Relevant bibliographies by topics / European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)

Academic literature on the topic 'European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)"

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CEBOTARI, Livia. "TRADE BETWEEN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF SANCTIONS AND COUNTER-SANCTIONS." ANNALS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ORADEA. ECONOMIC SCIENCES 30, no. 2 (December 2021): 435–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47535/1991auoes30(2)046.

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The year 2014 marked the deepest crisis in EU-Russia relations since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The bilateral relations cooled down because of the Ukrainian conflict. The EU started to impose restrictive measures on Russian Federation and Russia has responded by imposing counter-sanctions. The sanctions imposed by European Union in conjunction with the counter-sanctions adopted by the Russian Federation on EU food imports had massive consequences on the bilateral trade. The main purpose of this research is to identify and evaluate the impact of sanctions and counter-sanctions on trade in goods between eleven Central and Eastern European Countries and the Russian Federation. This paper tries to determine the factors that can explain why, after the adoption of economic sanctions, some Central and Eastern European Countries recorded losses higher than others. The research methodology combines tools of both quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis.
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RAKHIMOVA, Maiya. "RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE BALTIC STATES: KEY ASPECTS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-638.

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The issue of relations between Russia and The Baltic States is of particular relevance against the backdrop of interaction with the European Union. The change in the policy stance of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after the Soviet Union’s collapse was reflected at the regional level. The desire to integrate the Baltic States into the EU and NATO has led to a series of determined political decisions that in turn have affected cooperation with Russia. In the process of developing relations with the European Union, the Russian Federation has begun to consider possibilities of cooperation with the Baltic countries as well. The article analyses the prospects for change, problems and cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states at the regional level.
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Vyacheslav, Bocharov A., Olga A. Fedotova, Marina V. Kakurina, Galia G. Mikhaleva, and Svetlana V. Novikova. "Protection of minor rights in Russia and European Union countries." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S3 (November 14, 2021): 950–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns3.1688.

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The goal of the study is to develop the problem of minor rights and legitimate interest protection theoretically. Discussion: A comprehensive analysis of the system for protection the rights of this category of citizens was carried out to achieve this goal. At the same time, special attention is paid to the basic concepts and approaches used for the implementation of the studied legal relations in Russia and the EU countries. Result: they revealed the features of minor right protection system in the Russian Federation and some EU states.
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Kardanov, V. A., V. N. Kulik, T. A. Petrova, and V. V. Vulshonok. "ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF EXPORT AND IMPORT OF GOODS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-100-107.

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The issues related to the analysis of export and import of goods between two neighboring states: the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation have been examined. Relations between the EU countries and Russia to date have been in a significant crisis. Cooperation in the economic field is reduced in the context of mutual sanctions. According to the authors, for the Russian Federation in the near future the main task should be set – economic rapprochement with the countries of the European Union and further negotiations on easing mutual sanctions, since these and other reasons significantly complicate the countertrade in goods and services and impede European integration. It is obvious, that European companies are also interested in normalizing commercial and economic relations. The limitations of non-tariff regulation in foreign trade have been considered also in the paper. It has been concluded on the need to gradually mitigate restrictive measures. And efforts in this direction should be made by both the Russian Federation and the member States of the European Union, including the Republic of Poland.
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Barsegyan, D. E. "Analysis of the impact of tariff preferences on the foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-42-50.

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The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.
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Vakarchuk, Denis O. "DIFFERENCES AMONG THE MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: 2014-2019." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-57-73.

