Journal articles on the topic 'European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern'
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1
Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.
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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
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Trupiano, Gaetana. "Enlarging the European Union and Co-ordinating Corporate Taxes**." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569299x15665365039625.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the new tax structure and tax incentives of the most advanced countries of Eastern Europe which have been considered, initially, as suitable candidates to join the European Union (Hungary, Poland and Czech Republic). Preferential tax treatment for foreign investors has gradually been modified in the prospect of full EU membership. These Eastern countries have also carried out important tax reforms in relation with the policy of co-ordinating corporate taxes in EU.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Tang, Donny. "Determinants of the Current Account Balances among Central and Eastern European Countries in the European Union." European Review 27, no. 02 (February 14, 2019): 220–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000765.
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This study examines whether the financial market development and integration have affected the current account balances in the European Union (EU) countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during 1996–2015. First, the results suggest that the higher bank credit flows have resulted in the current account deficits especially after EU accession. The larger pool of bank lending flows due to the foreign mergers and acquisitions has helped finance domestic investment. This has led to the larger current account deficits. Second, the results indicate that the larger stock market size due to EU accession has caused current account surpluses rather than deficits. This contradicts the findings of previous studies, which find that higher financial market development leads to current account deficit. Finally, the result confirms that financial integration has facilitated higher current account deficits. The European Monetary Union has eliminated the regulatory restrictions on cross-border capital flows. The increase in foreign capital inflows has helped finance the growing local consumption and investment needs, which has made the CEE countries run the larger current account deficits.
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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.
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Trukhachev, Vadim V. "AUSTRIA’S ROLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 3 (2021): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-3-104-115.
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Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.
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Kersan-Škabić, Ines, and Lela Tijanić. "THE IMPACT OF REMITTANCES ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Zbornik radova Ekonomskog fakulteta u Rijeci: časopis za ekonomsku teoriju i praksu/Proceedings of Rijeka Faculty of Economics: Journal of Economics and Business 40, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18045/zbefri.2022.2.281.
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Emigration flows and their relations with economic development can be observed through different aspects, where one of the important questions is the role of the remittances, and transfer of foreign money to home countries. The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of remittances on economic development in Central and Eastern European countries. A review of previous research on the role of emigration and the impact of remittances on economic development is presented in the first part of the paper. This is followed by panel data analysis. The analysis covers the period after the enlargement of the European Union (EU) in 2004 till the nowadays. The results confirm the positive and statistically significant influence of personal remittances on the economic development of the new EU member states, as well as the positive and statistically significant influence of final consumption, gross fixed capital formation, external trade balance, and foreign direct investments. The positive influence of remittances on economic development should be observed with caution, regarding that remittances are the results of emigration and also are connected with the unfavourable effects of emigration. This study adds to previous research about the significance of remittances in the economies of the new EU member states.
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Malakhova, T. S. "TRANSFORMATION OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF THE CENTER AND THE PERIPHERY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2018-2-58-72.
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In modern conditions, the external economic relations between countries of the vanguard and periphery are becoming increasingly controversial and ambiguous. Undoubtedly, the problem of inequality between the mentioned groups of countries has been always acute, and many schools of economics have been working on a solution of this question. This problem has escalated after the first wave of the global economic crisis (2008–2009). Despite everything, countries of the vanguard continue to promote principles of the neoliberal model through international organizations and financial institutions, which turned out to be unviable due to numerous reasons. The article deals with economic and trade relations between countries of the vanguard and periphery within the European Union, problems and controversies of their interaction and provides with a prediction of further development of the integration group. It may definitely be said that the liberalization of the external economic relations between partners has led to the increase of inequality among them, deepening of structural problems in countries of the periphery and to the stifling of their social and economic development. On that basis, the reasons of transformation of the European Union in context of the modern global instability have been outlined, as well as two groups of country outsiders in this association. The article shows that countries of the South and Central and Eastern Europe have found themselves in a financial bondage to the core countries and that their further membership in the EU will lead to even more harmful consequences and to a deep transformation of the whole EU.
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Fiszer, Józef M. "Przesłanki wewnętrzne i międzynarodowe upadku Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 roku oraz jego konsekwencje geopolityczne dla polityki zagranicznej Polski." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.2.
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The article surveys the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its implications for Poland’s external relations and the role it has been playing in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical shifts underway at that moment in history and their impact on the reorientation of Polish foreign policy at the turn of century. It addresses a number of research questions and tests hypotheses pertaining to the collapse of the Soviet Union, with the key assumption that the collapse of the USSR was induced not only by domestic factors, but also developments in Europe and globally, including the “Autumn of Nations”. The analysis shows that after the fall of the USSR, Polish foreign policy was conducted in accordance with the country’s raison d’Etat and weighed heavily on the region. It was premised on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Central and Eastern European countries. The research draws on classical realism, theories of foreign policy as well as constructivism. The following research methods were employed: review and critical analysis of documents and state-of-the-art literature. Polish and foreign published documents, books, articles, and reports, as well as press and Internet sources.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
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Yakupov, Roman Aleksandrovich, and Dar'ya Viktorovna Yakupova. "“There would be no unilateral détente!”: financial sector of theCOMECON countries in the late 1970s – early 1980s as a source of Western political influence." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 138–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.5.36127.
