Academic literature on the topic 'European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula'
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Journal articles on the topic "European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula"
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Kolarski, Ljiljana. "THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 23, no. 2/2022 (December 12, 2022): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.5.
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The war in Ukraine represents a turning point in international relations that significantly affects the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. By taking place on European soil and mainly between Russia and Ukraine, it really indirectly affects several countries united in two important entities, the European Union and NATO. In this paper, we will deal with the analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the countries of the Western Balkans, which are in a significant geopolitical position and have developed relations with Russia in the fields of foreign policy, security, and energy. The work aims to contribute to the understanding of the implications that are happening and that may arise in the domain of internal and foreign policy of the Western Balkan countries, and especially regional relations, as a consequence of the war in Ukraine. In the first part of the paper, attention is paid to a theoretical explanation of war and realism in international relations which could be implied to this war. Furthermore, a brief overview of the political events that led to the Russian invasion of Ukraine will be presented in order to understand the next chapter, which is dedicated to considering the response of each Western Balkan state to the beginning of the war and the events that came as a result of it.
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Bitkova, Tatiana. "ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.11.
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The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.
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Sorokin, D. "Macedonian Language as an Object of an International Dispute (According to Media Materials)." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 4 (December 9, 2021): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-4-79-86.
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The purpose of this article is to study the issue of politicization of the language dispute between the Republic of North Macedonia and the Republic of Bulgaria. This academic dispute became a political argument not only in relations between two countries, but also in resolving issues in the world. The main method was content analysis the English-language news portal’s materials - Balkan Insight. This analysis provides the opportunity to research the components of this dispute. As a result, it can be stated that in the scientific community there is no consensus about how much and to what extent the Macedonian language is "similar" to other languages of the Balkan Peninsula. Bulgarian scientists do not acknowledge the existence of the Macedonian language, claiming that the language of North Macedonia is a dialect of Bulgarian. The Macedonian scientific community takes a different point of view, arguing that the language developed historically, through the BI media platform, is trying to form European public opinion. The collective West officially support the integration of Macedonia into European structures, but does not reject the positions of individual EU states, such as Bulgaria, which play a significant role.
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Bjelic, Predrag, Danijela Jacimovic, and Ivan Tasic. "Effects of the world economic crisis on exports in the CEEC: Focus on the Western Balkans." Ekonomski anali 58, no. 196 (2013): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1396071b.
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The world economic crisis that paralyzed the world economy in 2008 and 2009 had a profound impact on all countries in the world. Due to the interconnectedness of national economies the crisis spread rapidly from its centre in the United States to the world. There were two main transmission channels for the spread of the crisis between countries - international trade and the exchange of private capital between states in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI). This economic downturn has greatly influenced the domestic economic stability of the Western Balkan economies. The Western Balkan countries have shaped their economic policy towards European Union (EU) membership, resulting in a high degree of liberalization in international economic relations accompanied by a commitment to free international capital movement. Since this region has close economic ties with the EU the crisis spread to the region very quickly, manifesting itself in decreasing regional exports to the EU market and a downward trend of FDI inflow to the region. This paper will focus on the impact of the world economic crisis on the Western Balkan economies and especially on their exports and FDI inflow. Our empirical analysis, based on panel data, uses a wider sample of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) which includes the Western Balkans, since we wanted to analyze if the effects of the economic crisis in the Western Balkans are specific or are common to most countries in transition. The analysis shows that Western Balkan exports have suffered due to the crisis, but reveals some interesting results on the different dynamics of export flows which depend on regional trade integration for their destination.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. "BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
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Damiani, Mirella, and Milica Uvalic. "Structural Change in the European Union and Its Periphery: Current Challenges for the Western Balkans." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 2 (June 26, 2018): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-000011.
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This paper analyses structural change in the European Union (EU) over the past two decades, with the aim of providing some guidelines for the Western Balkan (WB) countries. After recalling the main theories of structural change, the paper illustrates the general trend of decline in the relative shares of manufacturing output and employment in the old and the new EU member states, pointing to distinctive features of the East European countries. It proceeds to show how structural change in the WB countries has had additional characteristics, specific to the region. The WB countries have experienced a process of extreme de-industrialization that has reduced the contribution of manufacturing too quickly, to levels which are not consistent with their relatively low level of economic development. What is necessary is a strategy of re-industrialization of the WB economies that would strengthen their export capacity and facilitate more robust economic growth.
