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1
Talts, Mait. "Some Aspects of the Baltic Countries’ Pre- and Post- Accession Convergence to the European Union." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0005.
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AbstractThis comprehensive article provides an overview of the broader process of political, legal and societal changes characterizing the Baltic countries’ convergence towards the European Union. The article aims to identify the specific areas and issues which reveal both similarities and differences between the three Baltic countries. Special focus has been given to issues of economic development, economic policy choices, employment, public opinion and some legal aspects. The article, first of all, tries to reveal the differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania stemming from different economic policy decisions made by the Baltic countries in the 1990s as well as from to the fact that in 1997-1999 the European Union treated the Baltic countries somewhat differently in terms of conditionality. However, during the 21st century, especially due to the economic recession, the ‘Baltic clocks’ have been synchronized despite the obvious differences in political system and levels of economic development. The author of the current article believes that the main factor behind that development was the convergence to European Union.
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Ershov, Vitalii F. "EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL POLICY IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY. EXPERIENCE AND PROSPECTS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2020): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-3-10-28.
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The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.
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ISAYEVA, Ainur, Zhanar MEDEUBAYEVA, Saule ALIEVA, and Asemgul GUSMANOVA. "POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM: STATE, OPPORTUNITIES AND LIMITATIONS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-631.
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In the 21st century, terrorism has become a global problem and one of the main factor in world politics at all levels. Cyclical economic and financial crises have a detrimental effect on the state of the social sphere in all countries without exception, thereby creating fertile ground for radical sentiments and terrorist intentions. The growth of geopolitical tension in the world over the past decades has also contributed to the expansion of the activity of terrorist groups around the globe. This article through SWOT analysis attempts to study the state of the EU's fight against terrorism. The threat of terrorism and its most severe manifestations also affected the countries of the European Union, which prompted it to develop a specific policy in the fight against terrorism and improve methods for preventing and neutralizing the terrorist threat. When analyzing the development process of anti-terrorist structures and the practice of combating terrorism in the European Union in 2001-2020, one can distinguish undoubted achievements of the anti-terrorist course. The weaknesses and objective shortcomings of this course stem from the complexities in world politics and macroeconomics, as well as from the very nature of the EU as a supranational structure.
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Білявець, Сергій. "PECULIARITIES OF POLICE PROFESSIONAL TRAINING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (END OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v24i1.627.
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The article presents the results of the analysis of regulatory and scientific sources, which reveal the features of police training for EU countries at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. It was found that the integration of European states in the second half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century contributed to the fact that the system of police training was changing in accordance with the changes in the political and socio-economic situation in individual EU countries and in the Community as a whole. The police training system itself is part of the integration processes within the framework of the integration of the EU law enforcement and police systems. Features such as the practical orientation of training, its continuous nature, and its close relationship to practice are characteristic of all police training institutions in EU countries. At the same time, EU countries are ambivalent about the innovations proposed by the 1999 Bologna Convention.
States with established educational systems (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) are more conservative and less inclined to abandon their own educational standards, unlike Eastern European states that pursue radical reform policies, including reforms in police training. In police education programs, a significant number of hours are devoted to the development of skills and abilities to work with scientific and technological means, which are extremely widely used in police work in foreign countries. It was also found that police officers are thoroughly and comprehensively prepared for close interaction of national services, both through Interpol and directly with each other. At conferences, symposiums, seminars, exchanges of experience and delegations, increased attention is certainly given to police training.
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Druviete, Ina. "Language as a Value in a Pragmatic World: Global and National Approach." Baltic Journal of English Language, Literature and Culture 11 (2021): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/bjellc.11.2021.03.
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The article deals with the perception of language and languages in the economy-oriented contemporary world and its specific features in such language-centered countries as Latvia. Two main levels could be discussed concerning the ‘intellectual’, ‘symbolic’ and practical treatment of language: a global (supra-national) and a national one. In majority of countries special laws have been adopted or national level programs have been enacted in order to protect the most significant elements of respective national identities – folklore, traditional ways of life, beliefs and languages in particular. At the beginning of the 21st century, economic and political goals of the European Union have been associated with the ideas of European culture and European identity. At the same time, the popularization of the languages, histories, and traditions of the member states have also been emphasized. The Republic of Latvia belongs to the countries where the diversity of thoughts and viewpoints on language are ever present and intense in both the political debates and even in many informal conversations. The paper gives an insight in Latvian language policy against the background of global and European sociolinguistic processes and wide usage of so-called international languages, English in particular.
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Yudina, O. "Forming the European Union Common External Energy Policy: Key Events and Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 5 (2021): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-5-39-48.
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Received 08.05.2020. Energy has always been of particular importance to the European Union. Meanwhile, up to the beginning of the 21st century, this area had been in exclusive competence of member states, with timid attempts of the European Commission (EC) to receive part of the powers in the energy sphere. The article is devoted to the issues of the EU common external energy policy development that was accompanied by a dichotomy of interests between the member-states, which hardly like the idea of the energy sector communitarisation, and the European Commission, which has been the main driver of supranationalisation of the energy sphere for a long period of time. The author characterizes the main achievements towards the EU common external energy policy, including the law regarding the export of energy to neighboring non-member countries through various organizations, such as the Energy Community, the Eastern Partnership, MEDREG, and launching of the European Energy Union (EEU) in 2015. Special attention is paid to external factors that facilitated the enhancement of the European Commission’s role in the energy sphere. The new era for the EU common external energy policy started in 2015 with the EEU and energy security as one of its priority, partly due to the gas crises and political tension between the European Union and Russia. It is noted that the EEU has facilitated the adoption of some EC’s legal proposals that could not be adopted for a long time, such as the mechanism of consultations on new intergovernmental contracts. In general, the creation of the Energy Union should certainly be seen as strengthening the supranational energy competences of the European Commission. It is concluded that the European Commission has made a significant progress towards a common external energy policy, strongly supported by the public opinion that the European Union should speak one voice with third countries. Despite the lack of legally supported competencies in energy for the EC, it gained authority in different directions of the EU energy policy development. Under these circumstances, the common energy market that has led to energy interdependent of the member states, forces them to cooperate at a supranational level. The author argues that third countries should clearly understand the dynamic and processes of communitarisation of the energy sphere and adopt their cooperation with the European Union based on this knowledge.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Ajmera, Tanushree, and Dr. Vivek Nemane. "Carbon Tax: Moving Towards a Net-Zero Emissions Future." Con-texto, no. 57 (February 1, 2023): 127–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/01236458.n57.07.
