Journal articles on the topic 'European Union countries – Membership'

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1

Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Trade unionism in Europe: Are the working class still members?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119838881.

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How far does social class position influence the likelihood that employees will be members of a trade union? I use European Social Survey data to compare trade union membership of ‘working-class’ and ‘middle- and upper class’ employees in different European countries. Although the former dominate the trade unions in absolute numbers in most (but not all) countries, the likelihood that the latter will be members of a trade union is higher in most of the countries analysed.
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Zimková, Emília, Michaela Vidiečanová, and Petra Cisková. "Determinants of Economic Growth in the European Union Countries." Statistika: Statistics and Economy Journal 101, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 357–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54694/stat.2021.16.

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This paper reassesses the long-debated relationship between the financial system development and economic growth. We use not only indicators for financial access, efficiency, stability and depth of the bank-oriented financial sector, but we also consider Eurozone membership, corruption perception and competitiveness of countries to examine the determinants of economic growth. We apply a panel data approach to 27 European countries over the 2004–2017 period. By splitting the time span, we examine whether the effect of financial system development, Eurozone membership, corruption perception and competitiveness on economic growth is affected by the occurrence of financial and debt crises. Our results indicate that loans to private sector do not always support economic growth. Our research also reveals that corruption perception has a negative impact on economic growth, and so does membership in Eurozone during a crisis.
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Crouch, Colin. "Membership density and trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258916673533.

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Union membership has declined in almost all European and other advanced economies, though in many cases the membership that remains reflects overall changes in the gender and occupational structure of the economy. Meanwhile, in most countries unions’ incorporation in governing institutions of the labour market has remained stable or risen. Union strength (membership density and incorporation) and to a lesser extent bargaining coordination correlate positively with core employee interests in the post-Keynesian economy: a combination of high employment and low inequality, and a balance between flexibility and security. The evidence suggests that unions’ most important role today is as part of wider political forces, where the role of membership strength remains ambiguous.
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Mosimann, Nadja, and Jonas Pontusson. "Solidaristic Unionism and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe." World Politics 69, no. 3 (May 23, 2017): 448–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887117000107.

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Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–14), this article explores the effect of union membership on support for redistribution. The authors hypothesize that the wage-bargaining practices of unions promote egalitarian distributive norms, which lead union members to support redistribution, and that this effect is strongest among high-wage workers. Consistent with the authors’ expectations, the empirical analysis shows that the solidarity effect of union membership is strongest when unions encompass a very large share of the labor force or primarily organize low-wage workers. The authors also show that low-wage workers have become a significantly less important union constituency in many European countries over the time period covered by the analysis.
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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.

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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Political attitudes and trade union membership in the Nordic countries." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708372.

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Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.
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7

Sojka, Elżbieta. "Demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 17, no. 17 (January 1, 2012): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-012-0014-4.

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Demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership The purpose of the article is to analyse the demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership against the background of the EU member states. The study involves eight candidate states: Croatia, Iceland, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Turkey, i.e. the countries that have been approved by the European Commission as official candidates for the EU membership, as well as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, i.e. the potential candidates. Albania and Serbia applied officially for the EU membership in 2009. Favourable population age structure and relatively high fertility rate that occur in these countries determine a significant demographic potential they can bring to the EU after their accession. Decrease in infant mortality rate and extension of life expectancy illustrate positive changes that have been taking place in these countries for the last several years.
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8

Formichelli, Solidea. "Support for European Membership in the new Candidate Countries." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 30, 2007): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.1.4.

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Is European Membership supported in candidate countries? Up until now a lot has been written on support for European integration and explanations for it within European Union Member States. Considering three candidate countries – Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey – and focusing on the economic calculus of costs and benefits and national-European identity theories, this paper analyses public opinion support for European Membership. The main results, obtained using the Candidate Countries Eurobarometer 2003.4 dataset, and applying a logistic regression model, shown that the economic model better explains the support for European integration than does the identity model. National identity does not affect the support at all; it is not significant in any of the models elaborated.
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9

Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "EU aspirations of the Republic of Serbia – an overview." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2016 (October 23, 2016): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.16.1.

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The primary purpose of this paper is to ascertain the degree to which the Republic of Serbia is ready for full membership of the European Union. Therefore the criteria set by the European Union for the countries aspiring to membership have been examined, including in particular the Copenhagen criteria of 1993. The assessment expressed in the European Parliament resolution of 18 April 2013 has also been taken into account. In many respects, the Republic of Serbia is not yet fully prepared for membership in the European Union, but on 20 January 2014 negotiations started on Serbia’s accession to the EU. Their results will be conditional on the course and pace of the talks concerning the normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo. The date of Serbia’s eventual accession to the European Union is expected to be 2020.
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Błaszczyk, Maria Celina. "Selected Aspects of European Integration of the Visegrad Group Countries." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.25.14.