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Mizik, Tamás. "Land policy and farm structure: Challenges and opportunities for agriculture in the Western Balkan." Society and Economy 38, no. 2 (June 2016): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.2.
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Although Western Balkan countries are quite different, they can all be characterised by their one shared goal, to achieve the quickest possible accession to the European Union. Even though agriculture plays an important key role within all Western Balkan states, it’s share is the highest in Albania and only Serbia has a trade surplus. Land is a key production factor but all the analysed countries can be characterised by fragmented land structure and low average farm sizes. Mostly based on land ownership issues, a land reform index can be calculated. The major contribution of this paper to the literature is the reevaluated land reform index for the Western Balkans.
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Basov, F. "German Policy towards EU Enlargement." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-18-22.
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This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.
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Peshkopia, Ridvan. "Asylum in the Balkans: European Union and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees assistance to Balkan countries for establishing asylum systems." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 5, no. 2 (May 2005): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850500122869.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula"
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ELBASANI, Arolda. "The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.
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Defence date: 30 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
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This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.
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Uzgoren, Elif. "Globalisation, the European Union and Turkey : rethinking the struggle over hegemony." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12745/.
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The research approaches Turkish membership question to the European Union as an open-ended struggle among social forces. It aims to address whether there is a hegemonic pro-membership perspective and if any, which social forces are supporting it. Is there any alternative contesting and resisting membership and neo-liberal restructuring? Can disadvantaged groups from globalisation form a united struggle, and if not, how can we account for the lack of an alternative? At the theoretical level, it dismisses mainstream integration theories as debate is mainly stuck to the dichotomy between membership or not (form of integration), that in return is a non-debate. It introduces Gramscian historical materialist framework that paves the way to account for socio-economic content and power relations underpinning ongoing integration process. The argument proceeds by delving into a debate on theoretical coordinates regarding hegemony in Gramscian analyses and the theory of discourse introduced by Laclau and Mouffe in the Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Ultimately, it dismisses theory of discourse and conceives class struggle in relation to discipline of capital over society within social relations of production. The empirical data relies on semi-structured interviews conducted with capital and labour, political parties, state officials and women rights/feminist groups and human rights groups. Additionally, particular sectors, textile, automotive and agriculture are examined in parallel with Gramscian historical materialist coordinates on intra-class struggle. I shall argue that pro-membership perspective, whose socio-economic content is consolidation of neo-liberal restructuring, is hegemonic. It is pioneered by internationally oriented capital and conveyed as the means to stimulate competitiveness and economic growth and to consolidate democracy. It draws support from nationally oriented capital analogous with delocalization of production and integration to transnational production via outsourcing and contract manufacturing. Yet, it is possible to identify two rival class strategies that contest neo-liberal pro-membership project, neo-mercantilism that is supported by nationally oriented labour, nationalist political parties, centre-left political parties and Ha-vet (No-Yes) that is underpinned by internationally oriented labour, social democratic fraction among the Left, particular women rights groups and human rights groups. On the one hand, position of social forces underpinning neo-mercantilism is weakened in economy and ideas that echo import-substitution policy under Keynesian welfare state regime and developmentalist state in periphery are defeated analogous with globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring. The only criticism of neo-mercantilist project remains on national sensitivities. Put bluntly, the critique is anti-imperialist though not anti-capitalist. At the final analysis, membership is interpreted in relation to modernization and westernization with a populist discourse. On the other hand, although social forces within Ha-vet read European Union as a capitalist economic integration model, they conceive internationalisation of labour and European Social Model as the only viable mechanism to struggle against globalization and transnationalisation of production. Moreover, European integration is received positively as a democratization project. Ultimately, neither neo-mercantilism that supports ‘membership on equal terms and conditions’, nor Ha-vet that adopts the motto of ‘another globalisation and Europe is possible’, stands as an overall alternative.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
Books on the topic "European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula"
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Sergi, Bruno S. The political economy of Southeast Europe from 1990 to the present: Challenges and opportunities. New York: Continuum, 2008.
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Mehmet, Ugur, and Canefe Nergis 1967-, eds. Turkey and European integration: Accession prospects and issues. London: Routledge, 2004.
