Relevant bibliographies by topics / European Union countries – Membership

Academic literature on the topic 'European Union countries – Membership'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Trade unionism in Europe: Are the working class still members?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119838881.

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How far does social class position influence the likelihood that employees will be members of a trade union? I use European Social Survey data to compare trade union membership of ‘working-class’ and ‘middle- and upper class’ employees in different European countries. Although the former dominate the trade unions in absolute numbers in most (but not all) countries, the likelihood that the latter will be members of a trade union is higher in most of the countries analysed.
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Zimková, Emília, Michaela Vidiečanová, and Petra Cisková. "Determinants of Economic Growth in the European Union Countries." Statistika: Statistics and Economy Journal 101, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 357–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54694/stat.2021.16.

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This paper reassesses the long-debated relationship between the financial system development and economic growth. We use not only indicators for financial access, efficiency, stability and depth of the bank-oriented financial sector, but we also consider Eurozone membership, corruption perception and competitiveness of countries to examine the determinants of economic growth. We apply a panel data approach to 27 European countries over the 2004–2017 period. By splitting the time span, we examine whether the effect of financial system development, Eurozone membership, corruption perception and competitiveness on economic growth is affected by the occurrence of financial and debt crises. Our results indicate that loans to private sector do not always support economic growth. Our research also reveals that corruption perception has a negative impact on economic growth, and so does membership in Eurozone during a crisis.
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Crouch, Colin. "Membership density and trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258916673533.

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Union membership has declined in almost all European and other advanced economies, though in many cases the membership that remains reflects overall changes in the gender and occupational structure of the economy. Meanwhile, in most countries unions’ incorporation in governing institutions of the labour market has remained stable or risen. Union strength (membership density and incorporation) and to a lesser extent bargaining coordination correlate positively with core employee interests in the post-Keynesian economy: a combination of high employment and low inequality, and a balance between flexibility and security. The evidence suggests that unions’ most important role today is as part of wider political forces, where the role of membership strength remains ambiguous.
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Mosimann, Nadja, and Jonas Pontusson. "Solidaristic Unionism and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe." World Politics 69, no. 3 (May 23, 2017): 448–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887117000107.

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Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–14), this article explores the effect of union membership on support for redistribution. The authors hypothesize that the wage-bargaining practices of unions promote egalitarian distributive norms, which lead union members to support redistribution, and that this effect is strongest among high-wage workers. Consistent with the authors’ expectations, the empirical analysis shows that the solidarity effect of union membership is strongest when unions encompass a very large share of the labor force or primarily organize low-wage workers. The authors also show that low-wage workers have become a significantly less important union constituency in many European countries over the time period covered by the analysis.
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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.

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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Political attitudes and trade union membership in the Nordic countries." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708372.

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Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.
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Sojka, Elżbieta. "Demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 17, no. 17 (January 1, 2012): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-012-0014-4.

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Demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership The purpose of the article is to analyse the demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership against the background of the EU member states. The study involves eight candidate states: Croatia, Iceland, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Turkey, i.e. the countries that have been approved by the European Commission as official candidates for the EU membership, as well as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, i.e. the potential candidates. Albania and Serbia applied officially for the EU membership in 2009. Favourable population age structure and relatively high fertility rate that occur in these countries determine a significant demographic potential they can bring to the EU after their accession. Decrease in infant mortality rate and extension of life expectancy illustrate positive changes that have been taking place in these countries for the last several years.
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Formichelli, Solidea. "Support for European Membership in the new Candidate Countries." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 30, 2007): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.1.4.

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Is European Membership supported in candidate countries? Up until now a lot has been written on support for European integration and explanations for it within European Union Member States. Considering three candidate countries – Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey – and focusing on the economic calculus of costs and benefits and national-European identity theories, this paper analyses public opinion support for European Membership. The main results, obtained using the Candidate Countries Eurobarometer 2003.4 dataset, and applying a logistic regression model, shown that the economic model better explains the support for European integration than does the identity model. National identity does not affect the support at all; it is not significant in any of the models elaborated.
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Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "EU aspirations of the Republic of Serbia – an overview." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2016 (October 23, 2016): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.16.1.