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The object of this research is the processes that took place in the COMECON member-states due instability of the financial sector. The subject of this research is the impact of the economic factor upon the evolution of bipolar system of international relations and sociopolitical sustainability of the Soviet Union during the 1979 – 1983. The article provides a scientific assessment of extent of awareness of the US intelligence on the financial solvency of the COMECON member-states, their ability to meet repayment schedules for both interest and debts, and the consequences of possible default of any of the countries during the financial crisis. The authors set the task to analyze the target points of foreign analytics regarding the “dependency” of Western European enterprises on their Eastern business partners, as well as clarify the extent to which a significant decline in trade between the East and the West affected the Soviet and Western European economy. The use of unpublished foreign and domestic archival documents, as well as foreign periodicals define the novelty of this research. This article is first to disclose the information on how the United States turned the severe financial problems of Eastern European countries for the purpose of political pressure on such issues as Afghanistan, crisis in Poland, and construction of the Soviet gas pipeline. Leaning on the introduced into the scientific discourse CIA documents, assessment is given to the effectiveness of trade and economic policy of the United States and its Western European allies in relation to Eastern Europe. The article also analyses the support of centrifugal tendencies in the economy of the Eastern European countries of the Soviet bloc.
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Duan, Cheche, Yicheng Zhou, Dehong Shen, Shengqiao Lin, Wei Gong, József Popp, and Judit Oláh. "The Misunderstanding of China’s Investment, and a Clarification: “Faustian Bargain” or “Good Bargain”? On the OFDI Data of Central and Eastern Europe." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (September 14, 2021): 10281. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810281.
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The close development of the economic relations between China and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since 2012 has triggered the European Union’s criticism of China’s foreign policy towards Eastern European countries. The European Union believes that China’s investment growth has led to a governance crisis in CEE countries. Based on the global governance indicators of the World Bank and the outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) data of the Ministry of Commerce of China, this paper conducts a test using the panel data model and the regression discontinuity method. An imbalanced panel dataset is adopted, covering 16 CEE countries from 2000 to 2018. The empirical research results indicate that, representing a small proportion of the investment inflows to CEE countries, China is not yet able to exert a domination effect on the region, and China’s economic power is far less than the European Union’s regulatory influence. Furthermore, China’s share of the OFDI in CEE has a U-shaped effect on the regulatory quality of host countries, and the two have a mutually causal relationship. Specifically, the impact on the host country’s regulatory quality is first manifested in the Shanghai effect, and when China’s share reaches a certain level, it is manifested in the California effect. The U-shaped effect is associated with the strategic factors of CEE countries and China’s positive contribution to good global governance.
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Konstantynov, Viktor. "Eastern Europe in the Policy of ‘Belt And Road’: Is There a Place for Ukraine?" Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 647–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-41.
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The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.
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Shaban, Tatiana. "Cross-Border Cooperation in the Carpathian Euroregion: Ukraine and the EU." Borders in Globalization Review 1, no. 1 (November 21, 2019): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr11201919258.
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Cross-border cooperation among the Eastern neighbours of the European Union can be understood as a new approach to public policy and border governance in the region. There was no border cooperation strategy between communist and European countries during Soviet times. The question of the management of the Eastern border of the EU, especially with Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova, came on the agenda in 1997, when accession to the union was finally opened to Eastern and Southern European candidates. With the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement that came into force in 1998, Ukraine signalled its foreign policy orientation as European, asserting that Western integration would help modernize its economy, increase living standards, and strengthen democracy and rule of law. The European Commission required “good neighbourly relations” as a further condition for accession and in conjunction, the concept of “Wider Europe” was proposed to set up border-transcending tasks. The Carpathian Euroregion was established to contribute to strengthening the friendship and prosperity of the countries of this region. However, the model was not fully understood and had only limited support of the national governments. This article uses the Carpathian Euroregion as a case study to show that overall Ukraine and the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood presents more opportunities for effective cooperation with the EU rather than barriers or risks.
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Lavenex, Sandra. "On the fringes of the European peace project: The neighbourhood policy’s functionalist hubris and political myopia." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 1 (December 29, 2016): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116685261.
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The destabilization of Eastern Europe and of the Southern Mediterranean has exposed the limits of the European peace project. Obviously, the European Neighbourhood Policy has not succeeded in boosting peace and prosperity. This article attributes this failure to a combination of functionalist hubris and political myopia that emanates from the European Union’s peculiar constitution as a regulatory power with weak political union. While the projection of the European Union’s single market acquis has set over-ambitious targets, the needs of the partner countries and the wider geopolitical implications of the Neighbourhood Policy have received little political attention. In sum, the experience at the fringes of the European peace project not only unveils the limits of the European Union as a foreign policy actor, but it also raises more theoretical questions on the notion of ‘liberal peace’.
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Hyman, Richard. "What future for industrial relations in Europe?" Employee Relations 40, no. 4 (June 4, 2018): 569–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2018-0056.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to perform a systematic cross-country comparison of key features of industrial relations in Europe in a context where consolidated post-war institutions are under attack on many fronts. The author discusses a number of key similarities and differences across the countries of Europe, and end by considering whether progressive alternatives still exist. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws upon academic literature and compares the contributions to this special issue in the light of common problems and challenges. Findings The trend towards the erosion of nationally based employment protection and collective bargaining institutions is widely confirmed. In most of Central and Eastern Europe, where systems of organised industrial relations were at best only partially established after the collapse of the Soviet regime, the scope for unilateral dominance by (in particular foreign-owned) employers has been further enlarged. It is also clear that the European Union, far from acting as a force for harmonisation of regulatory standards and a strengthening of the “social dimension” of employment regulation, is encouraging the erosion of nationally based employment protections and provoking a growing divergence of outcomes. However, the trends are contradictory and uneven. Originality/value This paper contributes to an updated cross-country comparative analysis of the ongoing transformations in European industrial relations and discusses still existing progressive alternatives.
