of this analysis, special attention is paid to Israel’s relations with Poland and Hungary, with primary focus on Israel’s approaches and policy orientations. The article argues that while the ideological changes that occurred almost simultaneously in Poland, Israel, and Hungary at first created favorable conditions for the strengthening of bilateral and multilateral relations between all three countries, they soon became a divisive factor and obstacles to cooperation.
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Polster, Csilla. "Economic Development and Growth in Central and Eastern Europe." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 24, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.24.31.

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The study investigates the economic growth in Central and Eastern Europe in the last 25 years. The economy can be regarded as a substantial topic in any country, but it is even more interesting in developing countries. One of the basic ideas of the European Union is the convergence between member states, namely the reduction of development disparities, which can be achieved through faster economic growth in less‑developed countries. Growth theory is one of the main topics in economics. Its significant importance is because the desire for development is one of the main driving forces of mankind. The aim of the study is to reveal the crucial differences and common features between the growth paths of the eleven Central and Eastern European member states of the European Union. After presenting growth theories, the growth performance of the examined Central and Eastern European member states is pinpointed. During the research, GDP per capita, population, migration, activity rate, employment rate, unemployment rate, foreign direct investment and foreign trade openness are considered.
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McMENAMIN, IAIN. "Varieties of Capitalist Democracy: What Difference Does East-Central Europe Make?" Journal of Public Policy 24, no. 3 (December 2004): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x04000170.

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The establishment of capitalist democracies in East-Central Europe raises the question of whether existing accounts of varieties of capitalist democracy need to be revised. This article provides a systematic quantitative comparison of varieties of capitalist democracy in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland with 19 other OECD countries. It finds that the East-Central European cases constitute a distinctive cluster; that they have much in common with Greece, Iberia and Ireland and that they are closer to the continental European than the liberal variety of capitalist democracy. These results have important implications for the internal politics of the European Union, prospects of an East-Central European repeat of the relative success of Ireland and the Mediterranean in the European Union, and debates about the influence of neo-liberalism on public policy.
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Podkaminer, Leon. "Central and Eastern Europe: Trapped in integration?" Acta Oeconomica 65, s1 (December 2015): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.65.2015.s1.6.

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The Central and Eastern European new Member States of the European Union (CEECs) went through the transition process following the commandments of the Washington Consensus, which gradually evolved into the “integrative growth model”. External liberalisation exposed the CEECs to recurring problems over external imbalances, bubbles driven by capital inflows, and resulting growth instabilities. Large foreign direct investment inflows attracted by repressed wages and low taxes do not accelerate growth. Arguably, real convergence would be much faster under a system with built-in limitations to free trade, free capital movements – and with more scope for traditional industrial, trade, incomes, and fiscal policies.
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Koller, Boglárka. "Book review: The European polis by George Schöpflin." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 4 (2021): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.4.5.

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George Schöpflin’s latest monograph provides a unique understanding of the politics of contemporary Europe in two ‘interconnected essays’. The first part focuses on a comprehensive interpretation of the EU’s political community, the European polis. The author argues that political innovation has slowed considerably in the last decade, particularly after the Lisbon Treaty entered into force and the EU was gradually transformed into a punitive polis. The second part of the book focuses on the relationship between Central Europe and the European Union. Central Europe is European, but differently European. The shortcomings of the Eastern enlargement, Central Europe’s misadventure in the European Union and the unseen and unintended consequences of the 2004–2007–2011 enlargement waves all contributed to the development of a troubled relationship between the EU and its new members. The volume combines both theoretical and practical aspects, making it a relevant contribution to European Studies literature.
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "A threat from within? Perceptions of immigration in an enlarging European Union." Acta Sociologica 63, no. 4 (January 13, 2020): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699319890652.

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Scholars have taken a considerable interest in how global immigration to Europe generates public concern, but we still know little about the role that migration from within the European region has in fueling apprehensions. To better understand this, I examine how public attitudes towards immigration have responded to migration following the European Union’s most extensive enlargement along its eastern border in 2004. Using recent advances in multilevel modeling, this article analyzes the longitudinal, cross-sectional relationship between east–west internal European migration on public attitudes towards the economic and cultural aspects of immigration in Western Europe using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014). The results demonstrate that growing populations of Central and Eastern European foreigners have contributed to Western Europeans’ perception of immigration as an economic threat, even when taking into account simultaneous immigration from outside Europe. Moreover, the relationship between east–west immigration and an individual’s perception of immigration as a threat is conditional upon their socio-economic status. These findings underscore how within-European immigration in Western Europe has become consequential to the public’s attitudes about immigration more generally.
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Thorpe, Benjamin J. "Eurafrica: A Pan-European Vehicle for Central European Colonialism (1923–1939)." European Review 26, no. 3 (June 14, 2018): 503–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000200.