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In the wake of the 21st century, climate change has emerged as the biggest lifethreatening challenge with a potential of evolving into the largest, if not the most complex, economic opportunity since the industrial revolution. While narrowing down its focus to carbon tax as a regulatory fiscal aspect of international economic law, this article explores the potential role of the tax in moulding this economic opportunity in line with the commitments assumed by countries under the 2015 Paris Agreement. The issue is whether imposition of carbon tax or restructuring tax rates can have a significant impact in regulating carbon emissions by rationally pushing consumers, investors, and producers, towards an environmentally sound direction. To answer this, the article investigates three carbon-tax implementation case studies; British Columbia, South Africa, and the revision of European Union Energy Taxation Directive in the context of aviation, with the aim to explore the scope of contributing factors – from adequate tax rate determination to optimum tax revenue use – in successfully curbing carbon-based emissions. Drawing upon the policy-efforts of the countries in the case studies, the challenges and the solutions, the article proposes a suggestive policy model of carbon-tax in the wake of COVID-19 pandemic, as the way forward in ensuring global carbon-neutrality.
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Broughel, James. "What the United States Can Learn from the European Commission's Better Regulation Initiative." European Journal of Risk Regulation 6, no. 3 (September 2015): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00004815.
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In May of 2015, the European Commission released a package outlining the vision for its Better Regulation initiative, a program aimed at improving outcomes of European Union (EU) regulation. The move represents a step forward for regulatory reform in the EU, and signals a potential shift in world leadership roles among countries promoting evidence-based policy. The United States (US), once at the forefront of regulatory science and analysis, may now be lagging behind. If Better Regulation is implemented as its ambitious designers envision, this could signal a new role for the EU in advancing 21st century policymaking.Better Regulation seeks to improve the EU regulatory process in several ways. The initiative allows for more meaningful citizen and stakeholder participation at all stages of the policymaking process; it seeks to institutionalize the use of economic analysis throughout the lifecycle of a policy; and it sets up a process for reviewing the existing stock of regulations to ensure old rules do not become excessively burdensome or obsolete. All this is done in a manner intended to inform legislators as they periodically review funding levels for new and existing programs.
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Puccia, Angelo, César M. Mora Márquez, and Julia M. Núñez-Tabales. "Promotion of European Wines in Third Countries within the Common Market Organisation Framework: The Case of France." Economies 10, no. 2 (February 2, 2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10020041.
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The international wine market has undertaken important structural changes in the first decades of the 21st century, both in terms of demand and offer. In order to mitigate the effect deriving from the increase in competition, the European Union (EU) continues to allocate important resources to increase the competitiveness of the winemaking sector by means of its Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the Common Market Organization (CMO). This paper aims to understand which factors have an influence on the correct implementation of the CMO measure of promotion in the principal wine exporter country: France. A fuzzy-set model (fs/QCA) has been utilized, studying a period of 10 years since 2009. Results show that is it possible to obtain a better execution ratio of measure of promotion by adapting some key factors, such as CMO budget allocation. These findings could support French national and regional authorities in the task of planning. Moreover, other Member States (MS) could also benefit, since in the new CAP approach, a higher participation in strategic plans is required for them by the EU.
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Kargol-Wasiluk, Aneta, and Anna Wildowicz-Giegiel. "The quality of public finance in the light of fiscal governance concept: implications for the European Union countries." Equilibrium 13, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 411–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/eq.2018.020.
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Research background: The research area on the quality of public finance (QPF) appears to be intellectually attractive. In the light of the challenges of the 21st century, public finance should be characterized by adequate quality, ensuring effective implementation of the economic functions of government. The problem of QPF is increasingly more frequent in the face of a deteriorating fiscal situation of most countries in Europe and around the world. Hence, it is worth considering which factors determine the quality of public finance.
Purpose of the article: This article aims to show the possibility of assessing the quality of public finance in the light of fiscal governance concept. The identification of the key components of QPF seems to be useful from the point of view of empirical research, and can be implemented to assess the quality of public finance in the EU–28.
Methods: Descriptive analysis along with principal component analysis (PCA) was implemented to indicate dimensions of QPF.
Findings & Value added: The quality of public finance consists of a well-designed fiscal rules (numerical and non-numerical) and institutions, as well as structural reforms. The obtained results allow to characterize the quality of public finance through the prism of six identified principal components. They have a mixed character, two of them are partly or totally related to the institutional aspects of public finance, which proves their importance in the process of improving the quality of public finance. Improving the quality of public finance remains a key challenge for policy makers in the EU. The growing impact of globalization and the aging population also cause the need to improve the qualitative aspects of fiscal policy. The study contributes to the literature on public finance, particularly in the empirical dimension through broadening the knowledge on institutional factors which can be used to measure QPF index. The results of research have certainly enriched the existing knowledge on the phenomenon of QPF and the ways of its measurement.
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Yang, Linlin. "Governmental Forums with International Participation as a Foreign Policy Tool: the Experience of Russia and the North-East Asia Countries." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 6 (2021): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120017735-9.
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The article examines the phenomenon of a government forum with international participation. Using the example of the Asian Economic Forum in Boao, the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok and the Jeju Forum for Peace and Prosperity, we analyzed the foreign policy meaning of such forums, identified their general and specific features, and defined this phenomenon. The East Asian case seems especially representative in the study of government forums, since the lack of trust and numerous historical, ideological, military, economic and other tensions make it difficult to create a regional intergovernmental organization similar to the European Union. The methodology of our research is «generalist realism», which considers the growth of supranational organizations in the 21st century quite logical. It is due to the desire of countries to facilitate cooperation, although it is carried out in the interests of any great power. It is concluded that the growing interest of national governments in this format of diplomacy is due to three factors. First, the host country expects to have a decisive influence on the formation of the agenda, the course of discussions, the preparation of possible political agreements, that is to create a new international institution under its control. Secondly, the host country seeks to expand economic cooperation and attract foreign investment, because most of these forums are called economic. It is extremely difficult to trace the correlation between investments and forums, but it seems incorrect to completely deny it, because forums with the participation of senior political figures and major businessmen increase the recognition of the host location. Thirdly, the host country is trying to improve its international image through forums, which directly depends on the political and economic status of the participants and the significance of the problems on the forum's agenda.
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Wyszomierski, Rafał, Piotr Bórawski, and James W. Dunn. "Development of Renewable Energy Source in Poland on the background of the European Union." Problems of Economics and Law 3, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7218.