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Krushinsky, V., and B. Pryimak. "GERMANY’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS OF UKRAINE." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 131 (2017): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.22-33.
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Despite the long history of relations Ukraine had a sidetrack in the German Eastern European politics. Ukrainian-German relations were in the shadow of German-Russian. This led to inconsistencies in the development of the German strategy for Ukraine and its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Another cause is a dualism of German foreign policy – as a nation-state on the one hand and on the other – as the informal leader of the EU, the most influential country in the union, whose foreign policy to some extent affects Europe overall. As the informal leader of the EU, Germany wants to strengthen the organization, including by means of the expansion and attraction of the new member-states. At the same time, Germany cannot let the entry of economically weak and politically unstable states that will dilute the strength of the organization. This opinion is shared by the German foreign policy, since the increased number of weak economies in the EU will increase the burden on the economy of Germany. On the one hand this will prorogue considerably Ukraine’s entry to the EU and NATO, but at the same time the situation may change for the better in the event that positive changes take place in Ukraine. The breakdown of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is characterized by significant changes in the format of relations between countries, including the Eastern region, in particular the relations between Ukraine and Germany changed significantly. There is an abandonment of the fixed spheres of influence concept and political supremacy of some states over others. Germany and many of countries in the region are united in the European Union and NATO. There are new mighty centers of power, especially Poland, which is trying to play an independent role. This dictates the need for Germany to take into account the position of the Polish foreign policy strategies under development in the region.
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Marković, Aleksandar. "European Union and Russian Federation: A brief history of relations from 1991 to 2021." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104337m.
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This article is dealing with international relations between EU and Russian Federation after falling of Berlin's wall and decline of communist regimes in countries of Eastern block. Author is trying to emphasize three periods. First period is from 1991. until 2000. During presidency of Boris Jeljcin in Russia. This period is reflected by declining of Russian power and stronger integration of Europe because of Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. Second period is period of coming on power president Vladimir Putin and uprising of Russia. This period lasts until 2014. year, when relations were more-less stable, except conflict in Georgia. Third period is related to conflict in Ukraine in 2014. And energetic crisis in 2021. Conflict in Ukraine has shown that EU doesn't have force to stand from foreign policy of USA, which is reflected in actions of NATO. Author concludes article with hope that memory from two world wars will be enough strong for politicians from both sides to not let another world war, and they will find new ways to enhance international cooperation.
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Polegkyi, Oleksii. "The Intermarium in Ukrainian and Polish Foreign Policy Discourse." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 2 (October 18, 2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus562.
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The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, crises in the European Union (EU), and armed conflicts in the EU neighbourhood have influenced the prospects of future development in eastern and central Europe. A search for new security architecture on the margins of the EU and regional collaborations that prevail across formal EU borders have forced national elites in Poland and Ukraine to redefine their efforts regarding regional and security co-operation. Rationales for joining an Intermarium (a regional, transnational project involving successor states of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth countries) are based on the perception of a threat coming from Russia. This article analyzes the Intermarium concept, first, from the perspective of “geopolitical imaginary” with emphasis on periphery-centre relations and, second, in the light of regional “security dilemma” as it appears in attempt of “smaller” states to counteract Russian threats.
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Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.
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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.
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Critchlow, James. "Western Cold War Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976841.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes made to jam the transmissions. Given the importance of foreign broadcasting for the political life of the Soviet bloc, it is remarkable that these broadcasts have received scant scholarly attention in the Western countries that sponsored them. The three books reviewed here help to fill that gap.
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Heisler, Martin O. "Migration, International Relations and the New Europe: Theoretical Perspectives from Institutional Political Sociology." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 596–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600221.
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The transformations of the international system and the regimes of the Soviet Union's successor-states and former allies removed barriers to exit from those countries. Western Europe now confronts possible population movements from the East, at a time when its own societies and institutions are undergoing change: the advent of a single unified market in the European Community; the organization of new, joint security and foreign policy capabilities; and coping with growing manifestations of political and social stress blamed on the presence of immigrants. Existing theories in international relations and migration studies offer little guidance in confronting problems that are at once societal and international. Conceptual and theoretical links across the domestic and international levels of analysis and with migration are needed. An institutional political sociology orientation comprised of elements in the recent literature of several social sciences and neoliberal international relations may provide the necessary intellectual grasp and practical policy guidance. An illustrative application suggests that massive east-to-west migration is unlikely; and it offers grounds for guarded optimism about prospects for stability in and fruitful integration into the Western European ethos by the new regimes in East-Central Europe and the Baltics. However, it points to a more gloomy future for many of the other states of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Poór, József, Allen D. Engle, Ildikó Éva Kovács, Michael J. Morley, Kinga Kerekes, Agnes Slavic, Nemanja Berber, et al. "Multinationals and the evolving contours of their human management practices in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." Employee Relations: The International Journal 42, no. 3 (March 8, 2020): 582–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-01-2019-0082.