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The primary purpose of this paper is to ascertain the degree to which the Republic of Serbia is ready for full membership of the European Union. Therefore the criteria set by the European Union for the countries aspiring to membership have been examined, including in particular the Copenhagen criteria of 1993. The assessment expressed in the European Parliament resolution of 18 April 2013 has also been taken into account. In many respects, the Republic of Serbia is not yet fully prepared for membership in the European Union, but on 20 January 2014 negotiations started on Serbia’s accession to the EU. Their results will be conditional on the course and pace of the talks concerning the normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo. The date of Serbia’s eventual accession to the European Union is expected to be 2020.
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Błaszczyk, Maria Celina. "Selected Aspects of European Integration of the Visegrad Group Countries." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.25.14.

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This paper analyzes the membership of the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary) in the European Union (EU). It presents the parallel process of fundamental systemic transformation and integration with the EU in the analyzed countries. Their integration path is shown, starting from the association with the European Communities, a transitional period to membership, through adjustments to the requirements related to EU accession and membership. A comparative analysis of the main macroeconomic indicators, trade development, and the inflow of foreign direct investment showed that the adopted measures and the membership of these countries in the EU positively impacted their overall socio‑economic development, in particular in the context of modernizing and restructuring their economies, which ultimately translated into the civilizational leap of the analyzed countries.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Bjugan, Ketil. "Europe's divided north : a comparative analysis of the conflict over European Union membership in four Nordic countries." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1516/.

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This thesis is a comparative analysis of how the conflict over membership in the European Union (EU) affected people and parties in four Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) between 1985 and 1997. The purpose of the thesis is to analyse how and why a) the people, and b) the political parties in these four countries have reacted to the prospect of membership - or, in the case of Denmark, continued membership - in the EU. The thesis is divided into two main sections. Section one consists of three theoretical chapters. Chapter one explains why European integration has conflict potential in the Nordic countries, and why this conflict has increased in salience since the mid-1980's. Chapter two outlines and develops a political cleavage model. This has two purposes; firstly, to explain the nature of the Nordic party systems; secondly, to outline social, ideological and institutional limitations to the effect of the conflict over EU membership on the party systems of these countries. Chapter three develops two models derived from rational choice theory. The first assesses how EU membership might be expected to affect the utility of individual citizens. The second focuses on how political parties might be expected to react to the prospect of (continued) EU-membership. Chapters four to seven (section two) assess the explanatory power of the models developed in chapters two and three for each of the countries concerned, by analysing the hypothesised effects of the EU-conflict on individual utility and on the party systems. Chapter eight compares the results of chapters four to seven. Finally, the conclusion assesses the heuristic value of the methods employed, and the implications for theory. In summary, it is argued that, firstly, expected consequences for individual economic utility and left-right ideological position are the most important variables for explaining differences in attitude to membership, both within each country and between the four countries. Secondly, for the majority of parties the increased salience of this conflict complicates their strategy, in particular with regard to the ability to pursue vote maximisation and office maximisation simultaneously. A partial solution is to off-load the EU-conflict away from national elections. This explains in large part why in each of the countries the EU-conflict has been off-loaded from the arena of national elections to that of referendums and elections to the European Parliament.
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Xia, Yue. "Brexit's influence on China's investment in Europe." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953561.

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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.

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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Teusch, Jonas. "Supranational assurance: how European Union membership clears the way for political decentralization in countries with secessionist potential." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103773.

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Political decentralization is in vogue. However, it is not clear what political incentives central governments should have to give up authority. Thus, the question guiding this thesis is under what conditions and why central governments shift authority to subunits. The existing literature does not specify the cost-benefit calculus that could underlie such a decision, merely viewing decentralization as a reaction to increased demands for sub-national authority, which are believed to be the result of international trends such as Europeanization or globalization. Working with a sample of 42 industrial democracies that have been observed over a period of up to 40 years, I demonstrate that central governments pursue institutional reforms only under the condition that they are sufficiently reassured that granting autonomy to subunits will not threaten the territorial integrity of the nation-state. When this necessary condition is met, as is shown to be the case for European Union member states, state agents are mainly motivated by reaping the political benefits associated with reforming a malfunctioning political system or with accommodating sub-national demands.
La décentralisation politique est en vogue. Toutefois, il n'apparait pas clairement quels incitatifs politiques motivent les gouvernements centraux à déléguer leur autorité. Par conséquent, ce mémoire de maîtrise se penche sur la question de savoir dans quelles conditions et pourquoi les gouvernements centraux cèdent de leur autorité aux gouvernements sous-nationaux. La littérature existante ne précise pas quel calcul coûts-bénéfices sous-tend une telle décision. Les recherches antérieures suggèrent plutôt que la décentralisation est une réaction à des demandes sous-nationales accrues qui sont censées être le résultat de tendances internationales comme l'européanisation ou la mondialisation. À partir d'un échantillon de 42 démocraties industrialisées observées sur une période allant jusqu'à 40 ans, je démontre que les gouvernements centraux poursuivent des réformes institutionnelles uniquement s'ils perçoivent que l'octroi d'autonomie aux gouvernements sous-nationaux ne menace pas l'intégrité territoriale de l'État-nation. Lorsque cette condition nécessaire est atteinte, comme c'est le cas dans les États membres de l'Union Européenne, les agents de l'État voient un intérêt dans la collecte des bénéfices politiques liés soit à la réforme d'un système politique dysfonctionnel, soit aux concessions accordées aux paliers gouvernementaux sous-nationaux.
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Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.

