Journal articles on the topic 'European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)'
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1
CEBOTARI, Livia. "TRADE BETWEEN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF SANCTIONS AND COUNTER-SANCTIONS." ANNALS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ORADEA. ECONOMIC SCIENCES 30, no. 2 (December 2021): 435–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47535/1991auoes30(2)046.
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The year 2014 marked the deepest crisis in EU-Russia relations since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The bilateral relations cooled down because of the Ukrainian conflict. The EU started to impose restrictive measures on Russian Federation and Russia has responded by imposing counter-sanctions. The sanctions imposed by European Union in conjunction with the counter-sanctions adopted by the Russian Federation on EU food imports had massive consequences on the bilateral trade. The main purpose of this research is to identify and evaluate the impact of sanctions and counter-sanctions on trade in goods between eleven Central and Eastern European Countries and the Russian Federation. This paper tries to determine the factors that can explain why, after the adoption of economic sanctions, some Central and Eastern European Countries recorded losses higher than others. The research methodology combines tools of both quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis.
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RAKHIMOVA, Maiya. "RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE BALTIC STATES: KEY ASPECTS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-638.
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The issue of relations between Russia and The Baltic States is of particular relevance against the backdrop of interaction with the European Union. The change in the policy stance of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after the Soviet Union’s collapse was reflected at the regional level. The desire to integrate the Baltic States into the EU and NATO has led to a series of determined political decisions that in turn have affected cooperation with Russia. In the process of developing relations with the European Union, the Russian Federation has begun to consider possibilities of cooperation with the Baltic countries as well. The article analyses the prospects for change, problems and cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states at the regional level.
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Vyacheslav, Bocharov A., Olga A. Fedotova, Marina V. Kakurina, Galia G. Mikhaleva, and Svetlana V. Novikova. "Protection of minor rights in Russia and European Union countries." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S3 (November 14, 2021): 950–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns3.1688.
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The goal of the study is to develop the problem of minor rights and legitimate interest protection theoretically. Discussion: A comprehensive analysis of the system for protection the rights of this category of citizens was carried out to achieve this goal. At the same time, special attention is paid to the basic concepts and approaches used for the implementation of the studied legal relations in Russia and the EU countries. Result: they revealed the features of minor right protection system in the Russian Federation and some EU states.
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Kardanov, V. A., V. N. Kulik, T. A. Petrova, and V. V. Vulshonok. "ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF EXPORT AND IMPORT OF GOODS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-100-107.
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The issues related to the analysis of export and import of goods between two neighboring states: the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation have been examined. Relations between the EU countries and Russia to date have been in a significant crisis. Cooperation in the economic field is reduced in the context of mutual sanctions. According to the authors, for the Russian Federation in the near future the main task should be set – economic rapprochement with the countries of the European Union and further negotiations on easing mutual sanctions, since these and other reasons significantly complicate the countertrade in goods and services and impede European integration. It is obvious, that European companies are also interested in normalizing commercial and economic relations. The limitations of non-tariff regulation in foreign trade have been considered also in the paper. It has been concluded on the need to gradually mitigate restrictive measures. And efforts in this direction should be made by both the Russian Federation and the member States of the European Union, including the Republic of Poland.
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Barsegyan, D. E. "Analysis of the impact of tariff preferences on the foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-42-50.
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The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.
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Vakarchuk, Denis O. "DIFFERENCES AMONG THE MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: 2014-2019." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-57-73.
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The article examines the relations between Russia and the member states of the European Union in the period from 2014 to 2019. Methodologically, the author assumes that the European Union is a heterogeneous structure that affects the Russian-European relations. This is especially true for the foreign policy field where each EU state pursues its own interests. The author sets a task to study the impact ofthe differences between theEU memberstates on the dynamics of their relations with Russia through quantitative analysis. Within the confines of the empirical study, the dependent variable is presented as the state of the relations between the EU countries and the Russian Federation, and it is operationalized by an event study. To identify the differences between the EU states, the author proposes to use a set of factors such as the duration of EU membership, dependence on the trade with the Russian Federation, the type of democracy and the great power identification. Mann-Whitney U-test is the tool to investigate the connections between the variables. The result of the quantitative analysis demonstrates that in the period under review it was only the factor of belonging of a number of EU member states to the great powers that had a significant impact on their relations with Russia.
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Marković, Aleksandar. "European Union and Russian Federation: A brief history of relations from 1991 to 2021." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104337m.
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This article is dealing with international relations between EU and Russian Federation after falling of Berlin's wall and decline of communist regimes in countries of Eastern block. Author is trying to emphasize three periods. First period is from 1991. until 2000. During presidency of Boris Jeljcin in Russia. This period is reflected by declining of Russian power and stronger integration of Europe because of Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. Second period is period of coming on power president Vladimir Putin and uprising of Russia. This period lasts until 2014. year, when relations were more-less stable, except conflict in Georgia. Third period is related to conflict in Ukraine in 2014. And energetic crisis in 2021. Conflict in Ukraine has shown that EU doesn't have force to stand from foreign policy of USA, which is reflected in actions of NATO. Author concludes article with hope that memory from two world wars will be enough strong for politicians from both sides to not let another world war, and they will find new ways to enhance international cooperation.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Morozov, Oleg V. "Parlamentary Diplovfcy of New Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-299-315.
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This article presents the results of the author's reflections on the theoretical principles, legal basis and practice of the international activities of the Federal Assembly – the Parliament of the Russian Federation, - in connection with the 25th anniversary of parliamentarism of new Russia. The author analyzes the country network of relations, forms of bilateral inter-parliamentary cooperation, shows the experience of cooperation with European inter-parliamentary structures and associations. Special attention is paid to parliamentary cooperation within the framework of the Union of Belarus and Russia, the collective security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of independent States and the Eurasian economic community. He also shows the demand for inter-parliamentary cooperation with BRICS countries and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. On the basis of the Concept of foreign policy of Russian Federation (dd. November 30, 2016, N 640), the speech of Minister of foreign Affairs of Russia Sergey Lavrov at the Munich security conference February 16, 2019 and the message of the President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin to Federal Assembly February 20, 2019 the author presents the list of directions, topics and geography of international cooperation of Russian Parliament for the medium term future.
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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Dralle, Tilman. "Sketching the Contours of the Prospective EU-Russia Investment Architecture." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 41, Issue 4 (November 1, 2014): 331–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2014020.
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Since the Lisbon treaty entered into force in 2009, the European Union (EU) is vested with the exclusive competence in the field of foreign direct investment (FDI). In principle, this competence encompasses the negotiation and conclusion of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) with third countries including the negotiation of the standards of treatment applicable to foreign investors, which has been the domain of the EU Member States so far. The advent of the new EU competence for FDI has also had an impact on EU-Russia relations. The European Commission identified Russia as a priority country for EU investment negotiations. Eventually, all existing BITs between the Russian Federation and EU Member States will be substituted by a new investment law regime between the EU and Russia. Drawing on the investment treaty practice of the Russian Federation and the slowly emerging contours of the EU's investment policy, this article attempts to give a first impression of how the future EU-Russia investment architecture may look like. For this purpose, the article will take stock of the Russian BIT practice of the past and then analyse discrepancies with regard to the EU position.