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PurposeWe explore the effects of three organizational variables (country of origin of the multinational company (MNC), the timing of entry into the European Union and the mode of establishment of the MNC subsidiary unit) on the human resource management (HRM) practices being pursued by subsidiaries of large MNCs operating in selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union. Furthermore, we examine whether the degree of autonomy afforded to the subsidiary over its preferred HR recipes is related to overall local unit performance.Design/methodology/approachWe profile the HRM practices of 379 foreign owned subsidiaries located in Bulgaria, Croatia, The Czech Republic, Kazakhstan, Poland, Hungary, Russia, Romania, Serbia and Slovakia. Using descriptive statistics, we present the general characteristics of the sample and we then use bivariate statistical analysis to test our hypotheses relating to the impact of different organizational factors on the HR practice mix implemented in the MNC subsidiaries covered in our survey.FindingsWe find a significant correlation between the annual training budget, the importance of knowledge flow from headquarters (HQs) to the subsidiary and the perceived criticality of training and development and whether the subsidiary is a greenfield site or an acquisition. A correlation was also found between the national timing of EU membership (older members, newer and then candidate countries and non-EU members) and three HR practice variables: the use of expatriates, external service providers and employee relations practices.Research limitations/implicationsOur research calls attention to the issue of balancing the efficiencies of standardization with the local preferences and traditions of customization which results in more successful MNC control and ultimately higher levels of performance. It also calls attention to the challenges in pursuing research of this nature over time in the CEE region, especially given the dynamic nature of the MNC mix in each of the countries.Practical implicationsOur findings serve to reduce the information gap on foreign-owned companies in CEE and the Former Soviet Union.Originality/valueDespite some 30 years of transition, there remains a paucity of empirical research on the HR practices of MNCs across a number of countries in the CEE region. For a decade and a half, the CEEIRT group[1] has been systematically gathering empirical evidence. The combination of the breadth (10 countries) and depth (numerous items related to MNC subsidiary relationships with corporate HQs and patterns of HR practices and roles) characterizing the ongoing research effort of the CEEIRT collaboration serves as a mechanism for augmenting the empirical base on HRM in the region.
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Kubala, Sebastian, and Marcin Stanuch. "AN ASSESSMENT OF THE SELF-SUFFICIENCY LEVEL OF SELECTED COUNTRIES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE IN POULTRY MEAT PRODUCTION." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXIII, no. 4 (November 29, 2021): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.5714.
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One of the key markets of the European Union is the poultry meat market. The situation on this market is of significant importance to both producers and consumers. The main aim of the article is to study the level of self-sufficiency of selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe in the production of poultry meat. Eleven countries were selected as the research area: Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Hungary. In the conducted research, simplified indices of self-sufficiency were used: the balance of foreign trade in terms of volume and value, average annual consumption per capita and production volume in relation to consumption. The study was conducted for the years 2009-2018. The statistical sources used come from FAOSTAT and International Trade Centre databases. Research has shown that the analyzed countries are characterized by a significant diversification of the self-sufficiency level of poultry meat production. Only 6 analyzed countries can meet the domestic consumption demand from their own production, the remaining countries supplement the deficit from imported goods. The highest level of self-sufficiency of poultry meat production was observed in Poland, Slovenia, Lithuania and Hungary. On the other hand, the lowest level is found in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Slovakia and Latvia.
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Kovacevic, Maja. "Limits of the EU’s transformative power and the Western Balkans." Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 1 (2019): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1901026k.
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The European Union (EU) is a unique player in the Western Balkans, where it has employed a wide array of foreign policy instruments since the 1990s such as diplomacy, trade, financial assistance, civilian missions, military missions, and enlargement, which is the EU?s most successful foreign policy tool. The region is an inspiring case for studying the EU?s transformative power. The undeniable success of the EU?s Enlargement Policy in influencing transitions of Central and Eastern Europe countries has inspired research of the Europeanization, or the EU?s transformative power in relation to candidate countries, and its impact on their political and economic reforms during the accession process. Since then, the EU?s global transformative power has been in crisis. The European Neighbourhood Policy was reviewed in 2015, aiming not any more towards the transformation of neighbouring states, but rather at fostering their resilience. Similarly, the 2016 Global Strategy for the European Union?s Foreign and Security Policy set the principled pragmatism as a guideline. Moreover, the EU?s transformative power towards member states is questioned after two initiatives to trigger Article 7 TEU procedures against Poland and Hungary. What about the Europeanization of the Western Balkans? Despite the fact that the EU has been the main driver of change, the Europeanization of this post-conflict region has been slow. According to Freedom House, after substantial progress from 2004 to 2010, the Western Balkans has declined six years in a row, and its average Democracy Score in 2016 is the same as it was in 2004. With the exception of Albania, the scores of all countries are declining, not improving. The EU?s security-democratisation dilemma strongly affects its transformative power in the Western Balkans. By prioritising effective government rather than democratic governance, the EU has helped stabilise non-democratic and corrupt regimes rather than transforming them, legitimising Balkan "stabilitocrats".
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Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Demirel, Nuri. "TURKEY AND RUSSIA AS MAJOR PLAYERS IN THE BLACK SEA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." International Journal of Engineering Technologies and Management Research 7, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/ijetmr.v7.i2.2020.506.
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Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself.
An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other.
In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.
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Zhao, Haipeng, K. Bliumska-Danko, and Xu Lu. "Under the “Belt and Road” initiative, the China and Ukraine governments should assume greater responsibility to promote trade." Bulletin of Sumy National Agrarian University, no. 3(81) (September 30, 2019): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32845/bsnau.2019.3.6.
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Purpose: Ukraine is located in Eastern Europe, has a good geographical location, and has good bilateral relations and traditional economic exchanges with China, especially agriculture, high-tech, and existing and ongoing cooperation projects with China. "There are also difficulties in construction: Ukraine's economy has been in a difficult period since independence, its economic structure is very uneven, and its economic relations with Eastern European and CIS countries, as well as Russian economic relations, need to be improved. Ukraine needs to restore its national strength. China's "Belt and Road" initiative and the diplomatic concept of building a community of shared future for mankind have determined that the Chinese government is willing to help Ukraine restore its strength and restore normal political, economic, and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. It will benefit the people through the improvement of the national economy This article aims to analyze how the two sides can use the "Belt and Road" platform to develop economic relations and strengthen cooperation to achieve mutual benefit results.
