Relevant bibliographies by topics / European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion"

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Timuş, Natalia. "The role of public opinion in European Union policy making: The case of European Union enlargement." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 7, no. 3 (September 2006): 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850601056470.

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dE VREESE, CLAES H., and HAJO G. BOOMGAARDEN. "Media Effects on Public Opinion about the Enlargement of the European Union*." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 44, no. 2 (June 2006): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00629.x.

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Tománková, Veronika. "Differentiated Support of the EU Enlargement in the Public Opinion: A Multivariate LISREL Analysis." Geografie 112, no. 1 (2007): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2007112010001.

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This paper provides an analysis of the public opinion in the EU countries concerning further enlargement. Public opinion plays an important role in the current integration processes and is an integral part of the research concerning the European Union. The differentiation in the support for the EU enlargement across 25 countries can be explained by the multivariate LISREL (linear structural equations) analysis that makes possible to identify a causal system through the explanatory model. The model includes structural and public opinion variables in the set of the twenty-five EU member states. Multivariate statistical analysis shows a low public opinion support for the EU enlargement in rich states and, on the other hand, a clear support in a group of post-communist member states.
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Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya. "European Union Enlargement and British Public Opinion: The Agenda-Setting Power of the Press." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2011.572642.

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Herța, Laura-M., and Delia Pop-Flanja. "Public Perception on the Western Balkan States’ Accession to the EU. Social-Constructivist Interpretations." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 2 (December 2021): 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.2.07.

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"The purpose of the article is to analyse, form a social constructivist perspective, public perception on the accession of Western Balkan States to the European Union. Public opinion is an important indicator of the current situation in the region, as well as of the level of preparedness, engagement, and availability of the society to the European project and to internalize European values. For a more comprehensive understanding of the evolution and dynamics of public opinion, and whether we can discuss enlargement or accession fatigue, we have made a comparative analysis of polls conducted in 2010 and 2020. Moreover, since general polls are sensitive barometers and cannot be properly understood without placing them in a wider context, we have extended our research to the factors that influence public perception and the exposure to disinformation. Keywords: Western Balkans, EU accession, public perception, social constructivism "
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Dudášová, Marianna. "Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries." Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.429-451.

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Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.
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Todorovic-Lazic, Jelena. "Challenges of the enlargement policy in the light of European Union transformation: Is the rise of Euroscepticism in Serbia inevitable?" Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 1 (2019): 80–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1901080t.

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The EU Summit in Thessaloniki in 2003 is often referred to as a milestone in the relations between the Western Balkans and the European Union because the region was given strong promises of a prospective European perspective through the Stabilization and Association Process. However, the initial enthusiasm that followed has melted over the coming years because the expectations of most countries in the region have not been met (with the exception of Croatia that became an EU member in 2013). Even though we get assurances from the Brussels that they will not give up on enlargement, it is obvious that this issue is not on the list of priorities of the EU at the moment. Not only that its decisiveness to encompass with enlargement the Western Balkans is on shaky grounds due to the numerous challenges that the EU is facing at the moment, but such decline in interest leads to a decline in interest in the countries of the mentioned region that are currently in the accession process. This further leads to the rise in Euroscepticism for which the Western Balkans is a breeding ground. The reasons for Euroscepticism existed even before the enlargement has been brushed aside from the Union agenda (those were mostly reasons related to pre-accession strategy for candidate countries/potential candidates and were present even in the case of countries of Eastern and Central Europe, even though there were also reasons specific for each of these countries.). However, it seems they have become stronger with the new developments in the Union. Incertitude of membership affects the rise of negative attitudes towards the Union in the public opinion of these countries which becomes manifest if we look at numerous public opinion polls. The focus of this paper will be the interpretation of the results of the research that the Institute for Political Studies conducted on an annual basis from 2015 to 2018.
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Földesi, Gyöngyi. "Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport?" Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 47, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0029-6.