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Aksenov, I. "USA AND WESTERN EUROPEAN SANCTIONS POLICY WITH RESPECT TO RUSSIA." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 10 (November 28, 2019): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-10-147-151.
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The implementation of the sanctions policy of the United States and Western Europe in relation to the Russian Federation has been analyzed. The objectives of the USA and European Union sanctions policies have been identified. The study has been based on the principles of a three-level classification of sanctions aimed at destabilizing the economy of the Russian Federation. Sectors of the economy and companies have been identified, that, have become objects of sanctions policy and have suffered more from USA and European Union sanctions. The role of sanctions as a toolkit, which can influence the political and economic balance of power in the world, has been defined. The opinion of representatives of business of foreign countries on the formation of anti-Russian sanctions has been reflected within the article. The features of the implementation of the sanctions policy in the digital block and cyberspace have been noted.
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Persidskaya, Olga A. "Integration Practices in Migration Management: Experience of Some European Union Countries." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 3 (2019): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-3-83-99.
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The paper considers institutional mechanisms and substantive approaches to managing the processes of migrant integration into the host community. The analysis is carried out in the framework of studying practical models for regulating the transformation of polyethnic communities and uses data from several countries in the European Union. It is shown that the models of practical regulation of integration processes are based on the understanding of integration as a two-way process and are primarily expressed in changes in social institutions and relations between them. Thus, at the supranational level a combination of directive and recommendatory forms of influence on integration policies is significant, at the national level – the principles of individual and inclusive approaches within the framework of the introduction of a set of regulatory policies of the “mainstream”, at the local level – integration initiatives of the municipal level and interaction with the non-governmental sector. Of special note is the significant role of monitoring integration processes and integration policies. It has been noted that integration practices in Russia are based on understanding integration as a one-sided process and contribute to the realization of its cultural function, while in the EU countries – to its structural and social functions. The paper offers the conclusion about the possibility of applying some of the considered mechanisms and approaches in strategies for managing and regulating migration processes in the Russian Federation.
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Shevchenko, O. "Formation of strategic bases of separate elements of hybrid war of the Russian Federation: legislative aspect." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 69 (April 15, 2022): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.69.77.
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The article reveals the evolution of the national security strategies of the Russian Federation during the years of independence through the prism of defining in them the legislator of certain elements of hybrid warfare. It is determined that at the highest state level of Russia a number of issues related to the creation of the most effective system of state security within the existing at various stages of state formation National Security Strategies of Russia remain unresolved. hybrid war they waged against Ukraine, the EU and NATO.
The content of concepts and strategies for ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation over the past decades is revealed. It is determined that there is a need to rethink the issue of ensuring all components of Ukraine's national security as an integral part of international security, as the signal for this is a radical change in geopolitical, military, political and economic situation in the world. Of the European Union and NATO from the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation.
The fact that the reorientation of the economic policy of both the Russian Federation and some countries of the European Union and the United States towards ensuring only their vital problems is a certain negative factor in counteracting Russian hybrid aggression.
The internal and external threats to national security have been studied, as well as the national interests of the Russian Federation have been formulated in order to covertly enshrine certain elements of hybrid confrontation (war).
It was stressed that Ukraine is a European state that currently faces a wide range of hybrid threats and challenges both in the internal format of the state mechanism and in the external format of relations with the international community, especially with Russia, which necessitates effective implementation. National Security Strategies of Ukraine "Human Security - Country Security".
It is stated that the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine 2020 significantly eliminates the existing conceptual uncertainty and inconsistencies in the assessment of real and perceived threats and challenges facing our state, as well as ways and means of effective counteraction, including some elements of hybrid warfare. .
It is emphasized that in recent decades the Russian legislator in its strategic documents on national security (Concepts and Strategies) has systematically enshrined at the legislative level, and in fact legalized, the full range of elements of the hybrid war waged and waged by Russia against Ukraine , EU and NATO countries.
The main elements of the hybrid confrontation (war) of the Russian Federation have been formulated, which the top leadership of Russia has veiledly enshrined in its strategic documents during the years of independence.
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Okhoshin, O. V. "RUSSIAN-BRITISH RELATIONS: FROM COOLING TO CONFRONTATION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 4 (December 24, 2022): 472–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-4-472-480.
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The article considers the crisis of Russian-British relations, which actively manifested itself during the years of the premiership of T. May, B. Johnson, L. Truss (2016-2022), which transformed the foreign policy of the United Kingdom in the wake of the geopolitical confrontation with Russia and the strengthening of the defense and strategic cooperation with the US and EU countries within the framework of the NATO military-political bloc. After the referendum on the UK's withdrawal from the European Union in 2016, the concept of "Global Britain" finally took shape in the country's foreign policy doctrine, which assumed the expansion of its presence in different regions of the world and active participation in the European Security and Defense Policy. In connection with the clash of the positions of London and Moscow in relation to the military conflict in Ukraine, the accession of Crimea to the Russian Federation and the war in Syria, the formats of bilateral intergovernmental cooperation were curtailed, and the previously established strong trade, economic and diplomatic ties were violated. The author comes to the conclusion that the growth of confrontation between states was largely due to the fact that the UK did not perceive Russia as an equal partner seeking to take its rightful place in pan-European politics and sought to limit its role in solving modern global problems.
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Ustinovich, Elena Stepanovna. "Us sanctional economic policy as a geopolitical reality." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2104-01.
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This article analyzes the policy of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation since 2008. It’s shown that the sanctions anti-Russian economic policy is the direction of the US foreign policy of the last decade. For many decades, the state of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and the United States left much to be desired and did not develop in a normalized format. The volume of trade turnover practically did not manifest itself in the growth dynamics. And both countries were faced with the task of solving this problem. However, the last decade, and especially the events of 2014 and subsequent economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, have shown the role and impact of the political factor in the state of economic relations between the two countries. In this regard, the period of development of trade and economic relations of the last five years is exclusively in the political plane and it can be designated as the period of the US sanctions economic policy towards Russia. They are implementing this policy jointly with a number of North American countries and European Union member states, as a result of which it becomes a geopolitical reality in the modern period of international economic relations and, unfortunately, does not contribute to their normalization. The research methodology includes an interdisciplinary political and economic research method. A primary analysis of sources, as well as policy documents of the leaders of two countries — the United States and the Russian Federation at the end of 2014 and 2015 was carried out. As a scientific and practical result, a recommendation for the Russian Federation was proposed based on the results of the incessant sanctions pressure — not to remain in isolation, to establish contacts with countries in a new format.