Methodology: This article uses the literature research method, the combination of analysis and synthesis methods, observation method, investigation method.
Originality: Since the Soviet Union, Ukraine has started friendly exchanges with China. After the founding of New China in 1949, Ukraine, as a part of the Soviet Union, made a greater contribution to China establishment of its national steel, machinery, agriculture and other basic industries. After Ukraine's independence, China-Ukraine relations have entered a new stage. China was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence and established diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992. In the past 30 years of Ukraine's independence, the two countries have not had any conflicts of interest and no serious political and economic contradictions. The "Belt and Road" initiative proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013 provided a new platform for bilateral relations and created unprecedented opportunities for the development of bilateral relations. In the "Belt and Road" construction, Ukraine should play a greater role.
Practical value: Participating in the "Belt and Road" construction is also a very important opportunity for Ukraine, helping the Chinese people to have a more comprehensive and clearer understanding of Ukraine, and more importantly, it is conducive to the trade between the two countries to bring more Ukrainian enterprises Trade exchanges to drive the economic development of Ukraine. Politically, Ukraine and China have good bilateral relations；On June 20, 2011, the two sides signed the "China-Ukraine Joint Partnership on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnerships. Economically, Ukraine and China have complementary economies. Economic exchanges have been established since the Soviet Union. In recent years, the existing and ongoing cooperation between Ukraine and China has continued to develop in high-tech fields such as agriculture, machine manufacturing, and aviation. More and more Ukrainian experts have pointed out that developing relations between Ukraine and China should become a priority direction of Ukraine's current foreign policy. Ukraine has a strong advantage in agriculture, military industry, and manufacturing, especially the engine manufacturing industry, and can develop machine manufacturing; Ukraine can provide transportation for China “Belt and Road” Convenient conditions.
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Gorun, Hadrian, and Lucretia-Ileana Branescu. "The Paradox of Nicolae Ceausescu’s Foreign Policy and Several Reasons for the Deterioration of the International Image of His Regime." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 29 (October 31, 2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n29p75.
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This short article attempts to find and highlight the most important reasons that determined the deterioration of the international imagine of the communist regime from Nicolae Ceausescu’s Romania. Although after 1968, - the year when the Romanian leader publicly condemned Czechoslovakia’s invasion by the Red Army- Romania’s image in the Western countries was very good, during the 80s the whole capital of sympathy completely disappeared. Nicolae Ceausescu’s anti-Soviet foreign policy made him a socalled “spoiled child” of the West. In 1989, the Romanian dictator remained the only Stalinist leader from European countries, paradoxically an anti-Soviet Stalinist leader. In our opinion there were three very important events that determined the irreversible degradation of the regime’s image abroad: Helsinki Final Act in 1975; General Ion Mihai Pacepa’s (vice-leader of Foreign Information Department of Romanian Intelligence) run to the USA and last but not the least, Mikhail Gorbachev’s election as general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. (CPSU) We started from the hypothesis that these three moments were somehow decisive for Ceausescu’s decline in the eyes of his own people and mainly in international relations. From methodological point of view we tried to explain briefly how and in what measure the three mentioned events and their consequences changed maybe irreversibly the image of Romanian dictator mainly abroad. We tried also to make a short comparison between Ceausescu’s situation in 1968 and his position in the 1980’s. We could conclude that evolution of the events confirmed that one of the most important blows for Romanian dictator was Gorbachev’s election. However we do not need to overrate this aspect. The international and regional context at the end of 1980’s was decisive. The end of the Cold War and refolutions from Central and Eastern Europe made impossible the survival of the last Stalinist regime.
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Alborova, Dina, Boris Koybaev, and Elena Galkina. "Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.11.
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Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.
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Коренной, А. С. "Public-Private Partnership in the Field of Cultural Heritage Protection: Eastern European Experience and Possibilities of Its Application in Russia." Nasledie Vekov, no. 2(30) (June 30, 2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2022.30.2.004.