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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.

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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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Nano, Georgiou Angela. "The impact of the European Union and Eurozone membership on economic growth : A quantitative analysis of how the economic growth of the member countries has been affected." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Nationalekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-40939.

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The creation of the European Union and later the European economic and monetary union started as a peace project and later on to make the European countries stronger and unified through economic integration The purpose of this study is to analyse the effect that EU(EZ) membership has on the economic growth of its member states. This is done by using an augmented Solow model including the GDP per capita growth rate which represents the economic growth while the EU(EZ) membership is represented by dummy variables. Other variables in the model have been included as control variables but also that are relevant for economic growth. The existing literature regarding the growth impact of the European integration is divided and is still inconclusive as seen from the different results from different studies and that could be due to the heterogeneity of the member countries, the time period studied but as well due to the methodological difficulties. Some economists have found a positive impact on economic growth, while others have not been able to find any impact at all. Thus, it could be said the growth effect from the EU(EZ) membership is a controversial subject. By using data for the OECD countries, including both EU and non-EU countries, eurozone and non-eurozone members over the time period 1990 to 2018, the results have suggested the following; EU and eurozone memberships have not contributed to economic growth of their members, while EU membership has affected negatively the growth rate of the EU countries compared to the non-EU OECD countries when the financial crisis was controlled for.
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Atan, Serap. "Turkish peak business organizations and the europeanization of domestic structures in Turkey: meeting the European Union membership conditions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210468.

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This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey.

The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.

We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.

We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.


Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Oliveira, Denise Lícia Boni de. "Problemas e perspectivas da integração na União Europeia = um olhar sobre os progrssos de alargamento." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279404.

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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:16:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_DeniseLiciaBonide_M.pdf: 2244858 bytes, checksum: 71ad8156e762baafc235ebd4a87674d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar uma visão da União Europeia, através dos processos de alargamento, para observar as possíveis perspectivas futuras a que o bloco pode optar. A União Européia é um processo de integração regional sem um projeto específico, sem um fim conhecido, ainda em constante construção. Observá-la a partir dos processos de alargamento traz uma dimensão mais dinâmica às alterações sofridas pelo bloco ao longo do tempo e apresenta duas opções como perspectivas de futuro: o aprofundamento da integração - com a delimitação de novas competências para a União e a conseqüente oposição que isso suscita nos Estados-membros - e o alargamento, que ao permitir a entrada de novos Estados acrescenta o debate sobre até onde devem ir as fronteiras do bloco. Esta dissertação está organizada em quatro capítulos. O primeiro apresenta a UE, suas características e um pouco de sua história, importante para entender as motivações do processo. O segundo faz uma abordagem sobre as etapas do crescimento da integração na Europa, os novos Tratados introduzidos e os alargamentos, que transformaram a CECA do pós-guerra e a CEE da Guerra Fria na UE dos dias de hoje. O terceiro capítulo trata dos principais problemas que envolvem o processo. Alguns deles existem desde os primeiros passos da integração, não tendo sido solucionados com as constantes reformulações do bloco. Outros são fruto de fatores do contexto internacional dos dias atuais, como o neoliberalismo e o final da Guerra Fria. Encerramos com um quarto capítulo que faz a discussão sobre os futuros possíveis a que a UE pode perseguir, decidindo entre aprofundar a integração ou ampliar o número de Estados participantes. E, na conclusão, temos o entendimento permitido a partir da observação do desenvolvimento da integração, de seus problemas e das possíveis soluções e caminhos a seguir
Abstract: This work has in its objectives to present a view of the European Union, through the enlargement processes, to observe the possible future perspectives that the EU can choose. The European Union is an integration process without a specific project, without a known end and in incessant construction. To observe it from the enlargement processes brings a more dynamic dimension to the modifications took by the european process as the passing of the time and presents two options as perspectives of future: the deepening of the integration - determining new competences to the Union and the sequent opposition that it brings to the member States - and the enlargement, when the permission of the access of new members increases the debate on where should end the European Union's frontiers. This dissertation is organized in four chapters. The first one presents the UE, its characteristics and a bit of its history, very important to understand the motivations of this process. The second makes an approach on the european integration growing fases, the new Treaties introduced and the enlargement processes, that turned the ECSC from the post-war period and the EEC from the Cold War period in the current EU. The third chapter discuss mabout the problems the EU is involved. Some of them came since the first steps of the integration, unsolved even with the constant reforms of the EU. Other problems are results of factors of the international context of the current days, such as the neoliberalism and the Cold War. Ending the dissertation we have a forth chapter that debate about the possiblefutures the EU can choose, the deepening or the enlargement. End in the conclusion, we have the understanding arrived from the observation of the EU's development, its problems and the possible solutions and paths to follow
Mestrado
Relações Internacionais
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Silvestriadou, Kyriaki. "Greece and the European Union." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310357.