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Can We Talk about European Public Policy in the Field of Sport?Despite the continuous deepening, development and enlargement, the members of the European Union still diverge in their policies and have to find a way to diminish this divergence. The social, economical and cultural significance of sport is well known in the whole of Europe. Accordingly, in the recent past, the various institutions of the European Union have come to pay more attention to sport issues. An important milestone of this was the European Commission issuing a White Paper on sport, and the inclusion of sport in the Lisbon Treaty. However the question is raised: Is there a European public policy of sport? The author's objective was to investigate this question. This paper aims to highlight the European sport policy and tries to find the answer to the following question: can we talk about European public policy in the field of sport? The research examines through the analysis of documents whether sport can be regarded as an element of public policy. We can talk about common public policy of a certain area if it corresponds to the following five criteria: content, social competence, coercive factor, normative orientation and programme. In the first part, the content and the social competence are analyzed, and then some critical issues of the definition, namely of the public policy will be discussed. In the opinion of the author, the most problematic criterion is the programme, which presumes at least a mid-term European sport conception. It is especially important that sport could fulfil its community building, identity-forming role to which it is suited in the continuously enlarging Europe. Finally the author draws the conclusion that the European sport policy corresponds partly to the above-mentioned criteria; however, the realization of the Pierre de Coubertin Action Plan included in the White Paper, and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty can create opportunities for sport to become a public policy of the European Union.
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Neunreither, Karlheinz. "The European Union in Nice: A Minimalist Approach to a Historic Challenge." Government and Opposition 36, no. 2 (April 2001): 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00061.

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In Early December 2000 The Political Leaders Of The European Union (EU) met in Nice in order to decide on the treaty adaptations needed before the enlargement envisaged for the next decade. The overall goal was to render the EU more efficient and its decision making more transparent. The outcome of this important event was widely considered as disappointing. Some observers even came to the conclusion that there were no leaders of the EU as such, but only rather narrow-minded, egotistical national leaders who did not – with minor exceptions – care about the ‘common good’ at all. Never had it become so evident, in the opinion of some, that the European perspective had been fading away for many years, and that it was being replaced by national considerations which are often short-sighted and limited to the horizon of the next national elections. One of the classical theories on European integration, neo-functionalism, measures the progress of integration in terms of the Europeanization of its political elites. From this perspective, the top decision-makers seem to be on a downward trend. Is it then a case for the opposite theory, that of intergovernmentalism, which claims that national interests continue to be in the centre of EU decision-making and that tough bargaining is of its very nature?
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MKRTCHYAN, LIKA. "The Border-making Policy of the Europe-an Union: Eastern Enlargement." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 2 (January 12, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20122.7.18.

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Having no internal borders, what is a border for the European Union (EU)? Which cri-teria does this powerful organization pursue in its decision-making on further expansion: geographical, political, cultural, economic or all of these? What is the profi t of the Union in advancing its external borders to the east? And why to the east and not the south or west across the Atlantic? Does it still mean that there is the reason for enlarging eastward based on the geographical belonging to Europe?1.This paper discusses the expansion of the European Union to the east with the main focus on its political and economic aspects of integration. The fi rst part includes intro-duction to the concept of Europe, historic background about the formation of the united Europe in terms of geography, culture, politics and economy, juxtaposing opinions and viewpoints of different experts and political scientists on “what is Europe?” and what are the core issues of its enlargement. The second and third parts are dedicated to the advan-tages and disadvantages of European Integration for both parties concerned – the EU and the candidate/member state, in the case of the former having its own “demarcation policy” towards certain regions of the continent when it comes to unifi cation. And the fourth part is about the communication and miscommunication of the informative bodies of the Euro-pean Union that are responsible for public awareness on any process that goes on within the European family. The lack of information results in the ignorance of citizens of Euro-pean and partner countries, which, of course, refl ects on the further processes of expansion on the political level and cultural perception and mentality on the social level.The conclusion sums up the research, and the bibliography lists the books, articles, monographs and Internet sources used in the course of the study.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion"

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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.

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After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.
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Bilgi, Seniz. "A Comparative Study Of The European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608588/index.pdf.