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Работа посвящена анализу правового и организационного опыта стран Юго-Восточной и Восточной Европы (Хорватия, Словения, Польша) в сфере реализации государственно-частного партнерства (ГЧП) при мероприятиях, связанных с охраной культурного наследия. Круг материалов составили нормативные документы Российской Федерации и изучаемых стран, отчеты европейской программы INTERREG и результаты изысканий отечественных и зарубежных исследователей. Указано, что опыт изученных государств в области ГЧП, несмотря на явные негативные перегибы политического характера, допускаемые в отношении культурного наследия в целом, представляет теоретическую значимость. Описаны механизмы создания и развития проектов ГЧП в этих странах. Установлено, что в российских условиях комплексное заимствование практики ГЧП рассмотренных государств невозможно и нецелесообразно в силу их подчиненности политике Евросоюза, с одной стороны, и несравнимостью их национальных экономик с экономикой России по ряду критериев – с другой. The study analyzes the legal and organizational experience gained in the countries of Southeastern and Eastern Europe (Croatia, Slovenia, Poland) in the implementation of public-private partnership (PPP) in activities related to the protection of cultural heritage. The main aim was to identify the possibilities of using this experience in relation to Russian socioeconomic realities. The range of research materials included regulatory legal documents of the Russian Federation and the countries under study, reports of the European INTERREG program, as well as the results of domestic and foreign research related to various aspects of implementing PPP in the field of heritage protection and culture in general. The research approach is based on the use of descriptive, comparative, historical genetic and formal legal methods. The author gives the definition of PPP, which the Russian legislation uses, reveals the positions of various researchers who expand the understanding of this term. He points out that the experience of the countries of Eastern Europe has not been sufficiently explored, which (despite the obvious contradictions and negative excesses inherent in the ideological aspect of their policy towards cultural heritage) could contribute to the improvement of Russian theoretical developments in this area. The author characterizes mechanisms for the creation and development of projects related to the revival of cultural monuments adopted in the European Union; studies the basics of the legalization of PPP in Croatia, Slovenia, and Poland; describes the main legislative and strategic documents defining the forms and methods of protecting cultural heritage in these countries; indicates the features inherent in the array of these objects in each of the considered countries. The author has learned that the implementation of practical PPP projects in Croatia, Slovenia, and Poland is limited by various reasons, including the incompleteness of cultural heritage registers; identified the prerequisites for the successful implementation of PPP contracts in the field of cultural heritage protection; and shown the sources of funding currently used in the studied countries. The author concludes that, under Russian conditions, a comprehensive borrowing of the PPP practice of Eastern European countries is impossible and inappropriate due to their subordination to the EU policy, on the one hand, and the fundamental incomparability of their national economies with the Russian economy in terms of total volume and the presence of large investing corporations, on the other.
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Dobrokhotov, Leonid Nikolaevich. "The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality." Социодинамика, no. 11 (November 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.11.38672.
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In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international relations turned out to be completely different. At the turn of the century, as a result of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, the approach of troops and weapons of this bloc to our borders, open support in the West for separatist movements and wars on the territory of the Russian Federation, the process of disillusionment with previous illusions began. It sharply intensified after Vladimir Putin's Munich speech in 2007, Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and especially the conflict in Ukraine and the reunification of Crimea, which actually led to the beginning of a new cold war. Gradually, the ruling elites of Russia and the West began to realize that the decisive reason for the former "cold war" of 1946-1989 was not so much the notorious "communism" in the USSR and in Eastern European countries, but above all the fundamental civilizational and geopolitical differences between the West and Russia, dating back centuries, stable Russophobic sentiments of public opinion in the West. As the experience of history and modernity shows, Russia's successful domestic and international position is possible only if it preserves and strengthens the status of a great Eurasian power based on a sovereign domestic and foreign policy, a successful socio-economic course approved by the people and a wise state ideology.
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Jarząbek, Wanda. "Wpływ wydarzeń 1968 roku na Ostpolitik i jej recepcję w Polsce." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.04.
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The impact of the 1968 events on the FRG’s Ostpolitik and its reception in Poland may be considered in the short and the long term. What the article takes into consideration are the short-term effects of this political approach, observed in the years 1968–1969.Writing about the events of 1968, the author dwells on March 1968 in Poland, or more precisely, on those of its aspects which were related to the formation and implementation of the state’s policy, namely, the turbulence in ruling circles, the replacing of the people who occupied the high-ranking posts and the staffing changes in Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the creators of Germany’s Eastern politics, what was fundamental was the intervention of the Warsaw Treaty armies in Czechoslovakia. The rebellion among the youth was of lesser importance to the current politics at the time. Its consequences were felt mostly in the succeeding years and were related, i.a., to public opinion in the FRG and its attitude toward the forms and extent of normalising relations with the countries of East Europe, including Poland.After 1968, in the case of the FRG, the mode of implementation of its Eastern politics was modified. It was concluded that it is the Soviet Union which must be the main partner in any talks (though it was the most important interlocutor anyway, albeit attempts were also made to hold autonomous talks with the satellite countries) and that attention must be paid to avoiding the impression that for Bonn, Ostpolitik is just an instrument to help loosen intra-block dependencies.For Poland, the events of 1968 implied a reduced field of manoeuvre, not so much because not only in Bonn, but also in other Western capitals, it was formally acknowledged that the priority lies with Moscow, but also because of diplomatic practice. Warsaw did not, however, intend to give up the right to pursue its interests, tangible evidence of which was provided by the diplomatic activity of 1969, manifest both by a turn in its policy toward Germany, and by undertaking efforts to sell its own vision of the European Conference.
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Babic, Blagoje. "Economic relations between Slavic countries." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 128 (2009): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0928007b.
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Economic relations between Slavic countries are a taboo topic. This is a reflection of divisions in Europe, which have also been transmitted to the Slavic world. Although the aspiration for Slav unification has existed for centuries, Slavic peoples have been a part of a single community only once - and even then not of their own choice - in the Eastern Block, which emerged from the division of Europe after the Second World War. The decomposition of the Eastern Bloc was followed by the decomposition of the Slavic world as well, which became more disunited than ever before. Changes that have been occurring in Europe - the incorporation into the European Union of several Slavic countries, the transformation of socio-economic systems in the Slavic countries and the global economic crisis - are driving the Slavic peoples toward a gathering on a new basis. The Slavic world is becoming the most promising emerging market in the world, for which the European Union is showing increasing interest. With the building of a pan-European energy infrastructure, which would also encompass all the Slavic countries, coupled with efforts toward creating a 'single European economic space' that would include both the European Union and Russia, all Slavic peoples will be united by common economic interests. Pan-European arrangements have as a consequence the development of economic relations among Slavic countries, bringing added benefit to their mutual political relations as well. Paradoxically, the European Union is accomplishing for the Slavic peoples what the Slavic peoples aren't able to accomplish for themselves.