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This paper analyzes the membership of the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary) in the European Union (EU). It presents the parallel process of fundamental systemic transformation and integration with the EU in the analyzed countries. Their integration path is shown, starting from the association with the European Communities, a transitional period to membership, through adjustments to the requirements related to EU accession and membership. A comparative analysis of the main macroeconomic indicators, trade development, and the inflow of foreign direct investment showed that the adopted measures and the membership of these countries in the EU positively impacted their overall socio‑economic development, in particular in the context of modernizing and restructuring their economies, which ultimately translated into the civilizational leap of the analyzed countries.
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11

Dennison, James, Daniel Seddig, and Eldad Davidov. "The Role of Human Values in Explaining Support for European Union Membership." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, no. 4 (March 26, 2021): 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211005082.

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In recent years, there has been greater scholarly enquiry into explaining variation in support for European Union membership. We theorise that one cause of such variation is likely to be non-political psychological predispositions, such as one’s personal values. We test this proposition by applying Schwartz’s theory of basic human values to predict voting intentions in hypothetical referendums on EU membership. We theorise that these values determine both voting intentions and more proximate explanatory variables of support for EU membership: attitudes to immigration and identifying as European. Using data on 13 countries from the European Social Survey ( N=24,703 citizens) and multigroup structural equation modeling, we demonstrate that this psychological framework effectively predicts voting intentions, notably in terms of the consistent cross-country evidence for indirect effects of values on support for membership via European identity and attitudes to immigration. We then discuss the implications of our findings, including differences in effects between countries.
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Jansiz, Ahmad, Saeed Sadeghi, Jalal Mirzaei, and Mustafa Tarin. "Cultural Challenges Facing Turkey’s Membership in the European Union." Asian Social Science 12, no. 9 (August 25, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n9p1.

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Turkey is one of the first countries asking for membership in the European Union but has not been able to achieve this goal. Even today the prospect of its membership is vague. Turkey hopes to join the EU in its 100<sup>th</sup> anniversary of independence in 2023 and has set its strategies and policies in line with this goal. It is an Islamic country which might challenge the relatively homogeneous culture of the EU. Some European countries consider the EU a community with a homogeneous cultural, social and political principles and values and regard the orientalist policy of Turkey as an evidence for its heterogeneity with the values existing in the European societies. The present article attempts to investigate the cultural and social barriers as the main obstacle to Turkey’s membership in the EU. Erdogan also believes that cultural problems are the most important obstacle to his country’s presence in the EU. Turkey has only three alternatives if it cannot become an EU member: active involvement, becoming a bridge between East and West, and being an ordinary neighbor to Europe. If Turkey becomes a member of the EU, it can play an important and influential role in the union as the only Islamic member. The present article uses constructivism as its theoretical background and takes it for granted that Turkey faces serious challenges in its path to membership in the EU due to cultural and identity problems.
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13

Ebell, Monique. "Assessing the Impact of Trade Agreements on Trade." National Institute Economic Review 238 (November 2016): R31—R42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011623800113.

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One of the key issues facing the UK in the wake of the advisory referendum result to leave the European Union is the precise nature of its relationship with the European Union. At one extreme would be continued membership in the European Economic Area, including membership in the single market. Other options would be either no free trade agreement (FTA) with the EU at all or a less comprehensive FTA which stops short of single market membership. This paper compares the ability of EEA membership and less comprehensive FTAs to generate trade in goods and services. We investigate this question using empirical gravity model methodology and the most recent available data from 42 countries. We use recently developed econometric methods to deal with observations of zero trade flows and issues connected with endogeneity. The main finding is that while EEA membership is associated with substantial and statistically significant increases in bilateral services trade flows, membership in less comprehensive FTAs is not associated with any significant increase in bilateral services trade. For goods, EEA membership is associated with larger bilateral trade flows than are less comprehensive FTAs. These results suggest that it might be difficult to replace, on an exit from a European Union, lost trade flows with the EU by means of shallower FTAs with the EU or with third countries.
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Firmansyah, Firmansyah, and Ali Muhammad. "The Obstacles of Serbia in Obtaining the European Union Membership Status." POLITEA 3, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v3i2.8875.

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<p>The European Union (EU) is an intergovernmental and supranational organization enlarging its membership since its formation. Due to the benefits, neighboring European countries are volunteering to join the EU. One of the EU candidate member countries is Serbia. In the process of gaining the status of EU candidate country, Serbia has faced many challenges and yet to fulfill the Copenhagen criteria as the conditions of membership by transforming and strengthening democracy. In the economic field, it is struggling to develop free markets and the rule of law. Serbia has collaborated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to process the war criminals in the past. Serbia succeeded in obtaining the status of candidate membership of the EU on March 1, 2012, which then became its new chapter. </p>
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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Daniel Balsalobre-Lorente, Diogo Ferraz, and Irina Gabriela Rădulescu. "Energy Transition in Non-Euro Countries from Central and Eastern Europe: Evidence from Panel Vector Error Correction Model." Energies 15, no. 23 (December 1, 2022): 9118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15239118.