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Books on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Schwok, René. Switzerland--European Union: An impossible membership? Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.

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Schwok, René. Switzerland--European Union: An impossible membership? Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.

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Naumovski, Vasko. Bilateral disputes in the European union enlargement. Skopje: Vasko Naumovski, 2013.

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Dvořák, Tomáš. European Union enlargement and equity markets in accession countries. Washington, D.C: International Monetary Fund, Monetary and Financial Systems Dept., 2005.

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Deutschland und die Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2011.

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Morlino, Leonardo. Democratization and the European Union: Comparing Central and Eastern European post-Communist countries. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Marise, Cremona, Academy of European Law, and European University Institute, eds. The enlargement of the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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The politics of EU enlargement: Accession negotiations, distributional conflicts, and discriminatory membership. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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European Commission. Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, ed. Main results of the March 2004 fiscal notifications by the candidate countries. Brussels, Belgium: European Commission, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, 2004.

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Schneider, Christina J. Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Haupert, Cybèle. "South African Membership of the Lomé Convention." In The European Union and Developing Countries, 166–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_12.

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de Witte, Bruno. "Constitutional Aspects of European Union Membership in the Original Six Member States: Model Solutions for the Applicant Countries?" In EU Enlargement, 65–79. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-449-3_8.

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Gekara, Victor Oyaro. "Union Organising in the Context of Regional Labour Market Decline: The Case of Nautilus International." In The World of the Seafarer, 157–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49825-2_13.

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AbstractOver the past few decades the impact of globalisation on society and industry at the national level has been immense and has been studied and extensively documented in the literature. Some of the major benefits and losses accruing from economic globalisation, particularly since the late 1970s have been debated by dominant political economy commentators (see e.g. Harvey 2005; Held et al. 1999; Strange 1996; Scholte 2000; Stiglitz 2002; Giddens 2002; Chomsky 2017). An important aspect of the globalising process has been the extensive restructuring of production and distribution patterns in search of cheaper resources, through aggressive outsourcing and offshoring. The result for many national economies, particularly advanced industrial states, has been a drastic decline in traditional industries affecting both labour and capital (Dunning 1993; Beck 2005; Perraton 2019). This chapter examines the decline in the seafaring labour markets of the so-called Traditional Maritime Countries (TMN), and the implications for union organising focusing on the UK and its seafaring labour. It examines the creation of Nautilus International (NI) Union via a merger of unions for maritime professionals across different countries in Europe initially beginning with Great Britain, the Netherlands and later Switzerland. This was a uniquely strategic response to declining membership and weakening organising capacity. Some of the key challenges associated with unions trying to organise and represent their members in the context of industrial and labour market decline are explored.
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Bertolini, Alessio, and Daniel Clegg. "Access to Social Protection by Immigrants, Emigrants and Resident Nationals in the UK." In IMISCOE Research Series, 419–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51237-8_26.