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The European Union’s policy on environmental protection and energy security is not only a set of regulations and bans. At the same time, it introduces new opportunities for economic development, it enhances ecological safety and contributes to public health protection by limiting greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. This policy contributes to the development of renewable energy sources (RES) and those take an essential part in limiting consumption of basic energy sources and fossil fuels that are responsible for the current state and further deterioration of our environment. Environmental and energy education of our society has a significant impact on further development of renewable energy sources. It presents real dangers but also values derived from the development of green energy with the support of the state. It will bring a tangible improvement in the society’s quality of life. <br><b>Aim:</b> The main purpose of the article is to attempt to determine the development of the renewable energy sector in the EU. The regulations, EU directives, laws and the current role of the state in the development of the renewable energy market were analyzed. <br><b>Materials and Methods:</b> The source of the data was the extensive literature on the subject and Eurostat. This work used tabular, graphic and descriptive methods. <br><b>Results:</b> Analysis show that energy safety and environmental protection are one of the greatest challenges of the 21st century. With the rapid depletion of conventional energy sourcesand the continued growing demand for energy, on which the growth of GDP depends globally, causes accelerated degradation of the environment, and with it , greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. As far as energy safety and environmental protection is concerned, the policy of the European Union , through its actions,strives towards development of the renewable energy market . This in turn prevents the depletion of resources and environmental pollution. <br><b>Conclusions:</b> The current EU situation, including countries like Poland, shows that the development of renewable energy is one of the most pressing issues in modern management, where renewable energy plays a key role in protecting the environment, public health and economic growth. It also prevents resource depletion, environmental pollution and reduces greenhouse gas emissions. It sometimes occurs with the opposition of the private sector and its citizens. To a large extent it is dependent on the availability of financial support from the state.
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Wnorowski, Henryk. "The Problem of Choosing Development Paths." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 59, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2019-0039.
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Abstract We start from the assumption that the main problem, and at the same time the goal, is socio-economic development. We also assume that this pursuit is universal, development is the ambition of entities at all levels of aggregation, development is a desire of each country, as well as of business entities and individuals. From the other side, the governments create conditions for entities at the microeconomic level which generate additional value, that is, contribute to the creation of this development. Peculiar to them they are developmental paths. That’s why, the main hypothesis of this article, as stating that the choice of economic policy financed by excessive public debt does not, in the long run, serve well real socio-economic development. At the beginning of the 21st century, the vast majority of these countries had serious problems with public debt. These problems already had their history and were so serious that some efforts to discipline the forum of this group appeared. It is, in a sense, natural in the sense that integration itself is heading to a high degree of coordination and to the unification of all economic policies. The picture of public finances of the European Union does not look good despite the fact that this group can boast a long history of making efforts to control and monitor the budgets of its member states. Moreover, one can even talk about a certain intensification of this process, especially with respect to the euro area countries, but we still can not say that satisfactory results have been achieved.
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Jakšić, Saša. "Modelling Determinants of Inflation in CESEE Countries: Global Vector Autoregressive Approach." Review of Economic Perspectives 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2022-0007.
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Abstract After a prolonged period of relatively stable price levels, the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century has brought inflation once again into the spotlight. This paper focuses on the inflation dynamics in a set of post-communist countries that eventually became members of the European Union. Due to EU accession augmented by the globalization process and involvement in global value chains (GVC), the international impacts are becoming progressively important for the domestic inflation dynamics and domestic variables are not sufficient to fully describe the domestic inflation dynamics. The employed methodology, Global Vector Autoregressive (GVAR) approach, allows modelling interactions and spillovers among countries, making the most of its advantages over the usual VAR models that model each economy separately and panel models, where countries are often treated as independent units. The results of the empirical analysis confirm that the globalisation process has led to increasing the importance of international impacts on the domestic inflation dynamics. On the other hand, the results also indicate that accounting for a larger set of countries decreases the severity of the commodity price shocks and makes them less persistent. Furthermore, monetary policy acts as a buffer against adverse shocks, especially in the countries that are still not members of the euro-zone. The findings of the paper show that the analysed countries are pronouncedly heterogeneous. Hence, each of the analysed economies has its own set of country-specific factors which, from country to country, play a more important or a less significant role in explaining national inflation dynamics. Thus, the paper should contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the inflation dynamics in the policy-making context.
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Holechek, Jerry L. "Global trends in population, energy use and climate: implications for policy development, rangeland management and rangeland users." Rangeland Journal 35, no. 2 (2013): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj12077.
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Increasing world human population, declining reserves of cheaply extracted fossil fuels, scarcity of supplies of fresh water and climatic instability will put tremendous pressure on world rangelands as the 21st century progresses. It is expected that the human population of the world will increase by 40% by 2050 but fossil fuel and reserves of fresh water will be drastically reduced. Avoiding food shortages and famine could be a major world challenge within the next 10 years. Under these conditions, major changes in policies relating to economic growth and use of natural resources seem essential. Stabilisation of the human population, development of clean and renewable energy, enhanced supplies of water and its quality, increased livestock production, and changed land-use policies, that minimise agricultural land losses to development and fragmentation, will all be needed to avoid declining living conditions at the global level. The health and productivity of rangelands will need to receive much more emphasis as they are a primary source of vital ecosystem services and products essential to human life. Changes in tax policies by developed, affluent countries, such as the United States, Australia and Canada, are needed that emphasise saving and conservation as opposed to excessive material consumption and land development. Extreme levels of debt and chronic deficits in trade by the United States and European Union countries need to be moderated to avoid a devastating collision of debt, depletion of natural resources, and environmental degradation. Over the next 10 years, livestock producers of the rangelands will benefit from a major increase in demand and prices for meat. Rapidly increasing demand for meat in China and other Asian countries is driving this trend. Rangeland managers, however, will also likely encounter greater climatic, financial, biological and political risks. Higher interest rates, higher production costs and higher annual variability in forage resources are major challenges that will confront rangeland managers in the years ahead. Under these conditions, a low risk approach to livestock production from rangelands is recommended that involves conservative stocking, use of highly adapted livestock, and application of behavioural knowledge of livestock to efficiently use forage resources.
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Wiers-Jenssen, Jannecke. "What Brings International Students to Norway?" Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): ix—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1888.
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Norway has experienced a substantial influx of students in the 21st century. The number of students with foreign citizenship has increased from just over 5,000 in 2000 to more than 23,000 in 2018, as seen in Figure 1 (DBH, 2020). This growth may seem like a paradox, given that Norway has few well-known higher education institutions, high living expenses, a language not widely understood, and a geographical location at the northern fringes of Europe.
Figure 1: Number of Bachelor and Master Students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship 2000–2018
So why do students choose Norway? A deliberate policy for internationalization of higher education developed is an important factor. From the 1980s, internationalization has increasingly become an integral part of national higher education policies as well as included as strategies of higher education institutions (Wiers-Jenssen & Sandersen, 2017). The main rationale for encouraging student mobility is educational; mobility is seen a tool for quality enhancement in higher education. However, economic, cultural,and political rationales are also present. The fact that the vast majority of higher education institutions are public partly explains why internationalization policies quite efficiently has trickled down from the national to the institutional level.
