Academic literature on the topic 'European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern'
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Journal articles on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern"
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Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.
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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
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Trupiano, Gaetana. "Enlarging the European Union and Co-ordinating Corporate Taxes**." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569299x15665365039625.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the new tax structure and tax incentives of the most advanced countries of Eastern Europe which have been considered, initially, as suitable candidates to join the European Union (Hungary, Poland and Czech Republic). Preferential tax treatment for foreign investors has gradually been modified in the prospect of full EU membership. These Eastern countries have also carried out important tax reforms in relation with the policy of co-ordinating corporate taxes in EU.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Tang, Donny. "Determinants of the Current Account Balances among Central and Eastern European Countries in the European Union." European Review 27, no. 02 (February 14, 2019): 220–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000765.
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This study examines whether the financial market development and integration have affected the current account balances in the European Union (EU) countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during 1996–2015. First, the results suggest that the higher bank credit flows have resulted in the current account deficits especially after EU accession. The larger pool of bank lending flows due to the foreign mergers and acquisitions has helped finance domestic investment. This has led to the larger current account deficits. Second, the results indicate that the larger stock market size due to EU accession has caused current account surpluses rather than deficits. This contradicts the findings of previous studies, which find that higher financial market development leads to current account deficit. Finally, the result confirms that financial integration has facilitated higher current account deficits. The European Monetary Union has eliminated the regulatory restrictions on cross-border capital flows. The increase in foreign capital inflows has helped finance the growing local consumption and investment needs, which has made the CEE countries run the larger current account deficits.
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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.
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Trukhachev, Vadim V. "AUSTRIA’S ROLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 3 (2021): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-3-104-115.
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Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.
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Kersan-Škabić, Ines, and Lela Tijanić. "THE IMPACT OF REMITTANCES ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Zbornik radova Ekonomskog fakulteta u Rijeci: časopis za ekonomsku teoriju i praksu/Proceedings of Rijeka Faculty of Economics: Journal of Economics and Business 40, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18045/zbefri.2022.2.281.
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Emigration flows and their relations with economic development can be observed through different aspects, where one of the important questions is the role of the remittances, and transfer of foreign money to home countries. The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of remittances on economic development in Central and Eastern European countries. A review of previous research on the role of emigration and the impact of remittances on economic development is presented in the first part of the paper. This is followed by panel data analysis. The analysis covers the period after the enlargement of the European Union (EU) in 2004 till the nowadays. The results confirm the positive and statistically significant influence of personal remittances on the economic development of the new EU member states, as well as the positive and statistically significant influence of final consumption, gross fixed capital formation, external trade balance, and foreign direct investments. The positive influence of remittances on economic development should be observed with caution, regarding that remittances are the results of emigration and also are connected with the unfavourable effects of emigration. This study adds to previous research about the significance of remittances in the economies of the new EU member states.
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Malakhova, T. S. "TRANSFORMATION OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF THE CENTER AND THE PERIPHERY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2018-2-58-72.
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In modern conditions, the external economic relations between countries of the vanguard and periphery are becoming increasingly controversial and ambiguous. Undoubtedly, the problem of inequality between the mentioned groups of countries has been always acute, and many schools of economics have been working on a solution of this question. This problem has escalated after the first wave of the global economic crisis (2008–2009). Despite everything, countries of the vanguard continue to promote principles of the neoliberal model through international organizations and financial institutions, which turned out to be unviable due to numerous reasons. The article deals with economic and trade relations between countries of the vanguard and periphery within the European Union, problems and controversies of their interaction and provides with a prediction of further development of the integration group. It may definitely be said that the liberalization of the external economic relations between partners has led to the increase of inequality among them, deepening of structural problems in countries of the periphery and to the stifling of their social and economic development. On that basis, the reasons of transformation of the European Union in context of the modern global instability have been outlined, as well as two groups of country outsiders in this association. The article shows that countries of the South and Central and Eastern Europe have found themselves in a financial bondage to the core countries and that their further membership in the EU will lead to even more harmful consequences and to a deep transformation of the whole EU.
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Fiszer, Józef M. "Przesłanki wewnętrzne i międzynarodowe upadku Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 roku oraz jego konsekwencje geopolityczne dla polityki zagranicznej Polski." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.2.