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Pevnaya, Maria, Anna Bagirova, Elvina Bahtigareeva, and Zhen Wenyue. "Legal Regulation of Youth Civic Participation in Russia and European Union." DEMIS. Demographic Research 2, no. 3 (October 7, 2022): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2022.2.3.1.
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Youth in scientific and practical discourse is considered as a promising demographic group that is able to determine the economic and social development of countries and regions. Creating an environment for constructive civic participation of young people, their involvement in solving socially significant issues in many countries of the world is becoming one of the key directions of state policy. In this case, youth policy should be a tool for the formation of consciousness and socially acceptable patterns of behavior of the younger generation, corresponding to the direction of long-term development set by the state. The purpose of the article is to identify national accents regarding civic participation in the context of the formation of a culture of citizenship of the younger generation, mechanisms for achieving goals in this direction that exist in the regulatory discourse of Russia and the European Union countries. We were based on an institutional approach to assessing the regulatory regulation of the activities of the authorities of the Russian Federation and the governments of the EU countries in relation to the civic participation of young people, applied legal analysis and a comparison method. The analysis of regulatory regulation was carried out according to the following parameters: characteristics of regulatory legal acts, a brief description of their structure and content; definition of civil participation and its forms; identification of substantive directions and goals; definition of subjectivity. The sources of information were regulatory and legal acts of the EU and the Russian Federation, conceptually defining the essence of youth policy, as well as unofficial legal information. The study revealed that the place of citizenship culture is clearly defined in the EU normative discourse, the need to expand and improve the qualitative characteristics of civic participation of young Europeans is justified and supported by concrete decisions. The place and significance of civic participation of young people is not clearly defined in the normative field of regulation of youth policy of the Russian Federation. With the priority of social types of youth participation, the subjectivity of youth as a civic participation in managerial and political decision-making is not conceptualized and, accordingly, is not supported in practice. The activation of civic participation of young people today is not among the state priorities of youth policy, more important in the normative and legal discourse of this policy are the problems of professional self-determination, preservation of health, public safety and strengthening of the institution of the family.
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Abgaryan, Dzhul'etta Rubenovna. "The policy of the Russian Federation and Georgia in the Black Sea region: international legal aspects." Международное право и международные организации / International Law and International Organizations, no. 2 (February 2022): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0633.2022.2.35402.
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The geopolitical feature of the Black Sea region is its "cross" position, since it is here that the interests of not just neighboring states meet, but also western and eastern religious, and broader cultural traditions. The territorial location of the Black Sea makes it an important strategic zone at the intersection of the borders of Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East. The region, which has significant potential for economic development, has traditionally been a sphere of intersection of interests of both maritime powers and countries seeking to gain influence in this zone by establishing control over them.This article is devoted to the problem of relations between Russia and Georgia in this region, analyzed by the author from an international legal perspective. The basis of the study of the potentially high conflictogenicity of the Black Sea zone is currently an appeal to the history of the issue, which allows us to reveal the cause-and-effect relationships of the confrontation between countries for the possession of those benefits to which domination in the region opens access. The article examines the relations between Russia and Georgia over the Black Sea in the context of the Georgian side's interactions with the West, in particular with the European Union and NATO. The author draws an important conclusion that the deterioration of relations between Georgia and Russia was a step-by-step process that began after the collapse of the Soviet Union and has been going on up to the present time, when it reached its highest point. Determining the prospects for the development of bilateral relations is of great importance due to the fact that conflicts with Russia, which is a key force in the region, can have a negative impact not only on trade and economic relations between the countries, but also on security policy.
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Krivov, Sergei Valer'evich, Tat'yana Vladimirovna Baranova, and Sergey Valer'evich Starkin. "Anti-Russian sanctions due to the Ukrainian crisis of 2014: assessment of consequences and prospects." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2020): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2020.6.34565.
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The subject of this research is the sanctions imposed by Western countries against Russia in response to the Ukrainian events of 2014. Leaning on the available empirical data and expert assessments conducted by various financial and analytical structures, an attempt is made to identify the nature and severity of impact of sanction pressure upon different economic sectors of the Russian Federation, implemented for achieving the foreign policy goals. Emphasis is placed on the absence of uniform sanctions policy due to the specificity of foreign policy goals and peculiarities of sanction mechanisms used by the United States and the European Union. It is underlined that anti-Russian sanctions and Russia’s response in many instances are substantiated by the preceding trends in strategic vision of foreign and domestic policy by the Russian Federation, as well as the nature of its relations with the West. The conclusion is made that the focus in studying the problem of sanctions has shifted towards the political analysis and further analytical and scientific examination. The author believes that in the conditions of uncertainty of the economic effects and absence of common approaches towards understanding the prospects of sanctions policy by the Western countries the two main scenarios of its further development. It would either gradually fade out without “renewed efforts”, slowly negating its practical effect, and prompt the United States and the European Union intensify the dialogue with Russia, avoiding the problematic issues on the status of Crimea, implication in the events in South-Eastern Ukraine, etc.; or it can lead to full “politicization” of sanctions polity and its integration into the negotiation process on settlement of the Ukrainian situation and turning into a powerful tool for conducting negotiations.
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Garncarz, Jakub, Kacper Igielski, and Mateusz Mierzejewski. "Agriculture in Poland in the context of trade restrictions between the European Union and the Russian Federation in 2010-2018." Problems of Economics and Law 2, no. 1 (July 3, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2667.
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The economic sanctions imposed by the European Union in March 2014 on the Russian Federation were caused by Russia's unlawful annexation of Crimea, which exploited the political crisis in Ukraine. In response, Russian President Vladimir Putin issued a decree on August 7 prohibiting the importation of selected groups of agri-food commodities from countries that previously imposed sanctions. The article focuses on an attempt to describe the effects of the introduced trade restrictions on the functioning of the agricultural market in Poland. Spectral analysis, simple regression and comparative methods were used for the study. The study showed that the trade restrictions introduced had the character of structural changes in the export and import of Polish products, but did not significantly contribute to the functioning of the market itself. The trade restrictions introduced have contributed to a significant reduction in trade between Russia and Poland in 2014-2016 however, there is a gradual improvement in trade relations with Russia, the value of both imports and exports is steadily increasing with each subsequent year.
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Safarians, Yevhenij. "Russian Influence on the Position of Austria in the Context of the Ukraine – European Union Association Agreement." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.209.