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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, from the non-euro area, have completed the process of economic transition before joining the European Union. Achieving a certain level of economic development and membership in the European Union have generated their involvement in a new transition process, namely the energy transition. Concerns about promoting the low carbon economy have become increasingly complex for those countries that are interested in the environmental impact of economic activity. This study aims to analyze the process of energy transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe on the basis of the causality relationship among specific variables for the period 1990–2018. The study is based on cross-sectional panel data and the panel vector error correction model (PVECM). The efforts made by these countries by joining the European Union have generated economic development, with positive effects being recorded on the protection of the environment, a fact due to the strict regulations adopted and rigorous implementation at the national level. Foreign capital had a positive impact on the transition to a low carbon economy because most of the FDI flows attracted by the non-euro countries in the CEE come from Western Europe, i.e., from EU member countries, located either among the founders or among the countries that joined during the first waves of union expansion. Membership in the European Union facilitates the energy transition process for the non-euro countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but the new geopolitical events generate the reconfiguration of the European strategy of considering the need to ensure energy security.
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Arestis, Philip, and Peter Phelps. "Inequality implications of European economic and monetary union membership: A reassessment." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 7 (July 30, 2018): 1443–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x18781082.

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A growing number of studies have concluded that the European economic and monetary union has exacerbated inequalities in income, wealth and society. Furthermore, the endogeneity of income inequality is now becoming recognised as an important part of the cost–benefit analysis of euro currency adoption. Yet the nature, significance and scale of different monetary (and market) integration channels in operation remain uncertain. In this contribution, we employ static and dynamic panel data methodologies to investigate the intra-national household inequality implications, both realised and expected over coming years. Our analysis reveals that the within-country inequality outcomes differ significantly for core and non-core country-groups in the European economic and monetary union, which have so far realised very different distributional costs and benefits from the integration process. These are crucial issues for policy-makers, not just for the European economic and monetary union member states, but for other countries as well, especially the European Union countries that are expected to adopt the euro currency in the future. This is so in terms of their attempts to look for, design and implement policies, which alleviate rather than exacerbate within-country inequality.
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Fazekas, Zoltán. "Institutional effects on the presence of trade unions at the workplace: Moderation in a multilevel setting." European Journal of Industrial Relations 17, no. 2 (June 2011): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680111400897.

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Previous research has found that the presence of a union at a workplace is an important individual-level determinant of union membership. The present article, drawing on a multilevel analysis of 21 European countries, provides further evidence which nuances the conclusions of previous studies by introducing and testing institutional moderation effects. Thus, in countries with Ghent systems, having a union at workplace is less important, since probability of membership is already very high. Conversely, if there are extension mechanisms for collective agreements there is less incentive to join a trade union, and this is not compensated even when there is an active union at the workplace.
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Lazowski, Adam. "Enhanced multilateralism and enhanced bilateralism: Integration without membership in the European Union." Common Market Law Review 45, Issue 5 (October 1, 2008): 1433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2008097.

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Over the years the European Union and the European Communities have developed political and legal relations with third countries. Yet, legal integration with third countries without their membership in the club is a relatively new phenomenon employed, inter alia, in the relations with the EEA countries, the Swiss confederation and countries of Western Balkans (within the framework of the Energy Community). To reflect the nature of these new frameworks in the field of external relations, the notions of “enhanced multilateralism” and “enhanced bilateralism” are used. Arguably, the shared legal framework has led to the creation of the European Union Legal Space whereby selected pieces of acquis are applicable between the EU and the third countries. This, being a fascinating jigsaw puzzle of legal regimes, may be a source of concern as such forms of integration are capable of undermining the coherence of the EU legal order in the long run. This article looks at these models of integration and makes an attempt to identify the main benefits and risks.
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Trupiano, Gaetana. "Enlarging the European Union and Co-ordinating Corporate Taxes**." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569299x15665365039625.

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Abstract This paper analyzes the new tax structure and tax incentives of the most advanced countries of Eastern Europe which have been considered, initially, as suitable candidates to join the European Union (Hungary, Poland and Czech Republic). Preferential tax treatment for foreign investors has gradually been modified in the prospect of full EU membership. These Eastern countries have also carried out important tax reforms in relation with the policy of co-ordinating corporate taxes in EU.
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Simionescu, Mihaela. "The Impact of European Economic Integration on Migration in the European Union." HOLISTICA – Journal of Business and Public Administration 9, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hjbpa-2018-0002.

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Abstract The recent enlargement of the EU (since 2004) and the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union have prompted a growing research interest in the political and academic environment because of the causes and consequences of migration between the CEE countries and those in the Western Europe. In this study, the effects of European economic integration on the number of EU-15 immigrants from the newly integrated EU countries were assessed by econometric techniques. According to panel data models, in the period 2000-2015, the number of migrants from the new member states of the EU has increased, in average, with more than 2200 people only due to their EU membership. This result reflects the positive impact of European economic integration on the number of emigrants from the CEE countries that chose the EU-15 states as destination countries. Moreover, according to some ridge Bayesian regressions, during the period 2004-2015, the EU-15 immigrants coming from the EU-13 states did not negatively affect the economic growth of the EU-15 countries.
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STOIKA, Viktoriia. "Problems of Ukraine’s integration into the European Union." Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2020, no. 146 (2020): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2020.146.33.