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The article examines the relations between Russia and the member states of the European Union in the period from 2014 to 2019. Methodologically, the author assumes that the European Union is a heterogeneous structure that affects the Russian-European relations. This is especially true for the foreign policy field where each EU state pursues its own interests. The author sets a task to study the impact ofthe differences between theEU memberstates on the dynamics of their relations with Russia through quantitative analysis. Within the confines of the empirical study, the dependent variable is presented as the state of the relations between the EU countries and the Russian Federation, and it is operationalized by an event study. To identify the differences between the EU states, the author proposes to use a set of factors such as the duration of EU membership, dependence on the trade with the Russian Federation, the type of democracy and the great power identification. Mann-Whitney U-test is the tool to investigate the connections between the variables. The result of the quantitative analysis demonstrates that in the period under review it was only the factor of belonging of a number of EU member states to the great powers that had a significant impact on their relations with Russia.
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Marković, Aleksandar. "European Union and Russian Federation: A brief history of relations from 1991 to 2021." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104337m.

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This article is dealing with international relations between EU and Russian Federation after falling of Berlin's wall and decline of communist regimes in countries of Eastern block. Author is trying to emphasize three periods. First period is from 1991. until 2000. During presidency of Boris Jeljcin in Russia. This period is reflected by declining of Russian power and stronger integration of Europe because of Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. Second period is period of coming on power president Vladimir Putin and uprising of Russia. This period lasts until 2014. year, when relations were more-less stable, except conflict in Georgia. Third period is related to conflict in Ukraine in 2014. And energetic crisis in 2021. Conflict in Ukraine has shown that EU doesn't have force to stand from foreign policy of USA, which is reflected in actions of NATO. Author concludes article with hope that memory from two world wars will be enough strong for politicians from both sides to not let another world war, and they will find new ways to enhance international cooperation.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.

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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Morozov, Oleg V. "Parlamentary Diplovfcy of New Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-299-315.

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This article presents the results of the author's reflections on the theoretical principles, legal basis and practice of the international activities of the Federal Assembly – the Parliament of the Russian Federation, - in connection with the 25th anniversary of parliamentarism of new Russia. The author analyzes the country network of relations, forms of bilateral inter-parliamentary cooperation, shows the experience of cooperation with European inter-parliamentary structures and associations. Special attention is paid to parliamentary cooperation within the framework of the Union of Belarus and Russia, the collective security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of independent States and the Eurasian economic community. He also shows the demand for inter-parliamentary cooperation with BRICS countries and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. On the basis of the Concept of foreign policy of Russian Federation (dd. November 30, 2016, N 640), the speech of Minister of foreign Affairs of Russia Sergey Lavrov at the Munich security conference February 16, 2019 and the message of the President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin to Federal Assembly February 20, 2019 the author presents the list of directions, topics and geography of international cooperation of Russian Parliament for the medium term future.
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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.

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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)"

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MELONI, Gabriella. "Wider Europe : the influence of the EU on neighbouring countries : the case of Russia and Ucraine." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10467.

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Defence date: 7 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (EUI/RSCAS) ; Prof. Olga Potemkina, (Russian Academy of Science, Moscow) ; Prof. Gerda Falkner, (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI, Department of Law)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The EU has engaged in the promotion of an unprecedented process of policy export which involves not only candidates to enlargement, but also a wide range of countries beyond the Union’s present and future expected (at least at the moment) borders. In this framework, Russia and Ukraine have been an important test-case for the European Union which asked them to 'endeavour to ensure' that their legislation will be 'gradually made compatible with that of the Community' already in the mid-90s. This dissertation is intended to explore the mechanisms which have allowed the EU to promote legislative approximation in these 2 countries across 3 policy areas which are at the core of the internal market and where I, thus, expected the pressure for Europeanisation to be higher: competition policy, company law and consumers’ protection. In particular, I tried to understand if and how far the EU has been able to induce Russia and Ukraine towards the desired outcome as a result of the engagement of the parties in strategic inter-action. Then, on the other hand, I tried to assess if and how far rule adoption has been motivated by internalized, socially constructed identities, values and norms. The analysis has shown that there are interesting cases of Europeanisation not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia, allowing me to highlight the limits deriving from the use of conditionality in the new neighborhood and the need to reconsider the mix between different Europeanisation strategies.
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Martin, Jeremy Andrew. "Russia and the "West" a useful paradigm or an imagined actor? /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1178124728.