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The paper deals with the Russian influence on the Austrian position in the context of the Ukraine – European Union Association Agreement. The author proves that at start of the Ukrainian – EU relations the Republic of Austria approved Ukraine’s European aspirations and actively supported them. This publication analyzes the reasons why the attitude of Austrian politicians and public society in the context of the Ukraine – EU integration sharply deteriorated after 2004. The article notes that Russian propaganda is the most influenced the change in attitudes of Austrian citizens about Ukraine. Growing euroscepticism is also closely associated with the activities of Russian information resources. Large funds were involved by the Russian Federation to discredit the Association Agreement, both in Ukraine and in other European countries. This process unfolded with new vigor during the aggression of Russia against Ukraine in the 2014-17. Some Austrian businessmen continued to collaborate with the aggressor and concluded new agreements. A significant delaying ratification of the Ukraine – European Union Association Agreement is also closely related to the impact of Russian business on Austrian politics. However, it should be noted that the Austrian side has ratified the Ukraine – European Union Association Agreement. Republic of Austria acceded to the European sanctions regime against the Russian Federation and does not weaken it, despite considerable pressure from the pro-Russian part of Austrian politicians and businessmen. Austria has stood the test, and now Ukrainians have to make reciprocal steps. Ukraine should pursue a deliberate policy aimed at creating a range of partners with which to implement joint integration projects. Future cooperation between the Republic of Austria and Ukraine has an important aspect – the vision of the continuing development of integration processes in Europe.
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Zonova, T. V., and A. Giannotti. "Russia and the West: Contradictory Dialogue." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-23-38.
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The authors focus on the historical evolution of the relations between Russia and the West and attempt to suggest their own vision on the future prospects. The aforementioned relationship span centuries of history. At times, these relations were peaceful, while at times, “Russophobia,” on the one hand, and anti-Western feelings, on the other, served as a backdrop to military clashes. The authors pay special attention to the events of recent decades that have posed new threats and challenges. Given the current militarization and securitization of world politics, strategic stability, which is highly dependent on relations between Russia and the West, is being called into question. After Crimea became part of the Russian Federation and hostilities began in the Donbass region, anti-Russian sanctions were imposed, and Russia, in turn, passed counter-sanctions legislation. Therefore, Russia’s relations with the United States have sharply deteriorated. Likewise, comprehensive ties with the European Union have been frozen. The West, mainly the United States and UK, has launched anti-Russian campaign. As a mirror response Russian media also dazzles with speculations about "the decay and decline of the West". Consequently, Russia has declared its “shift to the East”. A real psychological war is being waged between Russia and the West, with both sides resorting to the latest advanced technology in their propaganda. A number of Russian politicians grew supportive of some Western movements and parties of the right spectrum, the so called “sovranists” who aimed at withdrawing their countries from international treaties and unions. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 elections as the Republican right-wing candidate, who pledged to improve US-Russia relations, was much praised in Moscow. The authors conclude that recent constructive Russian-American meetings and the 2019 meeting in the Normandy Format which contributes to conflict resolution in the South-East of Ukraine can facilitate positive developments of Russia’s relations with the West.
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Kupryashina, Elena A., Snezhana S. Khalimonenko, Aleksander A. Nasonov, Ekaterina A. Novikova, and Sergey F. Shumilin. "Extradition under the Legislation of the Russian Federation and Member States of the European Union." Cuestiones Políticas 37, no. 65 (August 2020): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3865.07.
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The document analyzes the legislation of the Russian Federation and the member states of the European Union on extradition from the point of view of its compliance with the current European Convention on Extradition. It also makes proposals to improve the rules of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Russian Federation that regulates the extradition procedure. Methodologically, the work uses scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the historical, comparative method, all in an integrated approach. Among the conclusions, the fact that for the previous legal provisions to work, its consolidation only in the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation is insufficient. The first step to put them into practice could be to discuss the issue of making the necessary amendments to the Convention on Legal Assistance and Legal Relations in Civil Matters, as well as in the Family and Criminal Affairs regulations of January 22, 1993, of which the countries of the European Convention on Extradition are parties.
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Kolokolova, E. O. "MARRIAGE AS A CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL CATEGORY: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Vestnik of the Russian University of Cooperation, no. 1(43) (April 26, 2021): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52623/2227-4383-1-43-25.
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Marriage can be interpreted as an institution of law, a legal fact, a special form of contract, a specific legal structure. In recent years, there has been an active debate about the neutralization of this definition regarding the gender difference between spouses. Many countries have legalized same-sex unions. The Constitutional Court of Russia and the European Court of Human Rights consider cases of discrimination based on sexual orientation. It is impossible to deny the importance of the institution of marriage for the legal field of any state. Marriage as a legal fact significantly affects the property and personal rights of spouses and other family members. In 2020 a number of amendments were made to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, among which was an amendment stating that marriage is a union of a man and a woman. There was a lot of controversy around this amendment. The rationale for introducing this definition into the text of the Constitution of the Russian Federation was the establishment of a final understanding of the institution of marriage. However everything is not clear. Is the consolidation of marriage as a constitutional and legal category a guarantee of preserving the traditional understanding of the marriage union? The article analyzes the category of «marriage» in the framework of the constitutional legislation of Russia. The article analyzes the significance of the amendment on marriage in the text of the Basic Law and the impact of this fact on the development of legislation on marriage and family relations.
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Artemov, N. M., and A. A. Sitnik. "Countering Anti-Russian Sanctions in Payment and Currency Fields." Actual Problems of Russian Law 17, no. 6 (May 21, 2022): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2022.139.6.048-062.
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The paper is devoted to the study of anti-Russian sanctions imposed by the United States of America and foreign states and international organizations that have joined them, as well as the analysis of measures aimed at countering unfriendly actions undertaken against the monetary system of the Russian Federation. The paper examines the historical aspects of the anti-Russian policy of Western countries, analyzes provisions of regulatory legal acts and other official documents adopted by the United States and the countries of the European Union, aimed at destabilizing payment and currency relations in Russia. The authors investigate the counter-sanctions policy and measures aimed at ensuring the stability of the Russian monetary system in general and the national payment system in particular. It is concluded that the use of the dollar and the euro as a weapon of sanctions war, the practice of confiscating reserves and assets of countries pursuing policies that do not correspond to the interests of the United States and dependent states, restricting access of financial institutions of “rogue countries” to American and European financial resources, disconnecting credit institutions from SWIFT, and other sanctions inevitably lead to the formation of a parallel international financial system, of which a fundamentally new international monetary system will become a part.
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Поветкина, Наталья, Natalya Povetkina, Семен Янкевич, and Semen Yankevich. "CONCEPT OF FINANCIAL STABILITY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES: LEGAL ASPECT." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14309.
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This article is the research of the legal nature of the concept of “financial stability” with respect to the financial (public) relations. The paper comprises analyzes of the legal regulation of the concept at the international level — in the program documents of the United Nations and at the supranational level — in the treaties of the Member States of the European Union, the treaty of the Member States of the Eurasian Economic Union and the decisions of the Eurasian Economic Commission. The article presents a description of the concept of “financial stability”, provided for in the legislation of Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Sweden. The authors note that the concept of “financial stability” in the legislation of foreign countries has universal meaning: absence of instability of the financial system of the country, measures to prevent financial crises and minimization of their negative effects.