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European integration and the identification of obstacles to full membership in the European Union. Design/methodology/approach: The methodological and theoretical basis of the article is the fundamental provisions of economic theory, the works of scientists and economists in the field of international economic relations and integration. Findings: The article explores the problems of Ukraine’s integration into the EU. The study analyzed the attitude of Ukrainians towards European integration, identified the main arguments for and against accession to the EU countries, as well as the main internal and external threats of the integration process. It has been determined that in recent years the proportion of the population that has supported Ukraine’s accession to the EU has significantly increased. From the integration into the EU, Ukrainians primarily expect to expand the space of their own capabilities and the country's internal development in accordance with modern world trends. It is concluded that the population considers a high level of corruption in the country, problems in the Donbass and the inefficiency of public administration as the main obstacles to this process. Most residents of Ukraine consider it necessary to implement European reforms, but the consequence of their implementation has identified significant problems in terms of their real social effect. It is determined that Ukraine in some macroeconomic indicators lags significantly behind the EU countries, continues to lose its position in the global ranking of countries in terms of economic competitiveness, and remains one of the poorest countries in Europe. A significant problem for the development of Ukraine is the labor migration of the population and, in particular, the increase in the number of illegal migrants - Ukrainians in Europe. The main achievements in the implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU are analyzed and the main threats to the further European integration are identified. It is concluded that Ukraine needs to develop its own “action plan” for the possibility of realizing national interests, taking into account the interests of the parties involved in the integration process. Originality/value: The mood of Ukrainian society, the current position of the state, the main obstacles and priorities that Ukraine faces on the way to the EU have been analysed in detail.
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Górecki, Maciej. "Proces akcesyjny Chorwacji do Unii Europejskiej – implikacje dla dalszych rozszerzeń Wspólnoty." Świat Idei i Polityki 15, no. 1 (December 31, 2016): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201609.

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This article analyzes the possible implications of Croatia’s accession process for further expansion of the Community (officially aspiring to membership in the European Union aspires five countries – Albania, FYROM, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey). In order to carry out the present historical relations between the EU – Croatia, the characteristic way of Croatia’s accession process on each of its stages, the state of its accomplishment by the designated official candidates, assessment of their nature of the relationship with the European Union and possible prospects for future membership.
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Ilyushyk, O. M., and N. I. Didyk. "Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (November 27, 2022): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.

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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Elistania, Elistania, Farandy Nurmeiga, and Agung Permadi. "Strategy To Strengthen Cooperation Between The European Union And The Mediterranean Countries Through The Union For Mediterranean (UfM)." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.398.

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The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.
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Mokhova, Natalia, and Marek Zinecker. "The determinants of capital structure: the evidence from the European Union." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 61, no. 7 (2013): 2533–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201361072533.

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The aim of this study is to indicate the influence of several internal determinants on capital structure in different European countries and retrace its tendency taking into consideration the membership of the European Union. Nowadays there are a lot of debates according the future of the European Union. The recent global financial crisis and the following European debt crisis show the significance of the country financial stability and its impact on the private sector. The paper investigates 32 countries of European Union dividing them into three groups as (1) old EU members (15 countries), (2) new EU members (12 countries) and (3) EU candidates (4 candidate countries and 1 acceding country).The managers make their financial decisions according to the source of financing and capital structure based on the macroeconomic conditions and country specifics and obviously on company’s advantages and disadvantages, i.e. its internal characteristics. Based on the analysis of previous studies we have chosen several significant internal determinants of capital structure as profitability, tangibility, growth opportunities, non-debt tax shields and firm’s size.The findings show that the country’s specifics, EU membership and corporate debt structure influence the relation between capital structure and its internal characteristics. The capital structure in all countries has tendency to increase, furthermore the old members rely more on debt then candidates or new members.There is no doubt that the majority of countries support Pecking Order Theory then Trade off Theory regarding investigated relations. In most countries the profitability and size have negative and significant influence on corporate capital structure. At the same time tangibility, growth opportunities and non-debt tax shields split up: selected countries experience positive impact, another part negative, supporting different theories.
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Callao, Susana, José I. Jarne, and David Wroblewski. "Do the burst of financial crisis and European Union membership impact Earnings Management. Evidence from emerging Eastern European countries." Journal of East European Management Studies 25, no. 4 (2020): 608–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2020-4-608.