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The article surveys the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its implications for Poland’s external relations and the role it has been playing in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical shifts underway at that moment in history and their impact on the reorientation of Polish foreign policy at the turn of century. It addresses a number of research questions and tests hypotheses pertaining to the collapse of the Soviet Union, with the key assumption that the collapse of the USSR was induced not only by domestic factors, but also developments in Europe and globally, including the “Autumn of Nations”. The analysis shows that after the fall of the USSR, Polish foreign policy was conducted in accordance with the country’s raison d’Etat and weighed heavily on the region. It was premised on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Central and Eastern European countries. The research draws on classical realism, theories of foreign policy as well as constructivism. The following research methods were employed: review and critical analysis of documents and state-of-the-art literature. Polish and foreign published documents, books, articles, and reports, as well as press and Internet sources.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern"
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Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
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Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.
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This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
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Wright, Brian Bradley. "A review of lessons learned to inform capacity-building for sustainable nature-based tourism development in the European Union funded ʺSupport to the Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programmeʺ." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003628.
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This case-study establishes the influences of power-knowledge relationships on capacity-building for sustainability in the European Union Funded ‘Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programme’ (EU Programme). It aims to capture the lessons learned for capacitybuilding to support nature-based tourism initiatives on the Wild Coast. The EU Programme aimed to achieve economic and social development of previously disadvantaged communities through nature-based tourism enterprises, and to develop capacity of local authorities and communities to support environmental management. The study discusses common trends in thematic categories emerging from the research data, and contextualises research findings in a broader development landscape. This study indicates that power-knowledge relations were reflected in the EU Programme’s development ideology by an exclusionary development approach, which lacked a participatory ethos. This exclusionary approach did not support an enabling environment for capacity-building. This development approach, guiding the programme conceptualization, design and implementation processes, resulted in a programme with unrealistic objectives, time-frames and resource allocations; a programme resisted by provincial and local government. The study provides a causal link between participation, programme relevance, programme ownership, commitment of stakeholders, effective management and capacity-building for sustainable programme implementation. The study argues that the underlying motivation for the exclusionary EU development ideology in the programme is driven by a risk management strategy. This approach allows the EU to hold power in the development process, whereas, an inclusionary participative development methodology would require a more in-depth negotiation with stakeholders, thereby requiring the EU to relinquish existing levels of power and control. This may increase the risk of an unexpected programme design outcome and associated exposure to financial risk. It may also have a significant financial effect on donor countries' consultancies and consultants currently driving the development industry. This study recommends an interactive-participative methodology for programme design and implementation, if an enabling environment for capacity-building is to be created. In addition, all programme stakeholders must share contractual accountability for programme outcomes. This requires a paradigm shift in the EU development ideology to an inclusionary methodology. However, this research suggests that the current EU development approach will not voluntarily change. I, therefore, argue that South Africa needs to develop a legislative framework that will guide donor-funded development programme methodology, to support an enabling environment for capacity-building.
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Tong, Wei. "Poland's influence in the European Union, a perspective of the Eastern partnership." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555598.
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MELONI, Gabriella. "Wider Europe : the influence of the EU on neighbouring countries : the case of Russia and Ucraine." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10467.
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Defence date: 7 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (EUI/RSCAS) ; Prof. Olga Potemkina, (Russian Academy of Science, Moscow) ; Prof. Gerda Falkner, (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI, Department of Law)
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The EU has engaged in the promotion of an unprecedented process of policy export which involves not only candidates to enlargement, but also a wide range of countries beyond the Union’s present and future expected (at least at the moment) borders. In this framework, Russia and Ukraine have been an important test-case for the European Union which asked them to 'endeavour to ensure' that their legislation will be 'gradually made compatible with that of the Community' already in the mid-90s. This dissertation is intended to explore the mechanisms which have allowed the EU to promote legislative approximation in these 2 countries across 3 policy areas which are at the core of the internal market and where I, thus, expected the pressure for Europeanisation to be higher: competition policy, company law and consumers’ protection. In particular, I tried to understand if and how far the EU has been able to induce Russia and Ukraine towards the desired outcome as a result of the engagement of the parties in strategic inter-action. Then, on the other hand, I tried to assess if and how far rule adoption has been motivated by internalized, socially constructed identities, values and norms. The analysis has shown that there are interesting cases of Europeanisation not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia, allowing me to highlight the limits deriving from the use of conditionality in the new neighborhood and the need to reconsider the mix between different Europeanisation strategies.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
Full textBooks on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern"
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Mayhew, Alan. Recreating Europe: The European Union's policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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Arie, Kuyvenhoven, Memedović Olga, and Windt N. van der, eds. Transition in Central and Eastern Europe: Implications for EU-LDC relations. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996.