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Ristic, Katarina. "The limits of EU conditionality towards neighborhood countries: The case of the Eastern Partnership." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 1 (2017): 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1701126r.
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The paper examines the limits of the European Union policy making towards the Eastern Neighbours, as well as towards the Russian Federation. In-depth analyses of the existing contractual relations proved that the EU neighborhood policy is a nonfunctional mixture of foreign policy interventionism, enlargement policy and conditionality instruments. The article has found that high economic interests, security and peace intentions and fight against the global threats in the Eastern Neighborhood are not subject to the typical EU conditionality, since proven instruments work only under the umbrella of the enlargement policy and membership prospect. The author has concluded that the EU will have to look old/new form of partnerships for the neighborhood countries in order to keep stability, peace and security around its borders. Current relations with the Eastern Partnership countries are neither developed, neither confident, despite the hybrid legal frameworks with some of them. A vital strategic partner in the East remains the Russian Federation, and it is expected that relations in the Eastern Neighborhood will be adjusted to the current position of Russia in this region. This can not be dependent, even of the membership prospect for Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia, which seems to be inadequate offer at the moment, like it was at all the previous historical moments and developments. New agreements signed with these three countries did not help prevent conflicts, tensions, or the huge pro-Russian opposition in these countries. Implementation of comprehensive Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are yet to come, and these countries still lack democratic and efficient governance, and implementation of the number of paragraphs from the previous Partnership and Cooperation Agreements. PCAs are still in force with the rest of the countries of the Eastern Partnership (except Belarus). DCFTA Agreement with Ukraine is not yet ratified by all EU member states (Netherlands).
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Shestibratov, K., I. Chubugina, and S. Zavriev. "Genetic Engineering Activity: Analysis of International and Russian Legislative Base." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2014): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-12-50-59.
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The development and ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity (hereinafter the Protocol) by 167 countries was a significant event in the sphere of international legal regulation of genetic engineering activity (GEA). The Protocol came into effect on September 11, 2003. The Protocol is the main starting point of the legislative base building in the GEA field for a number of countries, including all EU countries, China and Brazil. The US and Russia have not ratified the Cartagena Protocol. The main principle underlying the European concepts of GEA regulation and risk assessment is the «precautionary principle». On the contrary, the American concept of GEA regulation and risk assessment is based on another concept: the biotechnology methodology itself doesn't create new risks to human health and environment. In this regard, the state regulates the process of GMOs creating and estimates the produced products. In Russian Federation, the legislative basis in the sphere of GEA regulation is poorly developed. Obviously, first and foremost Russia will have to decide on which basis the normative legal regulation for the use of GMOs should be built: on the Cartagena Protocol or on its own system, for example, in the framework of the Customs Union. Acknowledgment. The works were executed under fi nancial support of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation in the framework of projects no. 14.512.11.120 as of October 10, 2013, no. 14.M04.12.0009 as of June 27, 2014 and no. 14.616.21.0013 as of September 17, 2014.
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Yakovlev, Petr. "RUSSIA'S INTERACTION WITH LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES IN THE CONTEXT OF A GEOPOLITICAL FRACTURE." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.10.
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For a number of solid reasons, Latin America has an independent geopolitical and geo-economic significance for the Russian Federation, that was clearly manifested in connection with the crisis events in Ukraine in 2022. The article shows that over the past two decades, on the track of Russian-Latin American relations, there has been an accumulation of experience of mutually beneficial cooperation in the political, diplomatic, trade and economic fields, which persisted despite sharp changes in the global economic situation, deep crisis shocks, as well as unfavorable internal circumstances. The maximum expression of the Russian-Latin American rapprochement was the establishment of a strategic partnership with a group of states of this region. Interest in interaction with Latin American countries has grown especially during periods of sharpening of Moscow's contradictions with the collective West. This was the case in 2014 after the reunification of Crimea with Russia and was repeated in connection with the financial and economic war of the United States and the European Union against the Russian Federation, which became a reaction to the special operation of the Russian armed forces in Ukraine in 2022. In the current radically changing international conditions, the intensification and filling with new content of interaction with Latin America, especially in the trade and economic sphere, can and should become part of Russia's long-term strategy aimed at the priority development of relations with non-Western states. In other words, the development of Russia's partnership with Latin America can be considered as one of the ways to find export and import markets alternative to the Western ones, to gain access to the resources and technologies necessary for the development of the Russian economy.
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Belov, Vladislav. "New Hydrogen Strategies of Germany and the EU and Prospects for Cooperation with Russia." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520206576.
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In June 2020, Germany adopted a national hydrogen strategy. A month later, when Germany assumed the EU Council presidency, the European Union Commission presented a similar document. Both strategies acknowledge the need to import hydrogen to meet the demand of the EU countries as an essential prerequisite for the transition to a climate-neutral economy. In parallel, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation until 2035, which sets the goal of turning our country into one of the global players in the world hydrogen market. Despite Russia's obvious competitive advantages in this relatively new segment of the energy market, Berlin and Brussels do not mention it as a potential partner. The article provides an assessment of the main provisions of these strategic documents. The author explores the prospects and possibilities of Germany and the EU cooperating with the Russian Federation in the production and supply of hydrogen, analyzes the content of the position documents of the German-Russian Chamber of Commerce and the Eastern Committee of the German Economy on these issues, draws conclusions and formulates recommendations for interested parties.
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Kiedrzynek, Michał. "Environmental protection in constitutional status in former Yugoslavian countries." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 35 (June 11, 2021): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.35.18.
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As a result of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, a number of independent states were formed. However, their path to independence ran differently. Some of the countries took the pro-Western direction by joining NATO and the European Union, while others chose the Eastern direction, strengthening relations with the Russian Federation. The issues related to environmental protection in basic acts have also been regulated in various ways. There are a number of questions related to the current regulations on environmental protection in countries which were a unity a quarter of a century ago, and how comprehensive the issue was at the constitutional level in individual countries.
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Izbienova, T. A., and A. K. Bezina. "Implementation of the Right of Workers Employed through the Internet Platforms to Unionize in European Countries and in the Russian Federation." Actual Problems of Russian Law 16, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2021.123.2.088-101.
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The paper is devoted to examining some legal aspects of implementation of the right to unionize for individuals employed through the Internet platforms — digital applications that serve as a link between the participant providing the service and its consumer. The emergence of such intermediaries has become a part of digitalization of wage labor characterizing the beginning of the 4th Industrial Revolution. The modern labor market is characterized by instability due to the withdrawal of some sectors of the economy from the traditional Fordist model of labor organization. The instability caused desocialization of workers, their disintegration and had a negative impact on the traditional labour movemen that has always been expressed in the form of trade unions. In this regard, the authors’ objective is to investigate the prospects and legal grounds for creating unions of workers employed through the Internet platforms, as well as the legal specifics of their labor rights protection with due regard to their precarious legal status. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to resolve the issues of expediency, effectiveness of trade union protection of digital labor and the place of trade unions in social and partnership relations with the participation of workers employed through the Internet platforms. The author formulates the conclusion about the effectiveness of trade union protection of labor rights of workers employed through the Internet platforms, provided the socio-partner procedures are employed.