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The paper studies earnings management in developing European countries. We investigated if membership in the European Union and the recent global financial crisis affected the decisions of managers in Eastern European countries to engage in earnings management. By analyzing a sample of 4,627 firms from four developing Eastern European countries (the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia) over the period of 2002-2009, our findings suggest there was a decrease in earnings management over the period leading up to the accession of these countries to the European Union. Additionally, we found that there was an increase in earnings management after the burst of the financial crisis. The results contribute to the debate in the accounting literature regarding the variations in earnings management related to the changes in environmental factors influencing companies. These results have several implications for standard setters and regulators; in particular, companies’ incentives are strongly influenced by the general conditions and circumstance of their home countries. Additionally, the study explores the still unexplored developing markets of Eastern European countries.
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Gavrilov, Doina. "Europeanization of Turkey and the Long Way to EU Membership." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 86 (March 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.86.1.

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For a few decades, Europe watches Turkey evolution in a matter of politics, policy, policies, human rights and so on. Everything begins in 1959 when Turkey applies to associate membership to the European Economic Community. But unfortunately for Turkey, the accession to the Community was not to accomplish. In time, the European Economic Community became the European Union. The organization pass through the enlargement process multiple times that today it is the Union of the 28 countries, but still without Turkey as a member. After all this time, a question is raised: what drags Turkey from achieving the membership status in all this time? In this paper, we try to answer the above question through the Europeanization spectrum.
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Leśniewski, Leszek. "Integracja gospodarcza Danii, Finlandii i Szwecji z Unią Europejską." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (December 5, 2015): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2015.1.10.

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This paper explores economic integration of the Scandinavian states (Denmark, Finland and Sweden) with the European Union during the global crisis. The aim of this paper is to present comparative study of different choices made by these countries with regard to the European integration: EMU opt – out clause in Denmark, membership of Finland in the European Monetary Union and derogation for Sweden – and as result different reaction to the financial and economic crises
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Marušič, Andrej. "Mental health in the enlarged European Union: Need for relevant public mental health action." British Journal of Psychiatry 184, no. 5 (May 2004): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.184.5.450.

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On 1 May 2004 ten new countries will join the European Union (EU), which as a result will comprise 25 culturally quite different countries. Each enlargement of the EU so far has been a difficult experience for both the existing member states and the new entrants, since each membership change has altered the structure and the sharing of costs and benefits of membership. Furthermore, each new member brings its own traditions, preferences, strengths and weaknesses, including the mental health of its population and its psychiatric services. Are we ready for the changes to come?
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Elgün, Özlem, and Erik R. Tillman. "Exposure to European Union Policies and Support for Membership in the Candidate Countries." Political Research Quarterly 60, no. 3 (September 2007): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907305684.

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31

Miltojević, V. "Euro-optimism or euroscepticism: Opinions of students from Serbia, Macedonia and Bulgaria." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 222–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-2-222-234.

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The paper presents the opinions of students from two countries (Serbia and Macedonia) that strive to join the European Union and from one member country (Bulgaria) about the changes that brings the EU membership. These countries consider joining the European Union as a way out of the transition crisis, while the oldest member countries keep on talking about the decline in trust and euroscepticism. The research aims at identifying whether the students support the EU membership, believe in this community and in that the EU membership would contribute to changes in certain areas of social life; i.e. at identifying whether the students are euro-optimists or eurosceptics. The survey was conducted on a representative sample of 2,208 respondents in three university centers (Serbia - Niš, Macedonia - Bitola, and Bulgaria - Veliko Tarnovo). The data show that, despite accepting the European integration in general, students do not trust in the European Union and do not expect any substantial changes, which makes them eurosceptics. However, there are differences between the three student samples. Thus, Macedonian students expect improvements in the economic development, employment, living standards and social security, but do not expect any significant changes in the quality of life, in reducing the gap between the rich and the poor and in preserving national identity and culture. Serbian students believe in the future economic growth and improving quality of the environment but think that all other areas of social life will remain unchanged. Bulgarian students say that the EU membership has not led to any changes and contributed to the higher unemployment rate and the larger gap between the rich and the poor.
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Siskos, Evangelos, and Konstantia Darvidou. "Bilateral trade and tourism relations between the EU and BSEC countries." Problems and Perspectives in Management 16, no. 4 (October 26, 2018): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.16(4).2018.09.

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The European Union and the Black Sea Economics Cooperation countries are geographical neighbors and important trade partners. Greece, Bulgaria and Romania have a cross-membership in both organizations. The paper analyzes trends and structure of trade relations of the EU and BSEC countries. The EU trade with the 12 BSEC countries is about 640 billion dollars. The BSEC countries with the EU membership or a custom union with the EU have more intra-industry trade with the EU than other BSEC countries. International tourism is an important component of the trade in services between the regions. Following the review of the factors of international tourism demand, a gravity model for tourism arrivals is presented. The model considers demand in the country of origin, international tourism capacities in destination countries and distance. The analysis helps to determine under-traded and competitive destinations in the BSEC countries for the EU travelers. Greece is the most efficient in attracting the EU tourists. Finally, country-specific differences in demand factors are considered.
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Vidovic, Aleksandra. "Management of Market Development of South East Europe Countries." Journal of Business Theory and Practice 7, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): p89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jbtp.v7n2p89.