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Ellen, Bos, and Dieringer Jürgen, eds. Die Genese einer Union der 27: Die Europäische Union nach der Osterweiterung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008.
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Arne, Westad Odd, Holtsmark Sven G, and Neumann Iver B, eds. The Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, 1945-89. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Smith, Karen E. The making of EU foreign policy: The case of Eastern Europe. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.
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Alberto, Quadrio Curzio, and Fortis Marco, eds. The EU and the economies of the Eastern European enlargement. Berlin: Physica-Verlag, 2008.
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Paul, Kubicek, ed. The European Union and democratization. London: Routledge, 2003.
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The European Union and its eastern neighbours: Towards a more ambitious partnership? London: Routledge, 2012.
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Taras, Ray. Europe Old and New. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2010.
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Kotyński, Juliusz. Costs and benefits of EU eastern enlargement: Polish perspective. Warsaw: Foreign Trade Research Institute, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern"
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Richter, Sándor. "Four Small Countries' Relations with the Soviet Union." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 63–82. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-7.
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Lippert, Barbara. "11 Relations with Central and Eastern European Countries: The Anchor Role of the European Union." In Foreign Policy of the European Union, 197–218. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685856137-013.
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Patey, Luke. "What Is Best for Europe?" In How China Loses, 158–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.003.0007.
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Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.
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Schwabe, Klaus. "German-American Relations from 1945 to the Present." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 606—C33.P125. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.34.
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Abstract This chapter retraces German-American relations from the end of the Second World War up to the presidency of Joe Biden focusing on the all-important security aspect of the two former enemies’ position in the heart of Europe. The essay emphasizes in particular the period following the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989 and leading to Germany’s unification on 3 November 1990. This was the event that marked the climax of German-American cooperation based on both countries’ mutual interest in ending the Soviet Union’s rule over Eastern Europe, including East Germany. Once this was accomplished, American-German endeavours to incorporate post-Soviet Russia into a peaceful Europe largely failed. American interest in Germany dwindled when the US, NATO’s major power, became preoccupied with the fight against terrorism in the Middle East only to be reawakened to its European interests when Russia began to revise militarily the borders resulting from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The presidency of Donald Trump broke off previous efforts to revive the special American-German relationship. The survival of German-American trust and cooperation depends on America’s continued determination to base its foreign policy on value-based cooperation and multilateralism.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. "FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN." In Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.
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The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.
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"The accession of Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union: a new love affair?" In The EU and its Relations with Eastern Europe, 57–73. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781785365409.00009.
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Mikos-Sitek, Agnieszka. "Common Foreign, Security, and Defense Policies." In The Policies of the European Union from a Central European Perspective, 197–215. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.aojb.poeucep_10.
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This chapter examines the issue of the common foreign and security policy, as well as its integral part of the common security and defense policy, discussed from the perspective of the EU Member States, including, in particular, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. To create a substantive basis for the assessment of the position of EU Member States in the CSFP implementation process, the basic issues related to the provi- sions of the treaties in this area are discussed at the beginning. An important element of the chapter is also the characterization and identification of the separateness of the regulations in force in the field of CFSP. Attention is also paid to institutional solutions, which are important in this case, as well as legal instruments for the implementation of CFSP. In addition to general guidelines, decisions, and the issues of strengthening systematic cooperation, attention is also drawn to the importance of international agreements concluded by the EU in the area of CFSP. An important element of the analysis of the rights and obligations of EU Member States is also the decision-making procedure considering the unanimity principle, as well as the so-called solidarity clauses. The discussion of the role and position of the EU Member State in the CFSP area is summarized with a reference to issues that specifically concern the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the spectrum of problems that arise in the practice of CFSP implementation, related primarily to significant differences in defining state security guarantees and the underlying factors.
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Orenstein, Mitchell A. "The Contest for Central and Eastern Europe." In The Lands in Between, 108–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190936143.003.0005.