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This thesis mainly analyses the change in the enlargement strategy of the European Union (EU) especially in the case of Turkey. Although the Union has always sought ways to enlarge, it has been rather reluctant as far as accepting Turkey as a full member into the EU is concerned. In 2004, the EU enlarged so as to include the Central and East European countries (CEECs), but Romania and Bulgaria were left behind since they did not fulfill the membership criteria at the time. However, these two countries became members on January 1, 2007 and Turkey is still waiting in the line to become a member. Therefore, the writer has chosen Turkey and Bulgaria in order to analyze the change in the enlargement strategy of the Union. The medium to arrive at conclusions as regards the strategy is mainly the environmental aid as the two countries display noticeable differences. Furthermore, the enlargement strategy papers prepared by the European Commission have also been analyzed in order to see the changing attitude of the EU especially by re-introducing the concept of absorption capacity. Even though the Union states it keeps its open door to new members, the new enlargement strategy proves that it will be rather difficult for the candidate states and especially Turkey to enter into the EU.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Dan, Oana. "Public Opinion, National Party Positions, and the European Commission: Contours of the Public Sphere in the European Union." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10373.

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As the realm of social life where public opinion forms, the public sphere has been the focus of much theoretical debate and empirical operationalization in political sociology. However, by conceptualizing the public sphere as a nationally circumscribed and normatively defined space that excludes governance institutions, much existing research provides a limited set of tools to define and assess the structure of a supranational public sphere. A deeply integrated supranational polity, the European Union (EU) provides a revealing terrain for tracing the structure of a public sphere emerging between national politics and supranational institutions. In this dissertation, I delineate the contours of the supranational public sphere in the EU by exploring the subjective meanings, national political influences, and institutional interpretation of public opinion about political integration in the EU. I answer the following questions: (1) How salient is EU political integration among Europeans, and what does this concept mean to them? (2) How does Europeans' awareness about EU political integration vary across policies, time and social strata? (3) How is public opinion on EU political integration shaped by national political discourse, as reflected in the positions of national parties? (4) How do officials at the European Commission (EC) measure and interpret public opinion data, and to what extent are these data used to construct an image of the European public and an EU public sphere? Based on quantitative survey data and on interviews with French and Romanian citizens, I show that political integration in the EU remains a distant and abstract concept to which citizens attribute personalized or nationalized meanings. Longitudinal panel models show that public opinion on EU policy often relies on cues from national party discourse. Moreover, interviews with EC staff revealed that, because of logistical and institutional constraints that stifle civil servants' analytical aspirations, public opinion data collected by the EC fail to define a European public and to construct a supranational communicative space for this public. The EU public sphere is a product of supranational polity, but its public is absent and its structure remains nationally embedded.
Sociology
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Williams, Christopher J. "Does Euroscepticism Matter? the Effect of Public Opinion on Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc177264/.

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This dissertation seeks to test the proposition that public opinion is a driving force in integration, and thus examines the effect of euroscepticism on EU integration. Utilizing an understanding of integration as the process of European states achieving similar legal, social, cultural, political and economic policy outcomes while ceding greater policy power to European institutions, the relationship between aggregate level euroscepticism in EU member states (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Austria, and Sweden) and speed of compliance with EU policies is examined. More specifically, this dissertation examines the relationship between aggregate level euroscepticism in an EU member state, and the speed at which that state transposes EU directives. In testing this relationship a number of contextual conditions are examined, including the role of issue salience, domestic party systems, and electoral conditions. The findings of this dissertation suggest that the widely held belief that public opinion is driving European integration may be false.
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Sener, Hasan Engin. "Public Administration Reform In The Context Of The European Union Enlargement Process: The Hungarian And Turkish Cases." Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609836/index.pdf.

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In this study, administrative reform in the EU accession process was analysed with reference to the cases of Hungary and Turkey. The main goal of this study is to show that both objective (economy) and subjective (politics) factors are important and acceding countries to have room to manoeuvre in the context of the social-liberal framework of the EU. To this end, necessary causality between neoliberal administrative reform and EU accession, and determinism in the enlargement process, which leaves no room to manoeuvre for candidate countries, are denied. In conclusion, it is seen that since there is no public administration model, candidate countries are free to determine the content of the administrative reforms within the framework of general principles set by the EU. Moreover, it is found that the EU accession process is closely related to modernisation of the public administration system in the candidate countries and administrative reform has been overlapped and equalized to EU accession. Finally, it is understood that administrative reform with its extensive content, caused centralisation.
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Corbillon-Gulin, Ramon. "A study of how European Union IPRA practitioners viewed ethical issues : values, standards, social responsibility, and control." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014808.