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Demirel, Nuri. "TURKEY AND RUSSIA AS MAJOR PLAYERS IN THE BLACK SEA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." International Journal of Engineering Technologies and Management Research 7, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/ijetmr.v7.i2.2020.506.
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Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself.
An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other.
In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.
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Кешнер, Мария, and Mariya Keshner. "The Sanctions against the Russian Federation: International Legal Analysis of Legitimacy." Journal of Russian Law 3, no. 7 (June 25, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11764.
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In 2014, a number of states and integration entities imposed sanctions and restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. The author analysis acts the measures adopted by the United States, the European Union, some other countries against the Russian Federation, from the point of view of the international law. The author investigates reasonableness of the arguments justifying the sanctions against the Russian Federation; and examines the issues of coercion in the international law, which has its specific features that are primarily predetermined by the nature of interstate relations and methods of their legal regulation. The author provides an update on the problem of “collective counter-measures” or counter-measures in collective interests and classification of activities of the third countries who “have joined” in with the imposed restrictive measures. The author considers the practice and consequences of imposing unilateral sanctions by a number of states, the trends of its development and legitimacy of the existence in light if the modern international law development.
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Parubochaya, Elena, and Anna Prygunkova. "The European Union’s Strategy for the South Caucasus Countries Within the Eastern Partnership Program: 20 Deliverables for 2020." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.16.
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Introduction. Due to the destabilization of the situation in the countries of the South Caucasus in 2020, the region is of particular relevance today. At the present stage, it is an object of geopolitical competition for numerous international actors: the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the European Union, the Republic of Turkey. The article examines the EU policy in the process of implementing the Eastern Partnership program as part of the European political strategy. In relation to the South Caucasus region, the interim results of the EU’s activities on the implementation of 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to the states of the South Caucasus are analyzed. Methods. Comparative analysis makes it possible to give a comprehensive assessment of European policy in the region by identifying priority areas and development prospects by comparing the intermediate results of 20 deliverables for 2020 in the South Caucasus countries within the framework of their bilateral relations with the EU. Analysis. The analysis of the activities of the European Union in relation to the South Caucasus countries is associated with the determination of the prospects for the development of the European strategy in the region. The analysis included tracking the dynamics of the implementation of the 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, as well as options for developing a European strategy in the South Caucasus countries, taking into account the new policy in the context of the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. Results. As a result of the analysis, the EU’s competitive advantages in the South Caucasus were determined by identifying areas in which the EU’s geopolitical interests intersect with other actors.
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Mizin, V., P. Sevost'yanov, and A. Matyukhin. "«Dialectics» of European Disarmament: Lessons and Prospects." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-39-48.
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The purpose of this work is to identify a set of measures for creating a European security system. The authors used such methods as system and comparative analysis, historical, problem and logical research methods, as well as the methodological approach of "structural realism" by the American political scientist K. Waltz. Despite serious difficulties, the European Union remains the main integration system and an important strategic partner of Russia. At the moment, in the development of its General and security policy, it is also trying to become a significant global player, a European pillar of NATO. European countries ' military preparations are also increasing, especially after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014. In this regard, to understand the ongoing processes, it is necessary to consider not only the EU strategy in the field of security and military construction within the European segment of NATO, but also the policy in the field of ensuring security by non-military and political-diplomatic means, including through participation in arms control processes. The article examines in detail all directions of this approach of the EU and the Russian Federation. The paper makes specific proposals on how Russia can build interaction and cooperation with the EU on this issue. According to the authors, despite the ongoing pressure, Russia needs to maintain diplomatic calm and persistently promote initiatives to correct and stabilize the security situation in the region, reverse current negative trends - to greater predictability, transparency, and strengthen mutual respect and trust. In conclusion, the authors conclude that it is important to stop the growing trends in the interpretation of EU relations with Russia in the spirit of the cold war, and suggest concrete steps in this direction. The practical and theoretical significance of the work consists in a systematic vision and analysis of a set of measures in the field of disarmament and security on the European continent.
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Rostetska, Svitlana, and Svetlana Naumkina. "PARADIGMS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU, VISEGRÁD GROUP, AND UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-3-184-192.
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The scientific interest of the development of the theory and practice of cooperation of Central European countries of the Visegrád Group in the context of modern European integration processes is important for developing and implementing the strategy of foreign and domestic policy in European countries and Ukraine at the modern stage. At the beginning of the XXI century, under the changes in the geopolitical situation on the European continent, the countries of Central Europe (full members of the European Union) build a new operating system of international relations and accordingly continue to delegate some of their powers to suprastate institutions of the EU. The purpose of this scientific study is to determine paradigmatic aspects of European integration processes, modern threats arising in the EU, prospects for the interaction of EU countries, and to form a new format of cooperation of Ukraine and countries of the Visegrád Group. The aim of the creation of the alliance of the Visegrád Group (1991) was the desire to contribute to the construction of European security architecture and economic cooperation through the effective cooperation within European institutions. The whole activity of the Visegrád Group is aimed at strengthening stability in the Central European region. Risks in the economic sphere and strengthening of Euroscepticism are considered traditional for the EU functioning. In view of signing the Rome Declaration in 2017, the EU threats and challenges for the short-term (2018–2020) include: hybrid consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, European migrant crisis, a series of terrorist acts in European cities, unpredictable policy of the newly elected US president D. Trump in relation to the European security system, strengthening the position of far-left and far-right political forces in European states, Brexit and its consequences, in particular, risk of domino effect in other member countries of the Union. Therefore, we consider it appropriate to carry out system analysis of key relevant challenges and threats to the EU for 2018–2020 and to consider interconditionality and interdependence of problems that may affect the EU future. Given the defined trends, development and economic stability of each state are strategically important, however, special attention in this context should be paid to the analysis of the development of large countries of the European Union, such as Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. V4 countries are characterized by sustainable economic growth. If to analyse the Visegrád Four as a single national state, then the Visegrád Group is the fifth largest economy in Europe and the 12th in the world. The authors consider it too simplistic to define the essence of the Visegrád alliance only as a consolidation of the efforts of Central European countries for the sake of “returning to Europe” through Euro-Atlantic integration. In the modern dimension of events, the interaction format V4 + Ukraine is much more complex and more promising than it appears. Since joining NATO and the European Union in 1999 and 2004 by the Visegrád Group (i.e. Central European countries) geopolitically changes the status of the Central European Region, transforms bilateral and multilateral relations of Central European countries – full members of the EU with Ukraine. Moreover, this changes the system of relations within the Visegrád Four, as well as with other member states of the European Union.
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MORARU, Andrei-Cristian. "TURKISH INTERVENTION IN SYRIA AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-12.