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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.

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This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
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Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.

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Dufresne, Anne. "Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel: étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.

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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.

L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.


Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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POPOVA, Daria. "Distributional impacts of public policies for children and families : a microsimulation analysis for Russia and Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29521.

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Defence date: 16 September 2013
Examining Board: Professor Martin Kohli, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, EUI; Professor Theodore Gerber, University of Wisconsin; Professor Holly Sutherland, University of Essex.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis analyzes the distributional impacts of public policies for families and children in Russia and Europe, by using expost and exante impact evaluation techniques. Moreover, this thesis offers a new tool for a comprehensive impact evaluation of the performance of the Russian taxbenefit system - the static microsimulation model RUSMOD. The model allows testing of the firstorder distributional impacts of both existing and hypothetical policy designs, while keeping other national parameters - original income distribution and sociodemographic structure - constant. Furthermore, being fully compatible with EUROMOD - the taxbenefit model for the European Union - the Russian model is suitable for crosscountry policy learning. The study assesses the performance of child targeted allowances in Russia and shows that it is possible to achieve better distributional results, even at the same level of spending, by means of better targeting and unification of programme design across the regions. In addition, the study estimates the potential gains if the Russian programme of child allowances were to be redesigned along the policy parameters of the relevant programmes in four European countries - Sweden, Germany, Belgium and the United Kingdom - countries representing different family policy regimes. This analysis suggests that there is a significant scope for expanding the budget for child allowances in Russia. In terms of design, the best distributive outcomes are achieved by applying a mix of universal and meanstested child benefits. On a theoretical level, this thesis contributes to the international debate on the directions of welfare state reform in conditions of contemporary demographic and economic challenges. On a practical level, it contributes to the promotion of the evidence based approach to social intervention. The scope of applications of the Russian model can be easily extended to the analysis of other taxbenefit policies and other EU countries. The output of the model can be incorporated into the dynamic model framework, to study the effect of policy reforms on labour supply and demographic behaviour.
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ULASIUK, Iryna. "Europeanization of language rights in Russia and Ukraine." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14528.

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Defence date: 28 June 2010
Examining Board: Bruno De Witte (Supervisor, former EUI); Francesco Palermo (OSCE, The Hague); Roman Petrov (University of Heidelberg); Ruth RUBIO MARIN (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Language has always been one of the most pertinent factors contributing to the cultural diversity of societies throughout the world. Whereas the socio-historical processes of stateformation and nation building in the modern age have been accompanied by exclusive language policies aiming at linguistic homogenisation of the population, language rights have been central to the claims of national minorities for recognition of their identities. The preservation of linguistic diversity has, thus, become a major concern to many researchers, politicians and leaders of linguistic communities in Europe in general and countries of the former Soviet Union in particular. The issue of linguistic minorities has taken on a particular urgency because of the increasing recognition of the threat of extinction faced by many minority languages. The need for immediate action has become obvious. Europe has slowly but steadily started to come up with responses to how to keep the most vulnerable languages from extinction and guarantee rights to speakers of such languages at the same time. Today we can talk about the emergence of a European minimum standard of protection of language rights as it has developed since the 1990s in the European conventions and their monitoring activities. The impact of such standard varies in different countries and is being assessed in the present doctoral thesis with respect to Russia and Ukraine.
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Lyapina, Elmira. "Ochrana investic v plynárenském sektoru: Perspektivy právních vztahů mezi Evropskou unií a Ruskou federací." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-368008.