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‘Eurafrica’, the continental-scale fusion of Europe and Africa into one political entity, was first developed as a political concept in the 1920s by the Pan-European Union, and named as such in a 1929 article by its founder and leader Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. Within five years, this neologism had become a commonplace, as Eurafrica exploded across public political discourse. This paper unpacks what Eurafrica entailed in its original expression, what made it a useful concept for the Pan-European Union to employ, and what made it so appealing to a wider (European) public. It does so with particular reference to the way in which Eurafrica was presented as a means of opening up colonialism to those European states that lacked their own colonies. Partly, this meant appealing to German colonialists resentful at the stripping of Germany’s colonies at Versailles. Crucially, however, it also meant appealing to the broader ‘historical injustices’ that meant that Central European countries did not have access to colonies, and promising a future in which these intra-European ‘injustices’ could be transcended and Central Europeans could thus become equal partners in Europe’s mission civilisatrice in Africa.
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Friis, Lykke, and Anna Murphy. "The European Union and Central and Eastern Europe: Governance and Boundaries." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1999): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00160.

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32

Timmins, Graham. "European Union policy towards east‐central Europe: The prospects for enlargement." Contemporary Politics 3, no. 1 (March 1997): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569779708449912.

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Petersheim, Meredith-Joy. "The European Union and Consolidating Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of European Integration 34, no. 1 (January 2012): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2011.638064.

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Sadurski, Wojciech. "‘Solange, chapter 3’: Constitutional Courts in Central Europe-Democracy-European Union." European Law Journal 14, no. 1 (December 19, 2007): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2007.00400.x.

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Copeland, Paul. "Central and Eastern Europe: Negotiating Influence in an Enlarged European Union." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 3 (December 24, 2013): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.866756.

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Bideleux, Robert. "Karen Henderson (ed.), Back to Europe: Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union." European Foreign Affairs Review 5, Issue 3 (September 1, 2000): 433–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/276182.

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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Daniel Balsalobre-Lorente, Diogo Ferraz, and Irina Gabriela Rădulescu. "Energy Transition in Non-Euro Countries from Central and Eastern Europe: Evidence from Panel Vector Error Correction Model." Energies 15, no. 23 (December 1, 2022): 9118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15239118.

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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, from the non-euro area, have completed the process of economic transition before joining the European Union. Achieving a certain level of economic development and membership in the European Union have generated their involvement in a new transition process, namely the energy transition. Concerns about promoting the low carbon economy have become increasingly complex for those countries that are interested in the environmental impact of economic activity. This study aims to analyze the process of energy transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe on the basis of the causality relationship among specific variables for the period 1990–2018. The study is based on cross-sectional panel data and the panel vector error correction model (PVECM). The efforts made by these countries by joining the European Union have generated economic development, with positive effects being recorded on the protection of the environment, a fact due to the strict regulations adopted and rigorous implementation at the national level. Foreign capital had a positive impact on the transition to a low carbon economy because most of the FDI flows attracted by the non-euro countries in the CEE come from Western Europe, i.e., from EU member countries, located either among the founders or among the countries that joined during the first waves of union expansion. Membership in the European Union facilitates the energy transition process for the non-euro countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but the new geopolitical events generate the reconfiguration of the European strategy of considering the need to ensure energy security.
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Kurmanguzhin, R. S. "Kazakh Initiatives on Cooperation with European Union." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-184-192.