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While many thought that the eleven Central and Eastern European countries that exited communism and joined the European Union in the 2000s had made an irrevocable “civilizational choice,” Russia has sought to extend its influence into this unexpected new battleground. Though Russia has fewer tools of influence than in the lands in between, it has used energy politics, disinformation, support for extremist parties, business relations, and a variety of covert methods to cause Central and Eastern European governments and politicians to re-evaluate their allegiances. Central and Eastern European countries have experienced growing extremism, increasing polarization, and the rise of cynical power brokers who wish to accommodate Moscow, while also benefiting from EU ties and funds. Political leaders such as Viktor Orbán of Hungary have blazed this path, making gas and energy deals with Russia while undermining democratic politics at home and challenging the European Union from within.
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Knodt, Michèle, and Sigita Urdze. "The European Union’s external democracy promotion in the countries of the Southern Caucasus. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia between the European Union and Russia." In Eastern Chessboard: Geopolitical Determinants and Challenges in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, 175–96. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386706.14.
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Since the beginning of the 1990s former member states of the Soviet Union have undergone several changes. Some of these states have become democracies, others stayed or became autocracies while the third group has tried several reforms with mixed results. Among these states Russia continuously performed a special role as a foreign actor that cannot be neglected by any of these states. The role of the EU, on the other hand, cannot be defined as clearly. For some states – notably the most Western states – the EU is an important anchor for development and membership as a (future) goal of development while for other states – notably the Central Asian states – it is only one actor among several others. For the states of the Southern Caucasus the role of the EU is a more mixed one, depending on the inner framework of the states and of the period in time as the EU’s attention on this region has been changing. The diverging positions of Russia’s promotion of autocracy and the EU’s promotion of democracy result in these states’ standing between two competing poles for their future development. Yet the unclear position of the EU which only recently has started taking a systematic account of Russia’s activities and has undergone several changes in the past 25 years makes it even more unclear in which direction to develop. This article analyses the EU’s external democracy promotion in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia on the background of Russian influence. It first shows the differences in this policy towards these three states and then shows potential explanations for these differences.
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Novotná, Lenka, Inês Martins, and António Moreira. "Trade and FDI Between the Czech Republic and Portugal." In Foreign Direct Investments, 983–1008. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2448-0.ch041.
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With the collapse of communism, some former communist States of Eastern Europe managed to muddle through their way to a market economy and entered the European Union. This brought about the acceleration of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) among the European economies and accelerated the globalization process. Although there is plenty of research on FDI and trade among countries, the aim of this chapter is to analyze how trade between Portugal and the Czech Republic have evolved over form 2000 until 2015. The chapter seeks to complement previous studies on FDI and trade as Portugal and the Czech Republic are part of the European Union, but have had different historical, cultural, and economic paths. The main conclusion of the chapter is that trade between both countries has grown significantly. The main reason affecting trade between both countries is the economic unrest Portugal has been through since 2008.
Conference papers on the topic "European Union countries – Foreign relations – Europe, Eastern"
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Akbulut, Gizem. "The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.
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In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade.
The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013.
Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.
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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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Kot-Niewiadomska, Alicja, Krzysztof Galos, and Katarzyna Guzik. "SAFEGUARDING OF MINERAL DEPOSITS AS THE BASIS OF EUROPEAN UNION RAW MATERIALS SECURITY IN THE ERA OF UNSTABLE GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s03.046.
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The economic results of many dynamically developing European countries largely depend on the availability of mineral raw materials. For this reason, securing their supplies from import must be supported by a committed foreign policy as well as a sustainable raw materials policy in the field of their obtaining from domestic sources, both from mineral deposits, as well as secondary and waste sources. Raw material security must be based on the diversification of supply sources and minimizing supply risks. The results of analyses show that the European Union relies heavily on imported raw materials, especially in industries recognized as strategic (renewable Energy - wind & PV; grids, Li-ion batteries (LIB), electric vehicles (EVs), Robotics and defense). Moreover, most of the import sources are countries with high or very high risk of supply. Recently, these risks are higher due to unstable political situation in Eastern Europe. Taking into account above, the European Union should consider the possibility of further development of its own mining industry, based on its own resources. The raw material potential of European countries is significant, but recently problems related to the possibility of launching new mining projects have been increasing. Social, environmental and spatial conditions play a decisive role. In this context, particular attention should be paid to the properly implemented policy of mineral deposits safeguarding which provides access to primary sources of raw materials (deposits), thus reducing dependence from unstable import sources.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.