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The absence of a relevant legal basis between huge commercial partners such as the EU as a single entity and the Russian Federation promoted the emergence of a legal vacuum. The long term cooperation between Russia and the EU has only one bilateral agreement - the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation signed in 1994, which is however obsolete, and does not meet the contemporary needs. The adequate legal basis for Russia-EU cooperation in the gas sector is still missing. The protection of investments in the gas sector is being realized by bilateral agreements between Russia and EU member states, soft law and general international agreements, without any specifications for those two partners. The only international instrument covering the energy relations of these two partners - Energy Charter Treaty cannot be considered as a reliable mechanism, as Russia withdrew from it more than 8 years ago. The reasons of the withdrawal and the Yukos case as an illustrative example are discussed in this paper. In order to avoid uncertainty in such strategic area as gas investment relations and unpredictable decisions between the states represented by the commercial entities, there is a need to design a substantive legal basis, and a need to consider on the adequate dispute resolution body. In this thesis, key...
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Books on the topic "European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)"

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Andrew, Kuchins, and Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.), eds. EU-Russia relations: Toward a way out of depression? Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies, 2008.

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1970-, Gänzle Stefan, Müntel Guido, and Vinokurov Evgeny, eds. Adapting to European integration?: Kaliningrad, Russia and the European Union. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.

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1957-, Johnson Debra, and Robinson Paul, eds. Perspectives on EU-Russia relations. London: Routledge, 2004.

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Katlijn, Malfliet, Verpoest Lien 1977-, and Chair Interbrew-Baillet Latour (Belgium), eds. Russia and Europe in a changing international environment. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001.

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Responding to a resurgent Russia: Russian policy and responses from the European union and the United States. New York: Springer, 2012.

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Kirsten, Westphal, ed. A focus on EU-Russian relations: Towards a close partnership on defined road maps? Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005.

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Saari, Sinikukka. Promoting democracy and human rights in Russia: European organization and Russia's socialization. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.

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Bastian, Katrin. Die Europäische Union und Russland: Multilaterale und bilaterale Dimensionen in der europäischen Aussenpolitik. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006.

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Die Europäische Union und Russland: Unterstützung der EU für die Transformationsprozesse in Russland am Beispiel des technischen Hilfsprogramms Tacis. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1998.

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1964-, Pinnick Kathryn, ed. Russia and the European Union: Prospects for a new relationship. London: Routledge, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)"

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Tichý, Lukáš. "The Comparison of the Three Energy Discourses of the European Union and the Russian Federation in 2004–2014." In EU-Russia Energy Relations, 179–203. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04107-6_6.

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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.

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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Halász, Iván. "The Slovak Concepts of Integration." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 177–95. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_9.

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The first part of this chapter deals with the factors that determined Slovak national development; conflict between Catholics and Protestants played an important role in this process. Another important factor was the Czech-Slovak linguistic and cultural proximity, which allowed continuous interaction, but slowed independent Slovak identity-building processes. Slovaks lived for a long time on the northern periphery of the old Kingdom of Hungary, where, despite their relatively high number of people, they did not have autonomy. Slovak politics had to settle relations with the Czechs and Hungarians in the 19th and 20th centuries. The Slovaks also tried to geographically define the region they inhabited. An important role in this process was played by its proximity to the Danube and the mountainous character of the country under the Carpathians. In building cultural and political identity, however, the sense of Slavic unity, which Hungarian politics called Panslavism, has traditionally played an important role. Most Slovak political concepts dealt with achieving territorial autonomy and federalizing Hungary. Several concepts also touched on the idea of a wider Slavic federation. Russophilism was strong in Slovak politics for a long time, but at the end of the 19th century, Czech-Slovak cooperation seemed more realistic. Czechoslovakia was finally born as a result of the First World War. After 1918, the democratic Western orientation was strengthened, and several politicians considered cooperation along the Danube important. In the shadow of the Soviet and German threats, Central Europe concepts were born. The most famous is former Prime Minister Milan Hodža’s concept, which was conceived during his US emigration. After the Second World War, all of Czechoslovakia became part of the Soviet Eastern Bloc. Some Slovak communists thought about joining the Soviet Union directly, but Moscow no longer needed them. Other orientations have long been taboo. Solidarity in Central Europe, on the other hand, has strengthened in anti-communist opposition circles. The country’s Western integration began after 1989, but the pro-Russian political orientation was also strong. In these years, Central European solidarity and identity have promoted democratic orientation and European Union integration.
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"The Russian Federation and the European Union: the shadow of Chechnya." In Perspectives on EU-Russia Relations, 116–32. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203320181-17.