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AbstractImmigration policies and immigrants’ rights to social protection in the UK have evolved dramatically over the past few decades, due to changing immigration flows, the UK’s membership of the European Union (EU) and participation in the European Single Market, and increasing anti-immigration sentiment, which culminated with the decision to leave the EU in January 2020. In this chapter, we argue that, at present, access to social protection is hierarchically structured depending on the interplay of three key variables: benefit type, immigration status and residency status. British citizens residing in the UK and immigrants with a permanent leave to remain have access to full social protection. So do generally European Economic Area (EEA) immigrants with the right to reside, though the precise basis of the right to reside is important in determining the types of benefits the person is entitled to. Migrants with a temporary leave to remain are excluded from most non-contributory benefits, as generally are British citizens living abroad, though those residing in EEA countries and those residing in a country with which the UK has a social security agreement are still entitled to a limited range of benefits. Many changes in access to social protection, especially as regards EEA immigrants in the UK and British nationals living in the EEA, are likely to stem from the UK leaving the EU, though these changes are currently being negotiated and, at present, no definitive post-Brexit regulatory framework is available.
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Gowland, David. "Devolution and European Union membership." In Britain and the European Union, 182–200. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351018340-7.

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Eppler, Annegret. "European Union." In The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 147–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_12.

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Dinan, Desmond, Neill Nugent, WilliamE Paterson, Lee Mcgowan, and David Phinnemore. "The UK: Membership in Crisis." In The European Union in Crisis, 77–99. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60427-9_5.

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Schönlau, Justus. "Membership, Representation and Accountability." In Constitutional Politics in the European Union, 74–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230593343_5.

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Gudgin, Graham. "EU Membership and the Northern Ireland Economy." In Living with the European Union, 38–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982501_3.

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Page, Alan. "Balancing Supremacy: EU Membership and the Constitution." In Britain in the European Union, 37–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523159_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, and Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Gündoğdu Odabaşıoğlu, Fatma. "An Assessment on Financial Markets: European Union Member Country Hungary and Candidate Country Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01700.

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With the end of cold war, Central and Eastern European countries who had not participated in the integration of Europe, have applied to become members of European Union. Hungary, a Central European country; applied for membership on December 16, 1991, started full membership negotiations in 1998 and joined the Union on May 1, 2004. Turkey on the other hand, was granted candidacy status during Helsinki European Council Summit Meeting of December 1999, after a 40 years long relationship that started with Turkey’s application to join European Economic Community on July 31, 1959. Negotiations for full membership of Turkey were finally started on October 3, 2005 and country entered a new era to adapt EU Acquis. Within this context, this study aims to compare financial markets of EU member state Hungary and candidate state Turkey for the period of 1998 - 2015; to evaluate risks and fragilities related to financial development levels and stability of banking sectors for both countries based on generally accepted financial indicators. In conclusion; Hungary was observed to have significantly less developed capital market compared Turkey over the years, despite having similar ratios in financial deepening during recent years. Findings of this assessment point out an increasing credit risk for banking sector of Hungary, enhanced by the economic crisis of 2008. In comparison, credit risk in banking sector of Turkey has been decreasing over the years. High credit/deposit ratio, is a sign of degradation and can be observed in Hungary's balance sheets, raised for Turkey as well.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Eurasian Customs Union and Turkey’s Membership." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01343.

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Leaders of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan which are the countries of disintegrated Soviet Union signed an agreement in order to establish a Union named Eurasian Economic Union on the date of 29 May 2014. With this attempt Russia wants to protect its former penetration on former Soviet geography by providing economic integration. Positive messages upon the membership of Turkey to Eurasia Economic Union were given at Eurasia Economic Union meeting which was held in Ankara in January mid-2015 and hosted by Andrey Karlov, Ambassador of Russia. Nursultan Nazarbayev, who is the pioneer of this idea, has stressed that Turkey should be a member of the Community several times before now. The idea of Sergey Markov, who is the point man of Putin as “Turkey should enter Eurasia Union not European Union, it can gain strength in this way”, is void within the scope of international agreements which Turkey signed with European Union and of the rules of WTO. Erdoğan, Prime Minister of the relevant term said Putin that “Take Turkey into Shanghai Cooperation Organization and ease our difficulty”; in Russian- Turkey peak held on 23 November 2013 in St. Petersburg province of Russia. This explanation is not possible in terms of international law. Explanation of Zeybekçi, Minister of Economy as “Eurasia Customs Union is a must for Turkey. We have to be there” is not realistic. In our paper we will deal and explain why Turkey cannot enter Eurasia Customs Union and why an axial dislocation cannot occur in Turkey.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, and Selami Sedat Akgöz. "European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies: A Special Investigation on Poland." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.