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Development management in most cases starts closer economic cooperation in order to increase GDP and welfare, which is primarily economic. Market liberalization has in fact started the integration of European states. The countries of South East Europe need to aim at for development paying particular attention to the maintenance of macroeconomic stability South East Europe need to aim at management changes paying particular attention to the maintenance of macroeconomic stability, competitiveness and cooperation with the European Union.In this work, the author wishes to emphasize the importance of development management, long-term sustainable and stable growth is the priority of every society that passes through the transition period. The focus of the paper is the management of market development, where a comparison of the situation of the three countries within the European Union is given: Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria and three candidate countries for membership of the European Union: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro.
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Malaj, Emi. "European Integration, Economy and Corruption in the Western Balkans." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 6, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/517utm22z.

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The European Union countries and institutions have constantly contributed to the European integration process of the Western Balkan countries. Albania, Serbia, Montenegro and the Republic of North Macedonia are official candidates for EU membership. Chapters and accession negotiations have been opened with Montenegro and Serbia, whereas Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina are potential candidate countries. Poverty, unemployment and corruption are probably the most common problems that Western Balkan citizens face. Corruption, in itself, does not lead to poverty, but it stimulate poverty through indirect channels by affecting economic, social, political and administrative conditions. Both, the enhancement of business climate for private investors, and a higher level of integration with the European Union will decrease unemployment and will boost economic growth. Authorities should follow concrete policies in order to encourage private sector investment, increase regional integration, and create new jobs. The future of the Western Balkans is in the European Union.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.

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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Nahorniak, Ivan. "10 Years of Eastern Partnership: The Scenarios for the Further Development of the Initiative and the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 655–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42.

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The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership. The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom. The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues. The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries. The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.
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37

Jani, Shivani, Nilesh Patel, Urvi Chotaliya, and Ashok Patel. "Comparison of Regulatory Requirements for Pharmaceuticals in Non- European Union Member States Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia." Applied Clinical Research, Clinical Trials and Regulatory Affairs 7, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/2213476x06666190624152156.

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Background: Literature review suggested that regulatory guidelines should be harmonized for better processing of applications and for the upliftment of the regulatory field. Therefore it was thought worthwhile to compare the guidelines for countries where there is requirement of harmonization. Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia were selected because of being European countries and still they are not a part of EU. Introduction: Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia are small countries of Europe but they are not members of European Union. They have their own guidelines for the submission of MAA for marketing of pharmaceuticals and medical devices. They are trying to obtain the EU membership and therefore it was worthwhile to compare the guidelines of these countries. Method: The registration process of pharmaceuticals in Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia was studied throughly. Along with it, the guidelines for European Union were also studied. A comparison of guidelines of all the three countries with the guidelines of European Union for pharmaceuticals was carried out. Result: The comparison of guidelines showed that there are still some changes needed in the guidelines of Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia before they can merge with the guidelines of European Union. Some of the points in the guidelines are very different from the guidelines of EU. Conclusion: So it was worthwile to study the regulatory requirements of pharmaceuticals in Non- European Union Member States Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia.
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38

Petrov, Roman. "Energy Community As a Promoter of the European Union’s ‘Energy Acquis’ to Its Neighbourhood." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 39, Issue 3 (August 1, 2012): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2012020.

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The Treaty of Lisbon paved the way for legal formalization of the new European Union policies and significantly enhanced the external dimension of the EU Internal Market. The newly emerged EU energy policy is a good example of it. External objectives of the EU energy policy are being fulfilled through the Energy Community which embraces not only the EU Member States and candidate countries but also the third countries without any prospect of membership in the EU. The Energy Community is designed as a perfect example of the 'integration without membership' model which gives a stake in the EU Internal Market for third countries and promotes the EU's sectoral acquis beyond the EU borders. The article focuses on challenges of the process of Europeanization on the EU's eastern neighbouring countries through the application of the EU 'energy acquis'.
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39

Nezirović, Senada, Ana Živko, Belma Durmišević, and Amna Hodžić. "Stabilisation and association agreement between the Western Balkan countries and the European Union." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2022): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.2.05.

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The European Union (EU) represents a certain partnership and alliance between states and countries. It is not governed as the United States of America, nor intergoverned as the United Nations. Member States of the EU are sovereign countries united to become privileged and globally successful. Every enlargement of the Union is significant, but the fifth enlargement has been recognised, so far, as the most significant, showing the unification of Eastern and Western Europe. However, the most significant enlargement is yet to come with the Western Balkan countries becoming Member States of the EU (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo and North Macedonia), considering the political and economic situation of the region. The European Commission has proposed the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) for South East Europe, as the most significant frame for the EU to ensure relations with the Western Balkan countries and to direct its overall enlargement policy to this part of Europe. Associations of the Western Balkans are usually negative, referring to weak economic development, wars and political instability, which have led to the pre-accession strategy for the EU membership known as the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA). The aim of this paper is to present the progress of the Western Balkan countries towards the EU membership, their current state, and the problems they face on that path and to explain the SAP and the SAA.
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40

Bajrami, Vedat. "COMPARISON OF INCLUSIVE POLICIES AND PRACTICES IN SOME COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND IN KOSOVO." KNOWLEDGE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 31, no. 5 (June 5, 2019): 1593–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij31051593b.