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Keukeleire, Stephan, and Tom De Bruyn. "18. The European Union, the BRICS, and Other Emerging Powers." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0018.

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This chapter examines how the European Union is challenged by the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and other emerging powers, along with its implications for the world order. It first provides an overview of the nature of the BRICS phenomenon before discussing the EU's contractual and political relations, as well as ‘strategic partnership’, with the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It then considers the EU–BRICS relationship on the basis of three key perspectives: the EU as a subsystem of international relations, the EU as a power in international relations, and the EU as part of the wider processes of international relations. In particular, it explores the EU's capacity to generate external collective action towards the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It also analyses EU–BRICS relations within the context of shifts in multilateralism and in the global governance architecture.
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Dangerfield, Martin. "New member states’ economic relations with Russia: ‘Europeanisation’ or bilateral preferences?" In The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood, 141–54. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526109095.003.0010.

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Martin Dangerfield examines the ways in which EU-isation, in the form of a coherent approach to Russia in the sphere of politics, is not fully reflected in the bilateral approach based on interests preferred by member states when it comes to trade. Interestingly, he shows that the apparent alignment of values and interests of member states such as Hungary vis-à-vis Russia is not what it seems. The growing illiberal politics in countries such as Hungary and Poland is more to do with internal dynamics than any attraction of alternative norms coming from Putin’s Russia. Trade relations with Russia have long been interest-based and not pursued as a reflection of shared norms.
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Juncos, Ana E., and Nieves Pérez-Solórzano Borragán. "16. Enlargement." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the implications of enlargement for the shape and definition of Europe in general and for the institutional set-up and the major policies of the European Union in particular. It first provides a historical background on EU enlargement before discussing the enlargement process itself, with a focus on the use of conditionality and the role of the main actors involved. It then considers the contributions of neo-functionalism, liberal intergovernmentalism, and social constructivism to explaining the EU's geographical expansion. It also evaluates the success and prospect of future enlargement in the context of wider EU developments, especially the effect of the financial crisis in the euro area, ‘enlargement fatigue’, the domestic context in the candidate countries, and evolving relations with Russia.
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Nitszke, Agnieszka. "The European Union versus Russian Disinformation." In Information Security Policy: Conditions, Threats and Implementation in the International Environment, 35–51. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381388276.02.

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The war in Ukraine has made public opinion and policy makers aware of the Russian Federation as a major threat to international security, but also to the internal security of the European Union. The military threat is only one of the instruments used by this state. For years, a different type of Russian activity in the EU has been observed, consisting in creating an alternative picture of the situation in Ukraine, and interfering in political processes in selected countries. All these activities are aimed at undermining the cohesion and solidarity of the EU, which, from Moscow’s perspective, is a threat to its political interests as a result of the Union’s promotion of democratic values and principles and human rights in the international environment. The article presents selected disinformation campaigns carried out by Russia in the EU and then analyses the actions the Union has taken in response. Conclusions and recommendations were formulated in the end.
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Yildirim, Zafer. "Russia's Role in the Unification Process of Ukraine to EU." In Handbook of Research on Social and Economic Development in the European Union, 435–54. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1188-6.ch026.

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Ukraine's efforts to unite the EU since it gained independence caused some splits in the heterogeneous Ukrainian society. They induced discontent within the Russian Federation as well; because Russia considers itself the inheritor of the former United Soviet Socialist Republic. When Ukrainian President Yanukovych announced that the partnership treaty with the EU was suspended just before the due date for signing, a crisis broke out in Ukraine. Consequently, Yanukovych left the country. Russia reacted to the situation by invading Crimea. Moreover, the EU's Ukraine policy was not clear enough. The main objective of this study is to reveal if Russia was hindering Ukraine's integration to the EU or it was the motive for the process. There are different points of view on that matter. In this chapter, those points will be analyzed under the following subtitles: “Russian Politics of Ukraine”, “EU-Ukraine Relations”, and “EU-Russia Relations.”
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Gedeon, Magdolna, and Iván Halász. "European and Regional Integration Concepts in Poland (1789–2004)." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 197–224. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_10.