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Operation "Peace Spring" is an event of major importance in understanding the relationship between Turkey and Syria, the future relations between the two states and the European and international community.Turkey's design of a security zone has created stability for the state in question and destabilized the entire region at the societal level. Thus, the instability generated is a vulnerability for European and international security, and can be exploited by countries that oppose the democratization process or countries that have political andfinancial interests in that area. In today's society, disinformation is a real risk, being a measure implemented by many state and non-state actors in order to achieve security objectives. The phenomenon is also present in the current case study, playing an important role in the evolution of regional instability. The implications for the European Union security stem from soft-power influences in the collective minds of imperialist states that threaten the continent, the continued disinformation of policymakers, and the influence of decision-making indemocratic states. The Operation set a precedent for the current military conflicts in the vicinity of Romania, being visible the intention of the Russian Federation to create a "safety zone", following the recent expansion of democratic and societal values.
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Spechler, Martin. "Central Asia Between East and West." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1904 (January 1, 2008): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.141.
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Ever since their independence from the USSR in 1991 the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have been trying to fi nd a new framework for their international relations. In this essay the experience and prospects of regional cooperation, special relations with the European Union or southeast Asia (ASEAN), or the Russian Federation are considered at length, along with some other groupings. As an alternative to preferential trade associations, affi liation with the World Trade Organization on a is prmultilateral basis obable in the years ahead. Meanwhile, the five countries independently pursue what the author has termed “export globalism”—administered trading of their staple raw materials for capital equipment and selected consumer goods.
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Voronina, N. A. "Migrants' rights: problems remain." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-109-115.
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The article considers the process of human rights regulatory development since the mid XXth century and adoption of social and legal responsibility by states in relation to migrants. The author analyses the legal status of migrants on the territory of the Russian Federation, European Union countries, the USA. The paper raises a wide range of issues related to granting socioeconomic rights and ensuring access to medicine to former compatriots, who returned to Russia and their children. The study notes that in recent years, Western countries have been reviewing approaches to state regulation of the social sphere, which in some cases discriminates towards refugees and displaced persons from other countries. The paper estimates the impact of the global epidemiological crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on the socio-economic situation of migrants, the provision of medical and social assistance to the population of countries. The author concludes that in the context of COVID-19 pandemic states should provide migrants with free medical care and find effective social support mechanisms. The pandemic should not be used as a justification to undermine the guarantees of migrants’ rights.
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Oksinenko, Valeriia. "Structure and Prospects for the Transformation of Official Development Assistance to Armenia." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-04-08.
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This article examines the ratio of the official development assistance (ODA) structure of Armenia to its domestic goals. For this, the author examines the structure of development assistance to Armenia and the motives of its main donors. Considering the countryʼs rather close economic cooperation with Russia and the countries of the European Union (EU), the expected political motivation of the countryʼs donors in providing and distributing ODA is revealed. However, for the most part, ODA-supported projects correspond to the real distribution of the countryʼs domestic needs: poverty reduction and support for socially vulnerable groups of the population, development of agriculture and the service sector, and support for climate initiatives. The main contribution to this is made by international organizations and the United States, which are historically the most reliable and long-standing donors of ODA to the country. The Russian Federation is also a major donor of ODA to Armenia; however, due to the peculiarities of defining development assistance at the legislative level, Russian bilateral ODA is disordered and incorrectly reflected in official statistics. In the medium term, the current structure of ODA by sector and donor can be expected to stay stable: it is based on long-term agreements on cross-country economic cooperation and the activity of a stable political structure in the United States. In the long term, the structure of Armeniaʼs ODA is likely to be most determined by the development of economic relations between the Republic of Armenia and the European Union.
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Babenko, Oksana Vasil'evna, and Vasilii Nikolaevich Babenko. "Ukraine within the European security system: problems and prospects." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.34192.
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This article explores the problems of Ukraine's integration into the European security system. Special attention is given to the questions of cooperation with the European Union, NATO and the OSCE that play an important role in promotion of security in the European continent. Emphasis is made on the analysis of the Ukrainian normative legal framework responsible for inclusion of Ukraine into the core structures of European security. Since 1991 to the present, all presidents of post-Soviet Ukraine from L. Kravchuk to V. Zelensky contributed considerably to the country’s integration into the European security system. With the development of relations with NATO, EU and OSCE, Ukraine sought to cooperate with the Eastern European countries within the framework of the key institutions of European security. Ukraine’s relations with certain Balkan states have experienced intense contradictions, for example dispute over the plan to liquidate Bolhradsky district in Odessa Region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Bulgarians. Since 2004, the territorial dispute between Ukraine and Romania pertaining to delimitation of continental shelf around the Snake Island has not been fully settled. The conflict between the two countries also aggravated due to the policy of reducing the Romanian-language educational establishments in Ukraine. Ukraine’s inclusion into the key structures of the European security is also impeded by Donbass armed conflict, the fact that the government of Ukraine does not recognize the Republic of Crimea's claim to sovereignty, as well as regularization of relations with the Russian Federation. The acquired results allow determining the motives underlying the foreign policy course of Ukraine that is aimed at its accession to the European Union and NATO, as well as the attempts to take its place within the European security system.
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Akhmadzoda, N. S. "Foreign Experience of State Activities in the Digital Environment." World of Economics and Management 21, no. 1 (2021): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0429-2021-21-1-104-118.
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The article considers the issues of state regulation of investment activity in the digital environment using the example of the USA, the European Union, Japan and the BRICS countries. In the era of computers and high technologies, the digital economy affects all spheres of life: healthcare, education, Internet banking, and government. The digital economy is developing in all highly developed countries, including Russia. Currently, the concepts of the formation and development of the digital economy in modern developed countries are defined differently. The main problems in regulating relations related to the development of the digital economy are identified both at the level of legislative acts and at the level of by-laws; in strategic documents at the national level. The purpose of this article is to study the foreign experience of state regulation of investments in the digital economy. The theoretical and methodological basis of this article was the research of Russian and foreign scientists studying the content and forms of state regulation of the investment process, expert and analytical materials of public servants, materials of scientific conferences and seminars. A database for substantiating conceptual provisions: information materials of the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation and its regional bodies, a number of research institutes, analytical materials of Russian and foreign financial institutions, regulatory legal acts and official materials of federal and regional authorities. In the process of the study, methods of logical, statistical and system analysis, methods of modeling and expert evaluation were used.
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Iordanova, Veronika Grigoryevna, Maria Alexandrovna Shapor, and Sofya Andreevna Rud. "Methodological aspects of assessing the prospects of project implementation "One belt — one road"." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 826–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2111-02.