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In the last thirty years of pedagogical practice, particular attention has been paid to the inclusion of children with special education needs, multi-lingual children in multi-cultural environments and children living in poverty. Nowadays, inclusive education is a subject and a requirement of all European institutions in the EU and the Council of Europe, many families, experts, non-governmental organizations and individuals.The research sample consists of 8 countries from Europe and Kosovo. The condition for the research countries to be included in the sample is based on the population number not being larger than 8 million. Because of the relevance of the comparative analysis, two older state members of the European Union were chosen (Austria, the Flemish and the French region of Belgium), two members of the European Union (Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia and Slovenia), two Scandinavian countries (Finland and Norway) and Kosovo. Kosovo has received the status of a potential candidate for European Union membership.
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41

Kristjánsdóttir, Helga, and Stefanía Óskarsdóttir. "European FDI in Ireland and Iceland: Before and after the Financial Crisis." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14010023.

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This paper analyses Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) investment in Ireland and Iceland from other European countries during two periods, i.e., the pre-financial crisis period of 2000–2007 and the financial crisis period of 2008–2010. The aim of this research is to determine what made the countries interesting to foreign investors in both good and bad times; and, secondly, to examine whether European Union membership (and the Euro) made a difference in this respect. The results were obtained by using data from the OECD, the World bank, and other sources. The model constructed for the study applies the inverse hyperbolic sine transformation of the gravity model, which is a novel approach. The results demonstrate that before the financial crisis of 2008, European Union (EU) membership did not help Ireland attract more FDI from other EU countries. However, once it had been hit by the crisis, Ireland attracted more FDI from other EU countries. Iceland, on the other hand, which is not an EU country, attracted FDI from non-EU countries rather than from EU countries before the financial crisis. After the crisis, however, the origin within Europe, of FDI in Iceland had no significant effect on the flow of FDI into the country.
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42

Jakab, Radomír. "The Influence of EU Law on Public Administration in New Member States." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 5, no. 1 (2020): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2020.1.3.

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The membership of Central and Eastern European countries in the European Union has influenced the development of almost all branches of law, including administrative law. The paper analyses the influence of European Union law on the fundamental object of interest of administrative law within new member states – on public administration and its laws. In this context, the influence on laws governing the organisation of public administration, laws governing the activities and tasks of public administration as well as laws governing processes in public administration will be assessed.
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43

Sapa, Agnieszka, and Łukasz Kryszak. "PROCESSED FOOD TRADE OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES – THE GRAVITY APPROAC." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXIII, no. 2 (May 24, 2021): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8975.

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A significant feature of world trade development is the diminishing role of developed countries in the international agri-food market. The share of the European Union in processed food export has been reducing steadily from 2000, giving place to developing countries at the same time. Considering studies devoted to the factors influencing bilateral trade, the question to what extent the trade of processed food depends on consumer preferences represented by absolute differences of GDP per capita (Linder hypothesis), geography, and trade liberalization remains open. It is interesting in the context of the new demand-oriented trade theory and the globalization process that causes a shrinking distance. The main purpose of the paper is to indicate the impact of consumer preferences and geography on the export value of processed food of EU countries in 2000-2019. To achieve this goal, the gravity model was constructed and estimated via Hausman-Taylor panel regression. The dependent variable was the bilateral export value of processed food of EU countries. The independent variables included GDP, geographical distance between partners, differences of GDP per capita of exporters and importers as a proxy of the Linder hypothesis, membership in a preferential trade agreement, and being landlocked. Research confirmed the validity of the Linder hypothesis and the significance of geography and regional trade integration in shaping the export value of processed food of EU countries.
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44

Olenchenko, Vladimir. "The Baltic States in the European Union: Main Characteristics of Membership and Their Anti-Russian Orientation." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016456-3.

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In 2019, the Baltic states passed the 15-year mark of membership in the European Union. This anniversary was not celebrated in the Baltic states or in the EU and did not attract attention of other countries. After the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the Baltic states chose not to join the CIS, but to join the EU. For Russia, the Baltic states are immediate geographical neighbours, which generate conflict in bilateral relations. The purpose of the study is to examine how the Baltic states&apos; membership in the EU affected the main characteristics of their development and to what extent anti-Russian orientation of the Baltic foreign policy is due to EU membership. Achievement of this goal is seen through the solution of two tasks. The first is to study the current state of the Baltic economies. The second is to analyze the Baltic states conflict in relations with Russia within the EU. For the study, the method of comparing the statistical data of the EU for 2004-2019 was used in relation to the Baltic countries, as well as a comparison of the contractual obligations of relations between Russia and the EU with the practice of the Baltic countries. The results of the study show that the Baltic economies, despite long enough EU membership, remain subsidized. Conflict between the Baltic states and Russia does not directly come from the legal basis of their membership in the EU but is mostly due to several other external factors.
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45

Martínez-Zarzoso, Inmaculada, Martina Vidovic, and Anca M. Voicu. "Are the Central East European Countries Pollution Havens?" Journal of Environment & Development 26, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496516670196.