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The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was one of the largest states in early Modern Europe. Its internal public law structure was complex and had several federal features. The existence of different levels of autonomy was no stranger to him. Many nations and denominations (churches) were mixed in this state, which ceased to exist at the end of the 18th century, but the ideal of independent Polish statehood lived on. In the 19th century, several Polish independence uprisings broke out, mostly against the Russians, but none of them were successful. Various concepts were born among Polish politicians; these often dealt with a Central and Eastern European federation with Polish leadership. In the first half of the 19th century, the Poles held Slavic solidarity concepts that sought to reconcile Slavic Poles and Russians. These concepts were popular mainly among the conservative and romantic intellectuals. In time, however, Slavic solidarity took a back seat. In the second half of the 19th century, the Polish socialist movement was born, which sought more moderate national politics toward the Belarus, Ukrainian, and Lithuanian national movements and wanted to unite some nations of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in a fairer federation. These ideas were also close to Józef Piłsudski, under whose leadership Poland again became an independent state at the end of 1918. He arrived from the Polish Socialist Party, and during the First World War, he organized the Polish legions. At a similar time in tsarist Russia, the Polish National Democratic Party was the second important political movement in the early 20th century. This nationalist movement was born in tsarist Russia and propagated the rebirth of Poland in the form of a smaller but more Polish national state. Roman Dmowski, a leader of the NDP, had a conflict with Piłsudski that was an important conceptional problem of the second Polish Republic in the interwar period. The new Poland was big state with regional ambitions, but it had two dangerous neighbors—Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. The Polish leaders therefore had to think about various federal alternatives, most of which revolved around solidarity in Central and Eastern Europe. Such were the Intermarium or Jagellonian plans. The Polish tragedy during the Second World War and Soviet dominance after 1945 only reinforced these ideas. Many Polish intellectuals began to see the future in European unity, although such ideas existed as early as the 19th century. Some of the Polish emigration to Paris worked to reconcile them with the peoples of Eastern Europe (Ukrainians, Lithuanians, and Belarusians). The journal Kultura played the crucial role in this process. Poland after 1989 again plays an important European role in three regional contexts: Central Europe, the Baltic Sea, and North-Eastern Europe.
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Conference papers on the topic "European Union countries – Relations – Russia (Federation)"

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Bie`th, Michel, and Hubert Schoels. "The TACIS Nuclear Programme: Assistance in Upgrading Russian Nuclear Power Stations —An Overview of the Individual Projects in the Internet." In 14th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone14-89635.

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The European Union’ TACIS programme has been established for the New Independent States (NIS), among them in the Russian Federation since 1991. One priority of TACIS funding is Nuclear Safety. The European Commission has made available a total of 944 Million € for nuclear safety programmes covering the period 1991–2003. The TACIS nuclear safety programme is devoted to the improvement of the safety of Soviet designed nuclear installations in providing technology and safety culture transfer. JRC is carrying out works in the following areas: • On-Site Assistance for TACIS operating Nuclear Power Plants; • Design Safety and Dissemination of TACIS results; • Reactor Pressure Vessel Embrittlement for VVER; • Regulatory Assistance; • Industrial Waste Management; • Nuclear Safeguards. All TACIS projects, dealing with these areas of activity are now available in so called Project Description Sheets (PDS) or Project Results Sheets (PRS) in the Internet for everybody. JRC has created in the Internet an easy to open and to browse database which contains the result of works in relation to the above mentioned nuclear activities. This presentation gives an on-line overview of the app. 430 projects which have been implemented so far since the outset of the TACIS Nuclear Progremme in the Russian Federation, which is representative to the other CIS countries, benefiting from the TACIS. The presentation will mainly consist of an on-line-demonstration of the TACIS Nuclear WEB Page, created by JRC.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
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Shalygina, Natalya, Natalya Zaitseva, Maksim Selyukov, and Ol’ga Znajdenova. "Development of Trade and Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of the European Union: Problems and Prospects." In 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.030.