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1969-, Boromisa Ana Marija, and Kaselj, Ana Pavicic,d 1979-, eds. Environmental finance and development. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Rethinking peacebuilding: The quest for just peace in the Middle East and the Western Balkans. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Geopolitical and economic changes in the Balkan countries. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996.
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European foreign policy and the challenges of Balkan accession: Sovereignty contested. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Integrating the Balkans: Conflict resolution and the impact of EU expansion. London: I.B. Tauris, 2011.
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Iris, Kempe, ed. Prospects and risks beyond EU enlargement.: Challenges of a pan-European policy. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 2003.
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Joan, DeBardeleben, ed. The boundaries of EU enlargement: Finding a place for neighbours. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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European Integration and Transformation in the Western Balkans. Routledge, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula"
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Donikë, Qerimi. "Part 2 National and Regional Reports, Part 2.4 Europe: Coordinated by Thomas Kadner Graziano, 52 Western Balkans: Western Balkans Perspectives on the Hague Principles." In Choice of Law in International Commercial Contracts. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198840107.003.0052.
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This chapter presents Western Balkans perspectives on the Hague Principles. The term ‘Western Balkans’ is used to denominate the countries of the Balkan peninsula which are not member of the European Union: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. The countries of the Western Balkans have had a rather troubled past and the beginning of this century found them (re)building their countries, including their legislation. Given the urgency of other areas of law, Private International Law (PIL) was not in the focus of most of these countries’ reforms, academia, or court practice until recently. Unlike the EU regulations and Hague Conventions, the Hague Principles are not listed among the ‘inspirations’ of any of the current draft laws in the region. Experts who helped in drafting the ongoing reforms, however, have testified to the vast collection of international instruments and PIL codifications of other European countries that were used as inspiration when preparing these drafts. These preparations might have included the Hague Principles as well.
Conference papers on the topic "European Union countries – International relations – Balkan Peninsula"
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Stankova, Mariya, and Svetoslav Kaleychev. "BALKANS – SAFE AND SECURE DESTINATION FOR TOURISM. ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION." In Tourism and hospitality industry. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thi.26.16.
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Purpose – The conceptualization of the future is connected, as a rule, with a critical reflection on the present. Such consideration is particularly relevant to the Balkan region as a consequence of its inherent geographical realities and historical circumstances, which predetermined what was happening in this region of Europe. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the countries located on the peninsula underwent changes and joined different alliances and unions, under the complicated regional and international relations. Such peculiarities provoked this study with a focus on the manifestation of global problems and their regional dimensions in the Balkans, trough the security and safety issues explored in the context of tourism. Obviously, in the future, their importance will be even greater, having a significant socio-economic impact, including the tourism industry, where no tourist destination can be fully protected from various situations of threat (well seen during the Covid pandemic). Respecting the new realities, the study explores the preparedness of the tourism industry in the Balkans countries for events of natural and social nature. Design – The study of the Balkan countries as tourist destinations is analytical in nature and with a design that ensures that the studied data have the necessary reliability and allow a comprehensive coverage of the research problem. Methodology – Methodologically, the research is based on a literature review on the topic and on a survey of overview information from international databases. The performed situational and comparative analysis uses for source information from the INFORM Index from the Joint Research Center of the EU Commission in fact outlines the trends in the development of tourist destinations on country level on the Balkans, influenced by natural and social threats. Approach – The conceptual framework is still at an early stage of development and the current study could be useful for reevaluating the threats that are being observed and for supporting future research on the topic. The chosen approach to the study area - the Balkan Peninsula is consistent with its specifics and territorial features and reveals the picture of growing pressure under the stress of natural and social threats - war, disease, terrorism, natural phenomena, accompanied by f inancial and geopolitical tensions. high level of security. Findings – The obtained results have their significance for outlining the trends for the tourist destinations in the Balkans. Above all, its scientific usefulness is revealed in the analysis of the exposure of the Balkan countries as tourist destinations of natural and social threats, accompanied by trends for each of them, drawn as main conclusions. Originality of the research – The scientific and theoretical novelty of the research consists in the practical guidelines, which are outlined in order to improve the preparedness of the tourism industry in the Balkans countries for events of natural and social nature.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Halabaku, Agon. "European Union as a factor for the democratization of Western Balkan Countries and the EU's impact on promoting democracy and normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.290.
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