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The lack of studies relating to the ethical needs and values of public relations professionals in the European Union indicated the need for a research study to ascertain: 1. the experience of European Union public relations professionals in confronting and resolving ethical issues, 2. what the needs are in charting an ethical course for individual professional conduct, 3.what the needs are to guide organizations in the ethical performance of public relations, and 4. the social responsibility of public relations.Nearly all of the quantitative studies have been devoted to an examination of the views of members of American public relations associations. Numerous authors have pointed out the value of ethical standards and of a means of enforcement of the standards for professions. In spite of an ongoing professional dialogue as to the need, little progress has been made in defining sanctions against those who violate ethical principles while defining themselves as public relations counselors.This study was based on a mail survey created and distributed by Sharpe in the Fall of 1993. Three questions from the 1972 Newsom's research study were added. Threehundred and fifty-five public relations practitioner members of the International Public Relations Association within the European Union in 1995 were identified as the population for this study. A 35.2% response rate was attained after two mailings.The typical respondent was male, had been in the profession from 10 to 30 years, held an accreditation, was a specialist and identified himself as a counselor. He related that he confronted ethical issues with frequency particularly in relation to relationships with clients, the news media, and customers. The majority of the ethical issues, which would have or had transgressed the organizational policies and personal/religious principles, consisted of: misleading information, promising more than could and was delivered, supporting a program with which he disagreed in principle, withholding information, and failure to accept responsibilities. He said that he resolved the last ethical issue encountered, which involved their organization's management performance, by pointing out the ethical issue and influencing an ethical action. He placed some value on both IPRA Codes. He saw all ethical issues as ethically wrong, especially those relating to sexual harassment, the sale of unsafe products and services, discrimination, establishing different pay scales for men and women doing the same work, withholding information for gain at expense of others, and promotion and sale of products in other countries that are unacceptable in the EU that place people at risk. He viewed the public relations profession as having a leading role in improving relationships between peoples of different races within a country and between countries. He saw public opinion as an effective control over public relations performance. Finally, he would recommend the establishment and communication of the organization's ethics code and performance policies so organizational management would be recognized for public relations performance. The employment of public relations officials with professional memberships obligating them to uphold a code of ethical conduct was viewed as a criteria that organizations should establish as evidence of the organization's commitment to ethical public relations.
Department of Journalism
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Zottarelli, Lisa K. "Coming in From the Cold: Integration into the European Union and Public Opinion on Democracy and the Market Economy in Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3099/.

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The political economy transformations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have received a great deal of attention over the past decade. The focus of much research has been to examine the internal national reorientations of the countries with regard to the changes in political and economic conditions. The importance of the international reorientation of these countries toward Western Europe in general and the European Union in particular has been generally overlooked. This dissertation examines public opinion on the political and economic transformations within the framework of the direction of the international reorientations of the countries. The countries were divided into three categories, those that can be expected to be invited to join the European Union in the next enlargement, those that can be expected to join the European Union in a subsequent enlargement, and the countries not seeking European Union membership. Public opinion on democracy and the market economy and attitudinal factors that influence these opinions are compared in 16 countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The data are from the Central and East European Barometers 3-7 (1992 - 1996). The findings suggest that general opinions regarding satisfaction with democracy are not related to the status of the country seeking membership in the European Union while support from the market economy does differ. When examining attitudinal factors that are related to satisfaction with democracy and support for the market economy, differences emerged between the three categories of countries. These findings suggest that public opinion is in part shaped by the international orientations of the country and that changes in public opinion are important in understanding the political and economic transformation processes.
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Svensson, Jenny. "The Regulation of Rule-Following : Imitation and Soft Regulation in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : School of Business, Stockholm University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-26821.

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Riester, Jessica Leigh Marks Gary. "Russian public opinion and its role in the security policy between Russia, the European Union, and NATO." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,660.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Books on the topic "European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion"

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Haerpfer, Christian. Public opinion on European Union enlargement. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde, 2001.