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The author of this article presents initiatives of the Republic of Kazakhstan to develop cooperation with the European Union that was initiated through 2000 - 2009. In 2000 the Republic of Kazakhstan proposed to EU Comment cooperation doctrine in Central Asia. The purpose of the doctrine lied in expanding cooperation in the areas of trade, economy and investment; in granting access to commodities and services from European markets; in developing collaboration in the areas of energy, transport, communication, finance and banking. In 2006 Kazakhstan introduced a new set of prepossess to the new European Union Strategy for Central Asian 2007-2013 that was developed under the chairmanship of Germany of the EU in the first half of 2007. The Strategy covered areas of cooperation such as regional integration, economic development, democratization, energy and security. In 2008 under the instructions of the President of Kazakhstan Ministry of Foreign Affairs in cooperation with other ministries developed a state programme "Path to Europe" for 2009 - 2011, which aided the priorities of cooperation between Kazakhstan and the European Union. "Path to Europe" has become a key initiative of the Kazakh foreign policy that was successfully implemented, as well as the most important document aimed at modernization of the national economy and the Kazakh society. In the beginning of2009 using the accumulated positive experience of cooperation with the EU and experience of a number of countries in Europe and Asia, Kazakhstan devised and submitted a concept of a new treaty which was supposed to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1995. The Republic of Kazakhstan's influence eventually persuaded the European Union to agree on the necessity of devising the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.
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Beller, Steven. "Commentary: Central Europe Is Elsewhere." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (January 2005): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004914.

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Paul robert magocsi has written an informative and intelligent article about the relationship between the various nation-states of central Europe that found themselves behind the Iron Curtain and their respective national diasporas in North America. His comparison of the relationship between the countries and their diasporas at the “temporal nodes” of 1918 and 1989 suggests that the real difference between the two was that in 1918 the ideal of the nation-state was in the ascendancy, both in America and among the various central European national groups, whereas in 1989 the American diasporas were still beholden to the nation-state ideal at a time when their counterparts “back home” had moved on from the outdated nation-state ideal to embrace the supranational—or at least multinational—ideal of the European Union. This explains the relative importance of the diasporas in 1918 and their unimportance in 1989. Given the parameters of his subject, this is in general a useful and thoughtful thesis. There are, however, some points of detail that I would like to address; and, particularly for those who are interested in Austrian history and notions of Central Europe (with a capital “C”), there are broader aspects to the question, outside the given parameters, that merit discussion. It is to these broader aspects, centering on what we mean by “central European diasporas” and indeed “central Europe,” that the following commentary is mainly devoted.
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Баева [Baeva], Искра [Iskra]. "Представата за Европа в модерна България – от Османската империя до Европейския съюз." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.010.

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Perceptions of Europe in modern Bulgaria – from the Ottoman Empire to the European Union The article demonstrates the construction of the notion of Europe during the modernization of Bulgarian society during the historical period from the Bulgarian Renaissance (1762) until the end of 20th century. The perception of Europe in Bulgaria depends mostly on the almost five‑century‑long Ottoman rule of Bulgarian lands which detached Bulgaria from the European civilization. Therefore, for the Bulgarians Europe represents the foreign, more developed part of the world, towards which they strive. Bulgaria only begins to rees­tablish its place in Europe with the restoration of the Bulgarian state following its Liberation (1878), achieved thanks to the Russian‑Turkish war of 1877–1878. The new Bulgarian state is based on a European template, but in the first decades following its independence, it faces European contradictions. The idea of Europe as a unitary whole is put in doubt as Bulgaria is the battleground where the interests of the Russian liberator and the Western European countries collide.The participation of Bulgaria in the two world wars on the side of the Central Powers and the Tripartite Pact leads to defeats and further detachment from Western Europe. Following World War II, Bulgaria falls into the Soviet sphere of influence, and Europe (understood as Western Europe) is associated with the image of the enemy for nearly half a century. This only changes with the end of the Cold War, when the conception of Europe is equated with the de­sired membership in the European Union, achieved on 1 January 2007. Bułgarskie wyobrażenia Europy w dobie nowożytnej – od Imperium Osmańskiego do Unii Europejskiej Artykuł ukazuje powstawanie obrazu Europy w społeczeństwie bułgarskim w okresie modernizacji trwającej od początku odrodzenia narodowego (1762) do końca XX wieku. Na jego kształcie wyraźne piętno odcisnęło trwające pięć wieków panowanie osmańskie, które oddzieliło Bułgarię od cywilizacji europejskiej; dlatego dla Bułgarów Europa stanowi ze­wnętrzną, bardziej rozwiniętą część świata, do której aspirują. O początkach europejskiej identyfikacji Bułgarów można więc mówić dopiero po utworzeniu państwa bułgarskiego, co nastąpiło po wyzwoleniu w 1878 roku, w wyniku wojny rosyjsko‑tureckiej 1877–1878. Nowe państwo bułgarskie powstawało zgodnie z wzorcami europejskimi, ale już w pierwszych de­kadach niezależności Bułgarzy doświadczyli Europy w kategoriach antynomii. Idea Europy jako całości została zakwestionowana, ponieważ w Bułgarii starły się z jednej strony interesy wyzwolicielskiej Rosji, a z drugiej państw zachodnioeuropejskich.Udział Bułgarii w wojnach światowych po stronie państw centralnych i państw Osi do­prowadził ją do upadku i ostatecznego odcięcia od Europy Zachodniej. Po II wojnie świato­wej Bułgaria znalazła się w sferze wpływów Związku Radzieckiego, przez niemal pół wieku Europa (rozumiana tu jako Europa Zachodnia) stanowiła synonim wroga. Ta sytuacja uległa zmianie dopiero po zakończeniu zimnej wojny, kiedy dla Bułgarii pojęcie „Europa” stało się tożsame z pożądanym członkostwem w Unii Europejskiej, co nastąpiło 1 stycznia 2007 roku.
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Ahner, D. "Agriculture and agricultural policy in the European Union." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 49, No. 2 (February 29, 2012): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5266-agricecon.