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During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam, and Volkan Öngel. "European Union Migration Relations: An Analysis Focused on Macedonia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.

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In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.
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Nuhanović, Amra, and Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.

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In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
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Bal, Harun, Neşe Algan, and Mehmet Demiral. "Why do Developing Countries Fail to Attract Global Capital? Reinvestigation of the Lucas Paradox for the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00937.

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The neoclassical theory predicts that capital should flow from developed (rich) to developing (poor) countries until the differences of investment returns are equalized. However, in his famous example, Lucas (1990) pointed out that, even the marginal product of capital in India was roughly calculated as 58 times that of the United States in 1988, such a capital flow did not occur in practice. This observation somewhat still exists in general. This study tries to find out some possible explanations to why Lucas Paradox is still seen in such an increasingly integrated world and demonstrate what foreign direct investments (FDIs) really pursue, focusing on selected nine Balkan countries. The study performs gravity model estimation using annual balanced panel data sets covering the period of 2000-2012. Overall results demonstrate that there is some evidence supporting Lucas paradox for the Balkan countries investigated. Main findings show that, regulations, country risk and China’s increasing attraction of global FDI tend to hinder Balkan countries’ performances, while improvements in human capital, infrastructures and logistic services can help these countries increase their global shares in FDI. Besides, increases in the research and development investments and progress in the path of the European Union membership processes seem to promote attracting global FDI.
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Glaser-Opitzová, Helena, and Mária Vojtková. "THE INFLUENCE OF SELECTED FACTORS ON THE AT-RISK-OF-POVERTY RATE OF SLOVAK HOUSEHOLDS." In Fourth International Scientific Conference ITEMA Recent Advances in Information Technology, Tourism, Economics, Management and Agriculture. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/itema.s.p.2020.107.

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Since the goal of any advanced society is to reduce poverty and improve the social status of the population, it is important to know the causes of its emergence. In connection with Slovakia's membership in the European Union, we have taken over European legislation in this area. The Europe 2020 strategy is currently in force in the countries of the European Union, while one of its five main objectives is "Fight against poverty and social exclusion". Poverty research is undoubtedly a topical, multidimensional problem. One of the issues it focuses on is the so-called income poverty. The poverty line is considered to be 60% of the median national equivalent disposable household income. In order for assistance to those at risk to be truly targeted at those who need it most, it is necessary to map the situation in detail and identify the factors that have the greatest impact on the incidence of poverty. In our paper, the subject of analysis will be the quantification of the influence of selected factors from The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) database on the at-risk-of-poverty rate in Slovak households. The at-risk-of-poverty rate represents the proportion of people (in percent) in the whole population, whose equivalent disposable income is below the at-risk-of-poverty line. We will verify the impact of selected factors on the at-risk-of-poverty rate using a logistic regression model in the SAS Enterprise Guide statistical tool.
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Đokić, Milica, and Ivana Janjić. "Support and Importance of Integration in Disruptive Times – Comparative Analysis of Serbia and Neighboring Countries during COVID-19 Pandemic." In 6th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2022 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.s.p.2022.25.

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Nowadays, in a highly globalized world, the level of economic in­tegration has reached enormous proportions and there is almost no coun­try that is not a part of some economic agreement. The purpose of this pa­per is to determine if countries that are members of the European Union have been less affected by the COVID-19 crisis and if EU membership helped their economies recover faster compared to those which are not in the EU. In order to conduct such an analysis six countries of the region have been cho­sen, three of them as EU members and the remaining three as EU member­ship candidates. Economic activity and foreign trade of Serbia and selected surrounding countries will be analyzed through indicators such as gross do­mestic product, and import and export trends during the four years, from 2018 to 2022. Furthermore, the research will encompass implemented sup­port programs and measures for overcoming the consequences of the coro­navirus pandemic.
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Reports on the topic "European Union countries – Membership"

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Branson, William, Jorge Braga de Macedo, and Jurgen von Hagen. Macroeconomic Policy and Institutions During the Transition to European Union Membership. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6555.

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Tanrikulu, Osman. A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1064.

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Tomás, Inês, and Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries: Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.

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Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane, and Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.

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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation: new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation: An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Sheridan, Anne, and Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, August 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.

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