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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Polster, Csilla. "Economic Development and Growth in Central and Eastern Europe." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 24, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.24.31.
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The study investigates the economic growth in Central and Eastern Europe in the last 25 years. The economy can be regarded as a substantial topic in any country, but it is even more interesting in developing countries. One of the basic ideas of the European Union is the convergence between member states, namely the reduction of development disparities, which can be achieved through faster economic growth in less‑developed countries. Growth theory is one of the main topics in economics. Its significant importance is because the desire for development is one of the main driving forces of mankind. The aim of the study is to reveal the crucial differences and common features between the growth paths of the eleven Central and Eastern European member states of the European Union. After presenting growth theories, the growth performance of the examined Central and Eastern European member states is pinpointed. During the research, GDP per capita, population, migration, activity rate, employment rate, unemployment rate, foreign direct investment and foreign trade openness are considered.
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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Daniel Balsalobre-Lorente, Diogo Ferraz, and Irina Gabriela Rădulescu. "Energy Transition in Non-Euro Countries from Central and Eastern Europe: Evidence from Panel Vector Error Correction Model." Energies 15, no. 23 (December 1, 2022): 9118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15239118.
Full textAbstract:
The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, from the non-euro area, have completed the process of economic transition before joining the European Union. Achieving a certain level of economic development and membership in the European Union have generated their involvement in a new transition process, namely the energy transition. Concerns about promoting the low carbon economy have become increasingly complex for those countries that are interested in the environmental impact of economic activity. This study aims to analyze the process of energy transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe on the basis of the causality relationship among specific variables for the period 1990–2018. The study is based on cross-sectional panel data and the panel vector error correction model (PVECM). The efforts made by these countries by joining the European Union have generated economic development, with positive effects being recorded on the protection of the environment, a fact due to the strict regulations adopted and rigorous implementation at the national level. Foreign capital had a positive impact on the transition to a low carbon economy because most of the FDI flows attracted by the non-euro countries in the CEE come from Western Europe, i.e., from EU member countries, located either among the founders or among the countries that joined during the first waves of union expansion. Membership in the European Union facilitates the energy transition process for the non-euro countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but the new geopolitical events generate the reconfiguration of the European strategy of considering the need to ensure energy security.
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Kramer, Mark. "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 4 (September 2003): 178–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483783.
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The largely peaceful collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989 reflected the profound changes that Mikhail Gorbachev had carried out in Soviet foreign policy. Successful though the process was in Eastern Europe, it had destabilizing repercussions within the Soviet Union. The effects were both direct and indirect. The first part of this two-part article looks at Gorbachev's policy toward Eastern Europe, the collapse of Communism in the region, and the direct “spillover” from Eastern Europe into the Soviet Union. The second part of the article, to be published in the next issue of the journal, discusses the indirect spillover into the Soviet Union and the fierce debate that emerged within the Soviet political elite about the “loss” of the Eastern bloc—a debate that helped spur the leaders of the attempted hardline coup d'état in August 1991.
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Rohrschneider, Robert, and Stephen Whitefield. "Support for Foreign Ownership and Integration in Eastern Europe." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 3 (April 2004): 313–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003262071.
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Western models of popular support for economic integration usually stress costs and benefits. This article suggests that one cannot ignore the predominance of socialist-economic values in East-Central Europe. Consequently, it is argued and supported that (a) individual-level support for foreign ownership is best explained by ideological commitments to market ideals; (b) publics in more economically liberal countries more strongly support the idea of foreign ownership; and (c) citizens who reside in democratic countries, which experience greater controversy over foreign ownership, are less likely to accept the idea of foreign ownership just as they have a more negative image of the European Union. Theoretically, the study documents the limited applicability to Eastern Europe of Western-based models. Practically, it helps explain opposition to foreign ownership and, more generally, increasing controversy over the EU in first-wave accession states.
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Pastore, Jose. "Industrial Relocation and Labour Relations: The Case of Central and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 23, Issue 1 (March 1, 2007): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2007003.
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Industrial relocation is one of the main concerns of industrial relations practitioners, policy-makers, union leaders and researchers in general. For many companies the critical choice is no longer between producing at home or abroad, but rather between cutting costs or losing market share. One of the ways to increase competitiveness is to move east. By facilitating company relocation, the Central and Eastern European countries are guaranteeing the future of companies facing competition in Germany, France, Italy, and other European countries. But relocation often involves the loss of jobs in the country of origin and job creation in the countries of destination as well as many changes in industrial relations practice of both sides. This paper focuses on the impact of the integration of eight former communist countries in the European Union in 2004. Data for 2004-2006 show that differences in terms of salaries and working conditions are related to changes in the industrial relations systems of Western Europe on the one hand, and Central and Eastern Europe on the other. The eastern countries are growing fast, but a high rate of unemployment has led to frustration and dissatisfaction in most of the new Member States. In the Western countries, to avoid further company relocation to the eastern countries, pressure has been exerted on employees to make deep concessions in terms of salaries, bonuses, working time and other labour conditions. The paper explores the future prospects for these developments, as well as their repercussions for other emerging nations.
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Sydoruk, Marta. "MANAGEMENT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION CROSS-BORDER PROJECTS: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP COUNTRIES AS A PROSPECT OF INTEGRATION FOR UKRAINE." International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2590.