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Szczerbiak, Aleks. Public opinion and eastward enlargement: Explaining declining support for EU membership in Poland. Brighton: Sussex European Institute, 2000.

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Szczerbiak, Aleks. Public opinion and eastward enlargement: Explaining declining support for EU membership in Poland. Brighton: Sussex European Institute, 2002.

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Cichowski, Rachel A. Choosing democracy: Citizen attitudes and the eastern enlargement of the European Union. San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy: European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000.

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The Europeanization of national polities?: Citizenship and support in a post-enlargement union. Oxford: Oxford University Press, USA, 2012.

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Communities, Commission of the European. Eurobarometer: Public opinion in the European Union. Brussels: European Commission, Survey Research Unit, 1995.

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Commission of the European Communities., ed. Eurobarometer: Public opinion in the European Union. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2000.

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Commission of the European Communities. Directorate-General Audiovisual, Information, Communication and Culture., ed. Eurobarometer: Public opinion in the European Union. Brussels: Commission of the EuropeanCommunities, 1999.

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Commission of the European Communities. Directorate-General Press and Communication., ed. Eurobarometer: Public opinion in the European Union. Brussels: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2001.

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Commission of the European Communities., ed. Eurobarometer: Public opinion in the European Union. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion"

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McCormick, John. "Public Opinion." In European Union Politics, 288–305. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34391-7_18.

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McCormick, John. "Public Opinion." In European Union Politics, 274–89. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-45340-2_18.

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Olsen, Jonathan, and John McCormick. "Representing Public Opinion." In The European Union, 196–214. Sixth edition. | Boulder, CO : Westview Press, 2016. | Previous editions entered under: McCormick, John, 1954-: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429494512-13.

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Hix, Simon, and Bjørn Høyland. "Public Opinion." In The Political System of the European Union, 105–29. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34418-1_5.

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Olsen, Jonathan. "Representing Public Opinion in the EU." In The European Union, 166–80. Seventh edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429440724-10.

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Guyomarch, Alain, Howard Machin, and Ella Ritchie. "Parties and Public Opinion." In France in the European Union, 73–103. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26584-8_4.

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Laffan, Brigid, and Jane O’Mahony. "Referendums and Public Opinion." In Ireland and the European Union, 105–31. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04835-6_6.

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Smith, M. L. "The European Connection and Public Opinion." In Living with the European Union, 169–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982501_9.

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Hix, Simon. "Public Opinion and Political Cleavages." In The Political System of the European Union, 133–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27531-1_5.

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Eliasson, Leif Johan. "Transatlantic Trade Negotiatons, Civil Society Campaigns and Public Opinion." In Lobbying in the European Union, 375–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98800-9_27.

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Conference papers on the topic "European Union – Enlargement – Public opinion"

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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Page, Douglas, and Ridvan Peshkopia. "Gauging the European Union Message Against the Death Penalty: Lessons from an Experimental Public Opinion Survey." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.323.

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Chiriţă, Otilia, Raluca Călin, and George Călin. "The Development of the Administrative Capacity versus Citizens` Opinion in Romania." In 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/13.

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The public sector has a fundamental role in ensuring long-term prosperity thus a deficient mechanism of public administration can have a negative impact on unique market, innovation and investment functioning. In European states, actions were initiated and implemented meant to stimulate the performance of the administrations. The way of public sector capacity development differs for each state of European Union; some of them are able to reconsider the basics of the administrative system, while others are considering mechanisms for achieving and quantifying performance in the public system. The Romanian public administration is developing its entire capacity with support of local and central institution, by developing and implementing projects able to reduce bureaucracy and being a real support for citizens. In this context, quantifying the projects` results in comparison with citizens` opinion represents a useful analyse which can offer a better framework of public administration system development. The most recent and relevant indicators which can be taken in consideration in order to evaluate the administrative capacity are the digitalization systems created in the last period and citizens ‘opinion about the progress in administration by their last interaction with public institutions. Thus, the main goal of this article was to evaluate the efficiency of EU funds spending on projects with digitalization component versus citizens` opinion about the improvement of administrative services.
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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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