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Yumagulova, E. R., A. A. Norekyan, and E. V. Yumadilova. "KEY ASPECTS OF THE NEW FOREST STRATEGY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In webinar. Nizhnevartovsk State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/es-2020/05.

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The paper describes problem features of deforestation and solutions in the EU countries and Russian Federation. The effectiveness of the EU policy and law in the field of forestry is supported by the steady growth of forest area for more than 60 years. Forest complex of Russia is in a major crisis now. Wood recourses insecurity of planned export performance of the timber industry complex and internal consumption is the main mistake of the Development Strategy for the Forestry Complex of the Russian Federation until 2030.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak, and İlyas Sözen. "An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory: Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.

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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Ganiev, Junus, and Damira Baigonushova. "Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.

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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Lotorev, Evgeniy. "Social policy and constitutional legislation: comparative legal research experience." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-177-191.

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The relevance of the problem under study is due to the issues that arise in the process of attempts to build a welfare state; the current situation in the Russian Federation at the present stage of the development of statehood and social phenomena, as well as the difficulties that arise in the regulatory regulation of these groups of public relations. In this regard, this article is aimed at a comprehensive analysis of the issues of the formation of the social state that arise when trying to resolve them by the national legislator. The leading approach to the study of this problem is a comparative legal analysis of the European and domestic experience of building a social security system and the impact of the practice of the European Court of Human Rights on it. The article summarizes the problematic issues related to the search for the optimal domestic model of social security, as well as the doctrinal approach to the topic under consideration.
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MAMAI, Oksana, and Igor MAMAI. "OPTIMIZATION OF THE MANAGEMENT MECHANISM FOR THE INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REGION’S AGRICULTURAL SECTOR." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.054.

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The current trends in the development of innovative activities in Russia are far from fully meeting the expectations associated with improving the competitiveness of products and the quality of life of the population, with the provision of dynamic sustainable growth, and the formation of the innovative economy. The mixed nature of the Russian economy, the fundamentally different technological level and institutional conditions for the development of various sectors exclude the possibility of defining a single model of innovative development that is universal for all sectors. In the current conditions, the technical and technological level of the agrarian sector of the country's economy is the most catastrophically lagging behind the world's leading producers of agricultural products. Domestic agrarian production is 5 times more energy intensive and 4 times more metal consuming, and labor productivity is 8-10 times lower than in the USA, in the leading countries of the European Union and Canada. Not having eliminated this techno-technological backlog, without implementing the advanced development of certain specific areas of scientific research and technological developments in the field of agriculture, Russia's agrarian sector will finally lose its competitiveness and will not be able to ensure the country's food security. Thus, the need for a scientific justification of the theory, methodology and practice of the innovative development management of the agrarian sector of the regional economy in the context of large-scale economic and institutional transformations determines the urgency of the issue. Currently, most of the works of domestic researchers put emphasis on the problems of knowledge transfer, at the same time, the methodology for creating and commercializing competitive scientific knowledge through the formation of innovative agricultural clusters is beyond the scope of scientific research, and its management and economic mechanism has not been developed yet. Thus, the aim of this research is to develop proposals for optimization of the management mechanism for the innovative development of the region's agricultural sector (by the example of the Samara Region of the Russian Federation). The research used a set of methods of scientific knowledge used at both theoretical and empirical levels (conceptual modeling, synthesis and analysis, tabular and graphical interpretation of theoretical information and empirical data).
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