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The present study aims to analyze the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy as a concept of relations between Ukraine and the European Union (EU). The paper starts with an overview of the Ukraine-EU relations and the outline of Ukraine’s reasons for seeking closer ties with the European Union. This article introduces shaping the Eastern dimension of the EU foreign policy as a result of cooperation with the European Union and enhancing of the European Neighbourhood Policy financial instruments.
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Cremona, Marise. "Creating the New Europe: The Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe in the Context of Eu-See Relations." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 2 (1999): 463–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802815734.
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“The European Union continues to be strongly committed to the stabilisation and development of South-Eastern Europe. The Union’s strategy is to draw the countries of the region closer to the prospect of European integration.” This confident statement opens the joint Report on EU action in support of the Stability Pact and South-Eastern Europe (SEE) presented by the Finnish Presidency and the European Commission to the European Council at Helsinki in December 1999. It contains three ideas which are key to the EU’s policy towards the region: stabilisation, development and integration. The Stability Pact seeks to provide a framework for the coordination of effort towards these objectives: greater political stability, security and democratisation; economic reconstruction and development; political, economic and legal integration both within the region and between the countries of SEE and the EU.
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Cremona, Marise. "Creating the New Europe: The Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe in the Context of Eu-See Relations." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 2 (1999): 463–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003475.
Full textAbstract:
“The European Union continues to be strongly committed to the stabilisation and development of South-Eastern Europe. The Union’s strategy is to draw the countries of the region closer to the prospect of European integration.” This confident statement opens the joint Report on EU action in support of the Stability Pact and South-Eastern Europe (SEE) presented by the Finnish Presidency and the European Commission to the European Council at Helsinki in December 1999. It contains three ideas which are key to the EU’s policy towards the region: stabilisation, development and integration. The Stability Pact seeks to provide a framework for the coordination of effort towards these objectives: greater political stability, security and democratisation; economic reconstruction and development; political, economic and legal integration both within the region and between the countries of SEE and the EU.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Stawicka, Magdalena Kinga. "Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment Inflows in Central and Eastern European Countries." Oeconomia Copernicana 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2014.010.
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In the paper the author tries to analyse the value of foreign direct investments inflow into certain Central and Eastern Europe countries and to assess determinants which cause these countries to attract large value of the foreign direct investments. Twenty countries of the aforementioned region were analysed. Ten of them belong to the European Union including three belonging to the Eurozone. Additionally, the paper contains presentation of the most significant determinants of the foreign direct investments based on investors’ motives. In order to achieve the aforementioned goal, the author reviewed the literature on the subject paying special attention to the issues in question, and she presented the results of the survey focused on the FDI determinants in the economies which are the subject of this paper. The paper also contains results of two surveys conducted by the author in 2006 and 2012 regarding motives of the entrepreneurs who make foreign direct investments in the territory of the EU countries. Review of the theory, analysis of general empirical observations and own surveys of the author prove that the size of a market, the possibility to maximize profits and discounts and privileges for investors are the most substantial internal and external factors which encourage entrepreneurs to invest on foreign markets. Moreover, membership in the European Union and/or the Eurozone, as well as the warranty of macroeconomic stability of a country also pose a substantial advantage when an investor chooses the location for an investment.
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Brenkevičiūtė, Raimonda. "ANALYSIS OF FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT INFLUENCE ON NATIONAL ECONOMY." Mokslas - Lietuvos ateitis 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2010): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/mla.2010.028.
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In the paper there were analyzed foreign direct investments (FDI) in the ten Central and East Europe countries which are included in the European Union (EU). IT is theoretically and virtually justified positive and negative FDI influence to country’s economic growth. Based on statistical data there were written up FDI dynamics in the world, Central and Eastern Europe countries. There were analyzed applications of FDI incentives. There were given the methodology which allows quantifying connection strength between GDP and FDI flows in the analyzing countries using correlation analysis. Results of analysis allow proving hypothesis (it is existing positive link between FDI and GDP inflows in the Central and East Europe countries) and enable to plan economic policy in aspect of foreign capital more exactly.
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Morokvasic, Mirjana. "Migrations in Europe: Fears due to the enlargement of the EU to the East." Stanovnistvo 41, no. 1-4 (2003): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0304131m.
Full textAbstract:
The European Union is confronted with the biggest enlargement in its history: ten states, among them eight middle European - the so called "buffer zone" in the new European migration landscape - will become members in 2004. Other candidates hope to join in the coming years. For all Eastern and Eastern European countries, including those that are not candidates, the end of the bi-polar world meant a hope of "return to Europe". When shifting its borders to the East, the European Union both includes and excludes. The final objective to achieve Europe as "a space of freedom, security and justice", is conditioned by the capacity and necessity to control the migratory flows. The prospect of free circulation for the citizens of the new Union members entails also fears: the EU countries are afraid of the consequences the enlargement would have on migratory flows from the countries of the Central and Eastern Europe and which transit through that area. The perception of migrants as a threat inspired the conditions that the Union imposed on the candidate countries concerning migration policy issues and which mostly focus on the protection of its Eastern borders. For the future Union members however, protecting of the thousand of kilometers of their Eastern border, implies a number of quite different problems. These countries are afraid of the impact the restrictive measures they are obliged to implement would have both on many economic and family ties which have been maintained since the socialist period and on more recently engaged cooperation with the neighbours which are not candidates. The challenge of enlargement is different therefore for the EU members, for the candidate countries and for those who are for the moment excluded from the process. The fears do not seem to be always grounded. Thus, the impact of enlargement which, it was feared, could have been so destabilizing for the Union because of potentially large migration flows, is more likely to be destabilizing for the new candidate countries, especially concerning their relations with their neighbours excluded from the enlargement process.