Most Norwegian higher education institutions do not charge tuition fees. This has gradually become a comparative advantage, as an increasing number of neighboring countries have introduced fees for students from outside Europe. Hence, there may be economic rationales for choosing Norway as a study destination, despite high costs of living. Students from developing countries may qualify for funding from the Norwegian government, while students from other countries have to cover all expenses themselves.
Higher education institutions have economic incentives other than tuition fees for attracting international students. A reform in Norwegian higher education implemented in 2003 introduced a performance-based funding system (Frölich, 2006). Higher education institutions are rewarded for the number of credit points awarded, implying a stronger focus on attracting students in general. A significant increase in the number of courses and programs in English has facilitated recruitment of international students (Wiers-Jenssen, 2019).
International students cited courses in English and absence of tuition fees as the most frequently reported motives for studying in Norway (Diku, 2019a; Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). The latter is particularly important for students undertaking a full degree in Norway. Features of Norway, such as peaceful, safe, and technologically advanced society and unspoiled countryside are also accentuated. As these characteristics were present also before the number of international students started to grow, such motives must be understood in relation to conditions that have changed, such as availability of courses in English. Beautiful scenery and safety would have limited attractional value if courses in English were not offered.
Quality is a less highlighted reason for choosing Norway as a study destination. But even if perceived quality is not a main attraction, international students in general give positive assessments of the quality of their education (Diku, 2019a). They cope quite well with academic demands, and their main challenges seem to be dealing with the high living expenses and limited interaction with Norwegians. The latter represents a challenge also for higher education institutions, as a major rationale for recruiting international students is to enhance “internationalization at home” (exposing Norwegian students and faculty to perspectives from abroad). If interaction is scarce, so is the exchange of ideas and perspectives.
Foreign students in Norway consist of three groups (see Figure 2): (a) students who come to undertake a full postgraduate degree (international graduate students), corresponding to the definition of international students used in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2020) statistics; (b) students who come for a shorter study of 3 months or more (international exchange students); and (c)students who come for study sojourn of less than three months or who have come to Norway for other reasons, including (labor) migrants, refugees and more. In total, these three groups constituted 8.7% of total enrollments in Norwegian higher education institutions in 2018 (own calculation based on DBH).
Figure 2: Bachelor and Master students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship, 2018: Number and Type of Students
PhD students are not included in the figures mentioned above, and an exact numberof current doctoral students cannot be estimated. However, the number of foreign citizens completing a PhD was 657 in 2018, 42 per cent of all PhD graduates (Research Council of Norway, 2019). Hence, the proportion of foreign citizens is far higher at the doctorate level than at the bachelor and master level. This is in line with the situation in most European and North American countries (OECD, 2019).
The largest universities (University of Oslo and Norwegian University of Science and Technology) attract the highest number of international students. These are also among the few Norwegian higher education institution found on international ranking lists. However, some small specialized higher education institutions such as the Academy of Fine Art, The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, and the Norwegian Academy of Music have higher proportions of international students.
The majority of international students originate from Europe and Asia (Diku, 2019b). China, Nepal, Sweden and Germany are currently the major sending countries of full degree students. Exchange students are mainly Europeans, and many of these come through the European Union student exchange program ERASMUS. European exchange students are often attracted by the “exoticness” of studying in the northern fringes of Europe. The majority of full degree students are enrolled in master programs, while exchange students are in bachelor programs. Science and technology is the most popular field of study, and clearly more popular among international students than Norwegian students (Diku, 2019b).
More than half of the international students report being interested in living and working in Norway upon graduation (Diku, 2019a). However, updated statistics on the number that actually settle in Norway are currently not available. While obtaining a residence permit in Norway is quite straightforward for those who are originate from countries in the European Economic Area, students from other countries generally face more barriers. Some countries see recruitment of international students as an instrument for so-called skilled migration, but Norway does not have an explicit policy on this. On the contrary, government policies have encouraged students to leave upon graduation, in order to avoid poaching highly skilled individuals from countries that already experience high emigration. As a part of foreign aid policy, students from developing countries have received grants for studying in Norway, on condition that they return to their home country.
The last couple of years, the number of international students in Norway has ceased to grow (cf. Figure 1). The reasons for this are not clear. It may be that a (temporary) point of saturation is reached. Still, the overall picture shows a remarkable growth in the last two decades. This illustrates that a small country with weak traditions for inward mobility may be able to attract international students if higher education institutions and national policies match well. Further, it shows that institutional policies can attract international students as much as economic policies.
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Szilovics, Csaba. "Experience in Tax Changes in Certain Central European Countries in the Past Two Decades." Polgári szemle 16, no. 4-6 (2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24307/psz.2020.1010.
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This study reviews the tax regimes of four Central European countries. A hundred years ago, these countries were part of a single economic and political unit, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (which included the entire territory of today’s Austria, Hungary, and Slovakia, and a significant part of Romania: Transylvania, Banat and Partium). Already then, different regions had different economic strengths, but their legal and cultural conditions were the same. By the end of the 20th century, despite their different historical development models, these four countries became once again part of a legal, economic and cultural entity, i.e. the system of the European Union, and then during the first decade of the 21st century, they became its full members. The tax changes implemented by these countries in the recent decades and their success in catching up with the level of welfare in the European Union are studied in this context.
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Carayannis, Elias G., and Aris Kaloudis. "21ST Century Democratic Capitalism." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 1, no. 1 (January 2010): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jsesd.2010010101.
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Starting on September 11, 2001, and following both actions and reactions around the world, it may well be that we have arrived at a major tipping point in terms of socio-economic development, political reform, as well as many other global issues - from financial and economic coordination to climate change as well as hunger and disease challenges in the developing world. On November 9, 1989 (more than 20 years ago), the world watched as the Berlin Wall was tumbling and with it the Cold War was slipping into memory as the morning fog. During the last two decades, progress was accomplished on many fronts but great opportunities were also missed or wasted both within the US (for instance, health care and social security reforms) as well as around the world where the Washington Consensus mantra of privatization and unbridled globalization led to the socioeconomic polarization of many former Warsaw pact countries as well as former parts of the Soviet Union and in effect made many people around the world cynical as to the capacity of free market regimes to allow for equitable and sustainable economic development along civic renaissance.
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Zeide, Inga, and Indra Odiņa. "21ST CENTURY SKILLS IN THE CONTEXT OF LIFE QUALITY." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 5 (May 20, 2020): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2020vol5.4820.