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The aim of this article is to investigate the relationship between environmental stringency and intra–European Union (EU) trade flows. Two main hypotheses are tested. First, we test whether the stringency of a country's environmental regulations may result in pollution havens. Second, we test whether the results differ by industry and by the EU membership tenure (EU-15 vs. the newly added Central East European Countries). An augmented gravity model is estimated using panel data for 21 countries during the period from 1999 to 2013 for the full sample and also separately for the Central East European Countries and the EU-15 members. Our results show weak support for the pollution haven hypothesis for some dirty industries, mainly for net exports from western EU countries to the rest. Instead, support for the “Porter hypothesis” is found for trade in clean goods.
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46

Styczyńska, Natasza. "Who Are Belgrade’s Most Desired Allies?" Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.05.

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Serbia presents itself as a country skillfully balancing between the European Union (EU), Russia, and Asia, trying to maintain good political and economic relations with the biggest players on the international arena. The Covid-19 pandemic and China’s media-publicized assistance to Serbia has affected the perception of which countries are seen as Belgrade’s true allies. At the same time, Serbia remains a EU candidate country (membership negotiations officially started in 2014) and the European Union is not only Serbian biggest trading partner, but also the biggest donor. The main aim of the article is to compare the distinctive meaning that EU membership and cooperation with non-EU countries (mainly China and Russia) has for Serbian political parties, taking into account that the Covid-19 pandemic and the ‘vaccine diplomacy’ influenced the Serbian public discourse and perception on who is the Belgrade’s most trustful partner.
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47

Stanojević, Savo, and Bin Qiu. "A study on the impact of EU membership on Sino-CEEC trade in the context of the 17+1 cooperation mechanism." International Review, no. 1-2 (2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/intrev2202069s.

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This study examines trade relations between the 17 Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) and China, which are members of the 17+1 Cooperation mechanism. Given that some CEECs are not members of the European Union, while others are, this study aims to examine the impact of EU membership on their trade relations with China. The analysis of the data shows that countries that are EU members tend to have a larger volume of trade, as well as a larger range of products that are traded. In contrast, higher growth rates of trade between non-EU CEEEs and China could indicate that EU membership is hampering Sino-CEEC trade. Finally, econometric analysis, based on the gravity model, suggests that EU membership has a positive and significant contribution to Sino-CEEC trade.
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48

Haller, Max. "The Image of Turkey in Europe Today." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 327–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871300029x.

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The relations between different countries and continents have always been important politically and scientifically. This applies in particular to relations between Turkey and Europe. Through centuries, the Ottoman Empire was seen as the main enemy of ‘Christian Europe’. In this paper, three topics are discussed: (1) European, and in particular Austrian and German, attitudes towards Turkey's membership in the European Union. It is argued that the dominantly negative attitudes in this regard do not indicate a generally negative attitude towards Turkey. (2) Some of the reasons for the negative view of Turkish EU-membership in many EU countries are discussed. (3) In conclusion, three issues are taken up: the relevance of Turkish EU-membership; the reasons and persistence of national and ethnic stereotypes; the relevance of the time factor in international relations.
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49

Wardana, Adhi. "UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA." Global Political Studies Journal 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.

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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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Kohl, Heribert, Wolfgang Lecher, and Hans-Wolfgang Platzer. "Transformation, EU Membership and Labour Relations in Central Eastern Europe: Poland — Czech Republic — Hungary — Slovenia." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600306.

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The article starts by emphasising the differences between the Central and East European countries in terms of their labour relations traditions, providing a brief characterisation for four CEECs, with Slovenia identified as the country in which the participatory tradition is strongest. Subsequent sections identify similarities and differences in terms of collective labour law and labour relations at enterprise and supra-enterprise level. At enterprise level the article provides examples of co-operative relations between trade unions and works councils (Slovenia), a dual system of interest representation imposed by government without trade union support (Hungary), political duplication of representation structures (Poland), and the tendency to retain former representation structures (Czech Republic). Similar differences emerge with respect to tripartism, which remains underdeveloped in all countries, again with the exception of Slovenia. The relative weakness of the social partners, and in particular their fragmentation, are shown to be a problem for the candidate countries on their path towards EU accession. Here the European social partners, in particular the ETUC and UNICE, and also European works councils in firms with subsidiaries in eastern Europe should do more to promote social dialogue in the CEECs.
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