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The paper deals with the particular stages of development of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the last forty years. The process and impacts of CAP reforms are analyzed for the particular production industries of agriculture. The paper also presents a detailed description of Agenda 2000 and mid-term review of the Common Agricultural Policy in 2002 that brought about many proposals for the future working of CAP after accession of Central and Eastern European countries.
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Hloušek, Vít. "Guerra, Simona: Central and Eastern European Attitudes in the Face of Union." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (2015): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2015-2-168.

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43

Ben, Arfa. "Analysis of shocks affecting Europe: EMU and some central and eastern acceding countries." Panoeconomicus 56, no. 1 (2009): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0901021b.

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This paper deals with the synchronization of business cycles and economic shocks between the euro area and acceding countries. We therefore extract the business cycle component of output by using Hodrick-Prescott filter. Supply and demand shocks are recovered from estimated structural VAR models of output growth and inflation using long run restriction (Blanchard and Quah). We then check the (A) symmetry of these shocks by calculating the correlation between euro area shocks and those of the different acceding countries. We find that several acceding countries have a quite high correlation of demand shocks with the euro area however supply shocks are asymmetric; the correlation between euro area and central and east European countries (CEECs) is negative. We therefore conclude that joining the European Monetary Union is not yet possible: central and east European countries have to make structural changes to join the European Monetary Union.
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44

Rogelj, Boštjan. "Back to Europe - geopolitical discourses about Central and Eastern Europe inside institutions of European Union." Dela, no. 26 (December 31, 2006): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dela.26.9.181-202.

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45

MOLDOVAN, Bogdan Cosmin. "POLAND – MODEL OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE." Annals of the University of Oradea. Economic Sciences 31, no. 31(1) (July 15, 2022): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47535/1991auoes31(1)022.

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Regional development plays an important role in the economic and social policy of each Member State of the European Union. In this article, we have analyzed the absorption of European funds in Poland, their impact on regional development and identified the pragmatic ways to improve absorption, which will be useful in future financial years. The aim of the research is to identify the structure of the absorption system, the components on which it is built, the mode of operation and the determinants of the absorption process.
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46

Nitoiu, Cristian. "Lašas, A. (2010) European Union and NATO Expansion: Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Research 7, no. 2 (July 11, 2011): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v7i2.395.

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47

Hloušek, Vít. "Book Review: Europeanisation Revisited: Central and Eastern Europe in the European Union." Politické vedy 22, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2019.22.2.195-198.

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LAVENEX, S. "'Passing the Buck': European Union Refugee Policies towards Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Refugee Studies 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/11.2.126.

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49

KROSSA, ANNE SOPHIE. "Central European History and the European Union: The Meaning of Europe - Edited by S.J. Kirschbaum." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 46, no. 4 (September 2008): 921–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.00823_23.x.

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50

Ahonen, Pertti. "Ethnonationalism in European East – west borderlands:Weltanschauungenin the European Union and Central and Eastern Europe ∗ 1." Religion, State and Society 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490601110997.

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