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The article addresses comparative qualitative content analysis as a part of the grounded theory research to explore the relationship between English language proficiency of economically active adults and their quality of life. Using comparative qualitative content analysis of the policy documents in respect of lifelong learning as main data collection method, the authors of the article aim to identify the relationship between the 21st century skills and indicators of life quality by comparing the sources that define the 21st century skills and analysing them in the context of the “8+1” dimensions of life quality offered by the European Union. The following research questions have been proposed: how 21st century skills are defined in the policy documents and how they relate to the quality of human life. The analysis of European Parliament, Council of the European Union, Word Economic Forum and Eurostat policies, models, strategies and their implementation in respect of lifelong learning reveals existing gaps and points at the urgent need in profiling the development of human skills to enhance human well-being and life quality in Europe. Besides, developing new skills and improving existing ones can be a tool for improving the quality of life in the future, whereas the dimensions of life quality can serve as a prerequisite for skills development.
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Villanueva-Cuevas, Antonio. "Tourism In European Union Law." Review of Business Information Systems (RBIS) 15, no. 5 (September 28, 2011): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/rbis.v15i5.6027.
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Tourism is a very important economic sector within the European Union, while also playing a key role in political, social and cultural integration. Nevertheless, the EU took a late interest in this sector, beginning only in the 1980s. Starting then, EU intervention in matters of tourism began to pass through a series of phases, during which EU performance was alternately more or less intense. A study of these phases reveals the consequences of a certain inefficiency as a result of the lack of sufficient legal support in the European Constitution for the development of a real EU policy in this sector. With the arrival of the 21st century, and as new EU powers in matters of tourism have been incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty, performance by the European Union in the tourism sector has changed its perspective, putting quality and competitiveness within reach through sustainability in the sector, a basic element of performance in matters of tourism.
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Nowak-Far, Artur. "The European Union, its Economic and Monetary Union, and the (Apparent) Perception of Crisis Reflected in Immediate Regulatory Actions." Polish Review of International and European Law 9, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2020.9.2.06.
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While neither its institutional, nor legal arrangements fundamentally contributed to the emergence of the Eurozone crisis in the late 10’s of the 21st Century, the crisis exposed significant weaknesses of the EU economic governance, especially its inability to achieve a sustainable level of budgetary discipline. The crisis in particular highlighted the existing divisions of the EU Member States into different integration groups having divergent interests. Notably, it sharpened the division between the Eurozone states and non-Eurozone ones, as well as between the creditor-countries and debtor-countries. The EMU reform agenda adopted after 2008 gave more weighting to the interests of the former states. The emerging post-2008 economic governance-reform arrangements also gave more weight to the ECOFIN Council, at an expense of the European Commission. In the resulting institutional setting, the main aim of the EMU reform agenda was to assure the stability of the Eurozone and to reinforce its resistance to economic shocks. In this context, however, benefits arising from the reformed EMU are unevenly distributed, as they are more likely to avail the Eurozone countries than non- Eurozone countries, and more the creditor countries than the debtor ones.
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Khasbulatov, R. "Russia in the XXI century: a request for a new economic policy." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2001-01.
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The author examines Russia’s economic position in the world in the XXI century, China’s economic and political infl uence on other countries, and analyzes the economy of the European Union, classifi es the experience of Western Europe as the most successful, while taking into account miscalculations and mistakes.
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Gryz, Jarosław. "Polityczne uwarunkowania integracji europejskiej z perspektywy bezpieczeństwa." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2021 (September 8, 2021): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.21.6.
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The contemporary form of security in the European Union is undergoing profound changes. The solutions adopted in the first decade of the 21st century no longer meet the needs of this organisation and the EU Member States. New solutions that would functionally change the form of relationships between institutions have not been conceptually worked out. The European Union, struggling with numerous economic, social, and political crises, enters the next stage. Soon it will be decided, in which direction the organisation and its member states will develop. This article focuses on the current form of organisational and functional solutions of the EU by subjecting them to a critical review. The author evaluates, what is created in terms of decision-making processes and their results in the areas of foreign policy, security, and defence. Consequently, the article demonstrates the conditions that determine the form of the EU’s activities at the threshold of the second decade of the 21st century. Its result is the identification of change processes in security that determine the projection of the development of the European Union.
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KARENIN, DENIS. "RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF WORLD AND NATIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY." History and Modern Perspectives 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2022-4-4-82-90.
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The development of relations between Japan and Europe after the Second World War in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has become the subject of numerous historic- political and economic studies. The subject in question is of interest for researchers from Japan and Europe as well as to scientific communities from various other countries. Obvious spikes of researchers’ activity occurred in the times of transformation of relations such as the shift to neoliberalism by the end of the 20th century, the formation of the European Union and the recent signing of the Economic Cooperation and Strategic Partnership agreements. Today researches of the matter at hand appear to be highly relevant. Japan and Western Europe have come a long way from trade wars and open standoff at international fora to successful economic cooperation and strategic partnership in relatively short time. Analyzing their experience will be useful for finding solutions to present day international crises. The present article presents the most relevant studies of relations between Japan and Western Europe in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The relevant publications are reviewed by the author in chronological order. This way the distinguishing features of researchers’ approaches to the subject in question in different time periods can be demonstrated more distinctly. The problematic-chronological method was used to carry out the research because it allows to trace the correlation between the topics of historical research papers and the stage of development of historical science. Additionally, the author made use of the periodization method.
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Holobiuc, Ana-Maria, and Bogdan Mihai. "Was Euro the magic wand for economic growth? An analysis of the real benefits of Euro adoption for the New Member States." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 13, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 840–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2019-0074.
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Abstract At the beginning of the 21st century, the European single currency has been considered a guarantor of prosperity and welfare for the countries that were able to meet the nominal convergence criteria. Starting with Slovenia, a number of five Center and Eastern European Countries joined the Economic and Monetary Union, aiming to achieve the economic prosperity of the Western countries. The concept of economic convergence has been popularized through the economic growth literature during the last century and has become more and more debated with the deepening and expansion of the European Union. The main purpose of this paper has been to evaluate whether there is any hard evidence attesting that Euro adoption accelerated the economic development and created a significant advantage for the New Member States that opted for the single currency, as compared with their peer countries. In this respect, we have studied a panel of New Member States that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007, comprising both Euro and Non-Euro countries, and we concluded that the single currency do not necessarily guarantee higher growth rates. Moreover, we revealed that the Euro New Member States were more affected by the economic and financial crisis than their Non-Euro peers. We have also shown that there are significant discrepancies between the early adopters of the Euro and the countries that joined the Eurozone after 2004 in terms of convergence and that the differences between the two groups have expanded in the last years. Last and not the least, in order to test our hypotheses, we have compared two sister-countries: Slovakia that joined the Eurozone in 2009 and Czech Republic that has not taken until now the decision to adopt the Euro. In this respect, our results suggest that both countries had good economic performances, and for some periods Czech Republic outperformed Slovakia, mainly in terms of GDP per capita and Foreign Direct Investment. Therefore, we concluded that the single currency has not significantly enhanced the economic performances in the case of the New Member States.