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This article is devoted to the assessment of the prospects for the implementation of the project "One Belt — One Road" (OPOP) for the development of China’s trade relations with the countries of the European Union. During the study conducted under the present work, a quantitative assessment of the prospects for increasing the number of participants in the OPOP project, which has allowed to confi rm the previously represented theses, both Russian and foreign scientists about the need to increase the number of project participants. For this purpose, a method was used, which was based on the assessment based on the effectiveness of the country’s foreign trade. It should be noted that the focus of the authors was given to the development of the Northern Transport Corridor, which was due to the participation of Russia and the need to develop and deepen the trade and economic cooperation of China and the countries of the European Union, with the implementation of which the Russian Federation plays an important role, being an integral part of this transport corridor and significant Transport hub for the implementation of the OPOP initiative. Particular attention in the framework of this work was paid to the influence of coronavirus infection for the implementation of the project "One Belt — One Road" and identifying new trends in the development of international trade, due to the influence of a new coronavirus infection, in particular, concerns the failures in the work of transport infrastructure, Convexity with which the bulk of the carriage fell on the railway, and the carriage by sea and air transport had to be suspended. It should be noted that the volume of container transportation between China and the EU in 2020 increased by 57.6 % compared with the first half of 2019, which also affected the increase in trains loading, which, in turn, led to a full load existing capacity.
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PIKH, Oleh. "Polish-Belarusian relations in 2005–2015." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-140-153.
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The article highlights the multilateral aspects of the Polish-Belarusian relations in 2005–2015. It is noted that having achieved the most important goals of foreign policy, becoming a full member of the EU and NATO, Poland decided to develop and deepen the Eastern vector. Relations with Belarus in the previous period, unlike the relations with Ukraine and Russia, remained at the low political level. At the same time, after Poland joined the EU in 2014, its foreign policy was consistent with the general policy of the European Union towards Belarus. It was established that the main reason for the negative tendencies in the Polish-Belarusian relations was the Belarusian authorities' interference with the activities of the Polish minority and organizations that represented it, as well as the strengthening of the authoritarian government in the internal political life of Belarus. The Polish authorities consistently supported their own minority, as well as the opposition forces and civil society in Belarus, which usually caused dissatisfaction of the official Minsk. Relations between Belarus and the West, and Poland in particular, were changeable, depending on its relationship with the Kremlin. Russia's support, supplemented by the accelerated process of privatization of the Belarusian economy with the participation of Russian capital, led to the financial-economic and military-political dependence of Belarus, which over the years, not only decreased, but deepened. It was noted that the policy of isolation and diplomatic pressure on the Belarusian political elites narrowed the space for the maneuvering of Polish authorities, and they lost the opportunity to influence the political processes in Belarus. Therefore, Poland was trying to use the Russian-Belarusian conflicts in order to draw the Belarusian leadership closer to the western world and depart it from Moscow. In particular, this was to be facilitated by the European Eastern Partnership program, which, however, did not produce significant results for Belarus. The Belarusian authorities continued the policy of authoritarian rule, persecution of the opposition and falsification of elections. At the same time, under the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the leadership of Belarus cautiously took a course on improving relations with the Western countries and a more balanced foreign policy. Keywords Republic of Belarus, Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, foreign policy, sanctions.
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Chalov, S. R., P. N. Terskii, L. E. Efimova, A. I. Terskaia, V. A. Efimov, and I. S. Danilovich. "Problems of hydrological monitoring in transboundary rivers of Eastern Europe (on the example of the Western Dvina." Engineering survey 13, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25296/1997-8650-2019-13-1-32-44.
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Transboundary rivers are the connecting threads of different states. Hydrological monitoring and water quality control may vary significantly in different countries and leads to difficulties in solving various water management tasks. Trans-border areas require the resolution of a number of special issues, often in the field of interstate relations. This article presents the results of the analysis of hydrological processes monitoring organization in transboundary river basins of Russia and Eastern Europe. The assessment of typical monitoring problems on the example of the Western Dvina river basin under the circumstances of changing population of the territory and legislative framework governing water management is given. From the analysis of the official information sources and field observations, the structure of hydrological observations in the Western Dvina basin in Russia, Belarus and countries of the European Union is compared with their changes over time. Information on the number and density of the monitoring network stations is given, existing standards and documents regulating the procedure of observations, the composition of the measured parameters, the quality of measurements and the availability of monitoring data are compared. The analysis of methods of network observations of suspended sediments in the Western Dvina basin was carried out. The uncertainty of measurements of the concentration of suspended sediments at the outlet in the Russian part of the Western Dvina basin, caused by the existing methods and, thus, typical for determining this parameter on the observation network in the Russian Federation, is revealed. It is shown that differences and uncertainties in the collection and processing of hydrological information in different countries are a key difficulty in organizing monitoring, both at the international and at the state level.
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Рослонь, Домініка. "Виклики у сфері безпеки в регіоні Калінінградської oбласті." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 1, no. 4 (2022): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.20224.12.
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Attention is focused on the issues of national security of the state, taking into account the general development of the country and the realization of its national interests. It is noted that the interpretation of the essence of current threats and challenges optimizes the methodological substantiation of the tasks of guaranteeing the provision of national security. The characteristics of regional security are presented. Attention is focused on the peculiarities of the European region. The emergence of significant exogenous challenges in the 21st century, which represented a serious threat to the security of the member states of the European Union, was noted. The problems of ensuring regional security are outlined. Indicators are presented that have led to a significant increase in the risks of security instability in the European region and provide an opportunity for an uncontrolled arms race. The list of factors that cause the decline of the region is considered. Changes in the political situation of the United States of America and their impact on the situation in the European Union are characterized. The activation of the United Kingdom in matters of ensuring security in Europe in the context of NATO and due to the activation of bilateral relations with European countries was determined. It was noted that the aggressive position of the Russian Federation led to a significant deterioration of the security situation around Ukraine and directly in the region. Attention is focused on issues of national security of Poland in the current political situation. The cooperation of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland to contain the military threat from Russia was noted. The aggravation of the confrontation between Lithuania and Russia regarding the provision of Kaliningrad was emphasized. It is indicated that NATO representatives are significantly concerned about the strategic Kaliningrad region of Russia. It is noted that Russia is actively engaged in strengthening its military presence. Options for actions of the NATO army in the event of an escalation of the military conflict and expansion of the coverage area were considered. It is indicated that a possible option of escalation around Kaliningrad will cause the situation to worsen. Options for confronting the aggressor country in the short term and in the format of coexistence for a longer term are considered. The influence of Belarus on the situation in the region due to the growth of migration was noted. This leads to the discrediting of Poland and Lithuania for supporting Belarusian dissidents who seek to avoid political repression. It is stipulated that the Baltic and Polish political leaders analyze the crisis through the prism of national security. The position of Poland in the settlement of regional conflicts is considered. It is indicated that the political position of Poland should be aimed at preventing the realization of an unfavorable scenario. It is noted that the priority should be the expansion of ground forces and aviation, which ensure reliable deterrence of the Russian Federation.
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Cherkasov, P. "IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.
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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).