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Malakhova, T. S. "Ensuring sustainable foreign economic relations of countries at the forefront and outskirts of the European Union." National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, no. 10 (October 15, 2020): 1980–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.10.1980.
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Subject. Foreign economic and trade ties among countries are getting tighter and less predictable in the early 21st century. This directly stems from a growing disparity of partners, especially if it goes about their future cooperation as part of integration groups or international organizations. Communities of experts suggest using various approaches to locally adjusting integration phases, especially implementing the two-speed integration in the European Union. Objectives. The study is an attempt to examine an improvement of foreign economic cooperation and suggest its implementation steps for the European Union. This all is due to considerable inner controversies and problems within the EU, which grow more serious year by year. Methods. The methodological framework comprises the historical logic, dialectical principles, scientific abstraction method. The process and system approach was especially important for justifying the implementation of the above steps. It was used to examine foreign economic relations of partners in the European Union. Results. The article sets forth the theoretical and methodological framework for the geostrategic economic bloc, including a conceptual structure model. I present steps to implement a foreign economic cooperation of partners in the EU in terms of its form. Conclusions and Relevance. Should the form of the foreign economic relations among the EU countries be implemented, counties at the periphery of the EU will be able to become active parties to the integration group.
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Tsependa, Igor. "Ukraine and Poland: Facing the 21st Century Challenges." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 1, no. 4 (December 22, 2014): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.1.4.21-26.
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Establishing a common strategic framework is a decisive factor in the Ukrainian-Polishrelations in the current social and political context. The complexity of the partnership between thetwo states arise from their geographical location on the borderline between civilizations, the site ofhistorical cataclysms. At the same time, national sovereignty of was always a high priority for bothpeoples. The recognition of Ukraine’s independence by Poland marked a new stage ofrapprochement between Warsaw and Kyiv, the act being evidence of maturity of the Polishpolitical elite. Poland made its best to promote the interest of Ukraine in the international politicalarena. The article suggests periodization in the history of the Ukrainian-Polish partnership.Ukrainian policy can be modelled on Poland’s experience of the transformation of society.Being a member of the European Union, Poland advocates the idea of European and EuroAtlantic integration of Ukraine. Increased economic cooperation is one of the aspects of theUkrainian-Polish partnership. Cooperation at regional level, between local government bodies isalso important for the relations between the two states. Step by step, visa regulations are beingliberalized, interpersonal contacts broadened. The beginning of the 21st century witnesses a changein political consciousness of Ukrainian and Polish people, who reconsider painful events from theirpast
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Dimitrova, Sevdalina, Stoyko Stoykov, and Rumen Marinov. "Black Sea Region and European Security Policy." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0009.
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Abstract It is obvious that the beginning of the 21st century is marked by many new challenges, problems and risks, which in addition to changing the ideas, concepts and practice of organized violence, lead to a deficit of ideas, methods and means of protection from it. The need to adapt available security systems, tools and practices is adopted in Europe as a response to a conscious public need rather than as a strategically planned action in a time of changes. This led to a spontaneous emergence of a common attempt to aggregate and structure the available security knowledge and to create a common stable conceptual basis for national security systems in countries not only in Europe. Moreover, the enlargement of the Union has opened up new horizons for the development of the countries and, at the same time, has changed the significance and scope of European security, where the demarcation line between external and internal security has become more and more difficult to be determined. The discussions about our country's contribution to strategic security in the Black Sea region as part of European security are in the context of the scientific search of ours science school
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Rožňák, Petr. "Free Cross-Border Movement, Lucifer’s Effect and National Security of the Visegrad Countries." Security Dimensions 32, no. 32 (December 23, 2019): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0983.
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Since 2015, the migration crisis continues with varying intensity, and international security crisis as well as debt, institutional, and personnel crises are worsening, not only in the Eurozone. Probably war, economic and climate immigrants will continue to move into the Schengen area, showing how helpless the European Union is. Angela Merkel said there was no upper limit for the number of people admitted to escape political persecution. Germany leaves the Dublin system inconsistently, runs counter to European cohesion and stops differentiating between immigrants and refugees. Migration is shared by the EU Member States. Between “old” and “new” EU countries, scissors are opened. Moreover, in some European regions (France, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Spain, Greece) there are closed communities where majority law is not valid. Our current socio-political and economic existence is based on a traditional understanding of security. However, in the third decade of the 21st century the image of prosperity and security is to be seen from a different perspective than in previous years. Dramatic development has led to the mass migration of African and Asian people and to the division of the European Union, especially regarding the mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers.
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Bošković, Gorica, and Ana Stojković. "Industrial Policy As The European Union Competitiveness Factor On The Global Market." Economic Themes 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ethemes-2014-0019.
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Abstract The union of the most developed European countries and their heavy industry based economies after the World War II, seemed like the only answer to USA’s and Japan’s powerful economies. At the same time, it was the only chance for Europe to become competitive in the global market. That was achieved through various forms of economic communities, formed in Europe in the second half of XX century. Since the 1992. Maastricht Treaty, they are known as the European Union. European Union industrial policy had the same priorities since the very beginning – to make Europe the leader of global economy, through investments in knowledge and high-tech inovation. However, that still hasn’t happened and considering all the economical and political crisis shaking the Union lately, chances are it can hardly happen at all. Reasons are numerous and different, both inside and outside the Union. The implicit question being posed here is have the most developed world countries and their economies reached their peak and can the EU achieve further growth on the supersaturated global market? This paper investigates the role of industrial policy as one of the key factors for solution to many problems in the past as well as in the future of the EU, which would make this economic and political community of European countries much more competitive on the global market.
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Dyba, Wojciech, Bradley Loewen, Jaan Looga, and Pavel Zdražil. "Regional Development in Central-Eastern European Countries at the Beginning of the 21st Century: Path Dependence and Effects of EU Cohesion Policy." Quaestiones Geographicae 37, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2018-0017.
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Abstract Cohesion Policy has provided new impulses for development in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) that continue to be challenged by regional disparities. This paper investigates the effects of the European Union Cohesion Policy on regional development. After presenting historical development patterns of the investigated area and opportunities afforded by this policy, its effects on a variety of indicators are analysed for the period 2007–2014. The analysis allowed confirming positive effects of EU Cohesion Policy on the development of CEE regions. However, these effects differ across the investigated area. Moving forward, it will be crucial to develop institutions and policies characteristic to each region that are stable and efficient without external funds.
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Rejman, Krystyna, Ewa Halicka, and Barbara Kowrygo. "Sustainable Diet and Changes in Food Consumption in Chosen European Union Countries." Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 14, no. 4 (December 31, 2014): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2014.14.4.78.
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The most important challenges of food policy and public health in the 21st Century include fighting high levels of obesity and food waste. Both issues are linked to the necessity of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and inhibiting climate change. Diet modification towards a more sustainable and healthy model, based in greater extent on plant-derived (vegetal) food and not animal products is seen as a chance to improve this situation. Taking these aspects into consideration, an analysis of consumption trends (1991-2011) of 6 food groups, known as markers of sustainable diet, was carried out in 7 EU countries. The study was based on FAO Food Balance Sheet statistical data. The current consumption structures in the selected countries was compared to recommended, sustainable and healthy diets. It was shown that in general homogenization of food consumption, a decrease of pulses and increase of fruit consumption had taken place. In each country the share of cereals & potatoes, fruit & vegetables, milk & dairy products, and meat did not meet the recommendations. The consumption of the first two groups was too low, the remaining two – too high.
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MIERZEJEWSKI, MATEUSZ. "MACROECONOMIC STABILITY OD POLAND AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES IN 2007 – 2017." sj-economics scientific journal 28, no. 1 (March 30, 2018): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v28i1.153.
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The article presents the analysis of macroeconomic stability of Poland using the Pentagon of macroeconomic stabilization and the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure (MIP) indicators. The results of the analysis showed that in 2007-2014 Poland maintained the status of a macroeconomic stable economy, however, the changes resulting from the impact of the global financial crisis of the beginning of the 21st century were noted as well as the weakening of some values related to the stability of the country in later periods. It is worth remembering that when analyzing all kinds of macroeconomic indicators, one should not approach them with too much optimism. This is due to many factors - including from the delays of the captured variables in the analysis tools used. For some economic phenomena may occur in a rapid manner even in the most stable economy, which means that macroeconomic stability may be difficult to precisely determine.
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Lydeka, Zigmas, and Akvile Karaliute. "Assessment of the Effect of Technological Innovations on Unemployment in the European Union Countries." Engineering Economics 32, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ee.32.2.24400.
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Innovation and unemployment are two economic elements related to each other that have been constantly analyzed in the economic debates from the beginning of the 21st century. A classical question is whether innovation creates or destroys jobs. The conventional approach contemplates innovation as a transformation instrument of an economy, resulting in economic growth and jobs creation. Another approach points out to various mechanisms which can compensate the primary effect of innovations and cause an ultimate effect of innovations on labour demand to be unclear. In view of the fact that there are many different explanations about the impact of innovations on labour demand, this paper, after the analysis of theoretical and empirical scientific literature in this field, provides an empirical analysis with unemployment as the dependent variable. The authors use data from 28 European Union countries for the period of 1992–2016 and pursue to research how technological innovations affect unemployment rate. There are two core independent variables – expenditure on R&D (research and development) and number of patent applications – as the main proxies for technological innovations. Control variables that affect unemployment are included to the model as well. The model was estimated using a dynamic two-step System Generalized Method of Moments (GMM-SYS) of a panel data system. After the composition of 12 different estimations of the model, the results suggest that, in some cases, technological innovations affect unemployment.
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Dudášová, Marianna. "Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries." Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.429-451.
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Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.
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Brînză, Andreea. "The “17 + 1” Mechanism." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 02 (January 2019): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001950009x.
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The second decade of the 21st century has been marked by rising tensions between the United States and China, with the European Union caught between the two powers in an era of strategic competition. The “[Formula: see text]” mechanism, which focuses on economic cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, is not spared from the U.S.-China economic confrontation. The United States has launched a political and public campaign against China’s telecommunication giant Huawei in the CEE region, where most countries are U.S. allies. Since its establishment as “[Formula: see text]” in 2012, the mechanism has made slow progress in generating expected benefits to CEE countries, as many of China’s investments are under negotiation, delayed, or even canceled. The case of Romania indicates that CEE countries’ engagement in “[Formula: see text]” depends heavily on the changing priorities of their political leadership, which adds much uncertainty to the future development of the mechanism. Besides, there is lingering EU concern that the mechanism may divide the Union. To enhance its status as a strong and responsible partner with CEE countries and the EU, China needs to reform “[Formula: see text]” into a more transparent, effective and inclusive regional mechanism that engages all interested countries.
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Valeeva, R. A. "Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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Markova, E. A. "China’s Policy in Central Asia (the 1990s–Early XXI Century)." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 1 (June 2, 2022): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-1-121-129.
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The article considers the evolution of Chinese policy for the countries of Central Asia, which emerged after the collapse of the USSR. The key tools of Chinese policy in this part of the post-Soviet space were trade and economic relations. Within a short time, China has managed to significantly increase the scope of trade and economic cooperation with each country in the region. A hallmark of China’s policy in Central Asia has been its evolving relations with each state in the region on a bilateral basis. The Chinese side made heavy use of such cooperation mechanisms as credit granting and infrastructure project implementing. In turn, the countries of the region were interested in expanding cooperation with China. This allowed them to support the national economies, which faced serious difficulties after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The article highlights the specificities in developing China’s relationship with each of the states, sums up the results of their interaction in the 1990s, and outlines approaches to the development of cooperation on a bilateral basis in the first decade of the 21st century. In the early part of the century, hydrocarbon resources and their delivery routes were integral to Chinese policy in the region.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin America and the European Union: Conceptual Approaches and Practice of Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 520–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536.
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The article deals with North - South cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with an emphasis on bilateral trade. Over the past decades, cooperation with the EU has been perceived in LAC as a counterweight to the US dominance and one of the priorities of external economic relations. The article presents a retrospective of theoretical approaches of the non-Western Latin American school of UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, CEPAL in Spanish) to the economic cooperation with the EU. A feature of the article is the study of trade interaction between the LCA and the EU countries. When analyzing the dynamics of trade during the first two decades of the 21st century the author of the article comes to the conclusion that the trade exchange between the EU and the LCA is uneven. There are many LAC countries that continue to export low-value-added products to the EU. Thus, the dichotomy between two models of commercial specialization of LAC has exacerbated. On one hand, there is a model of South American countries focused on raw materials (MERCOSUR, Andean Community), and, on the other hand, there is a model that includes the export of manufactured products and participation in industrial production chains (Mexico, Central America). The article concludes that MERCOSUR will probably face a number of trade challenges related to its model of economic globalization, particularly with regard to its export specialization in commodities and food. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the context of exacerbation of geopolitical contradictions and a changing world order, it is important to analyze the Latin American approach to economic cooperation with the EU countries, among which, in turn, there is a growing understanding that still free niches in the Latin American market can be occupied by China or other partners not belonging to the collective West.
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Melnychuk, Halyna. "Integration of Republica Moldova to the EU: Real Conditions and Perspectives (the 1990ʼs of the 20th – early of the 21st century)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 18, 2018): 287–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.287-295.
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This article presents important steps and achievements accomplished by the Republic of Moldova towards integration, by analysing its collaboration with the European Union.
The development of relations with the EU is the priority goal that Moldova strives for, which means not only economic, but also political and cultural integration. The first steps of the Republic of Moldova towards the EU were encouraging. After years of isolation, this process was difficult and required a lot of efforts. This is due to many reasons, the most important of which are Russia's political and economic pressure, theunresolved issue in Transnistria, the ideological and geopolitical schisms of the population, some of which see their future with Russia, and the other part with Europe. Despite the existing problems, cooperation with the EU has yielded tangible results: the EU-Moldova Association Agreement has been signed, the visa regime has been abolished and financial support for the socioeconomic and public sectors is provided.
Moldova, for its part, is making great efforts to form a single political, economic and cultural educational space with the EU, which supports its efforts in the process of European integration. Its speed and success largely depend on the country itself, its economic and political development. A strong statepolicymaking aimed at strengthening reforms and stimulating the transition to a market economy in accordance with the international principles is inherent in the future development of Moldova.
Keywords: Republic of Moldova, European Union,European Integration, foreign policy, Transniestrian conflict
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Beck, Marko. "21st Century Migration: Opportunity, Calamity or Weapon of War? A Critical Discourse Analysis." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-2-94-105.
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Migration flows from the Global South is one of most pertinent sociopolitical issues influencing 21st century geopolitics with wider connotations to social, cultural and political developments in modern world. Issues originating from mass migration, were not predicted and dealt with time, hence significant and constant political and scientific efforts are being invested to regulate and outline a sustainable migration model which will include all political, sociocultural and economic parameters. Main research objective takes a comparative prospective between migration issues in the EU and Russian Federation with accent on illegal migration. Main questions are if liberal EU policy towards migration is causing a rise of radicalism among indigenous (native EU) population, moreover if the core European/Christian values are under pressure and as well if there is a decline in EU living standard. This article is determining key factors and analyzing possible political impacts of migration, particularly illegal migration towards the European Union keeping in prospective recent events of the European Migration Crisis 2015. Analysis in this article lies in the realist school of thought in international politics and it uses empirical approach and comparative methods of Comparative politics in political science.
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Florczak, Tomasz. "The Growing Importance of the Financial Sector in the Founding Countries of the European Union." Finanse i Prawo Finansowe 2, no. 26 (June 30, 2020): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2391-6478.2.26.03.
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The economies of the 21st century countries operate on the principle of connected vessels. A significant element of changes in economies is the growth of the financial sector. The process of financial sector growth is often referred as financialization. The significant impact of this sector on economic development was shown during the financial crisis of 2008. Financialization is more visible in highly developed countries. Undoubtedly the founding countries of the European Union belong to highly developed countries. It is possible that the financialization is higher in bigger countries like France, Germany, Italy or United Kingdom, which can also have bigger financial sectors. From the other side there is also country, which economy is based on banks. The aim of the article is to indicate the growth of the financial sector in the founding countries of the European Union. To determine the growth of the financial sector, the author used the indicators appearing in the literature of subject. There are indicators relating to functioning of the economy and banking sector. The second method helps to determine in which country financialization is higher. To made the research there was used zero unitarization method. The results of the study allows to determine in which of the subjects the financial sector is at a higher level of development. It is possible, that during researched period there were changes in financializiation of researched countries.
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Barrett, Beverly. "Dual Roles of Higher Education Institutions in the Knowledge Economy." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Perspectives in Higher Education 4, no. 1 (December 26, 2019): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jimphe.v4i1.1325.
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There are dual roles of higher education institutions as recipients of higher education policy and as agents for change in the knowledge economy in their regions and in the world. In the case of academic institutions within the European Union, they are primarily the recipients of policy change influenced by the European level. Secondarily, they are agents of policy change in the knowledge-based economy, which is of increasing importance in the 21st century. This is a new kind of regional integration, influenced by Europeanization and intergovernmentalism in higher education policy, with the ultimate objectives for economic competitiveness and social cohesion attained by recognition of qualifications. The success of the European Commission’s study abroad program, Erasmus, is provided as background to the development of the Bologna Process, for which there have been mobility objectives in higher education. The opportunity for greater mobility in international education corresponds with ongoing trends in globalization.
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Vapa Tankosić, Jelena. "Environmental Policy and Air Quality Standards of the European Union." Journal of Agronomy, Technology and Engineering Management (JATEM) 5, no. 6 (December 21, 2022): 818–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.55817/qgwn5703.
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In the last 50 years, environmental protection has become an indispensable part of most European initiatives and the basis of economic sustainable development. The EU's environmental protection is based primarily on available scientific and technical information for the future planning activities, taking into account the ecological state of the region, potential benefits that will arise from the application of specific measures or and harms due to the lack of implementation of the measures. All this is viewed from the aspect of the costs of environmental protection activities and the degree of contribution to the economic and social development of the region and the Union as a whole. Seven so far completed specialized Environmental Action Programs helped to improve both EU legislation and practice in member countries in the direction of sustainable development and environmental protection. On the other hand, since the beginning of the seventies of the twentieth century, the European Union has been dealing with the problem of improving air quality by controlling the emission of harmful substances into the atmosphere, as well as improving the quality of fuel and integrating guidelines for respecting the environment in the transport and energy sectors. For the Republic of Serbia, this issue is extremely important as it should follow, among others, the EU standards in the area of environmental protection and sustainable development, in the viewpoint of a potential EU member state. However, the adoption and implementation of the acquis of the EU in the field of environmental protection will require significant investments in the future.
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Ignatov, Augustin. "Regional Development Discrepancies in the Eastern European Union Analysed through the Prism of Growth Determinants." Global Economy Journal 18, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 20180078. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2018-0078.
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The twenty-first century is characterised by major shifts in the global economic paradigms. Europe constantly diminishes its importance in the world slowly drifting towards the secondary roles in determining the progress of human civilisation. The European Union as the main integrational structure on the continent is set to offer Europe a global perspective and consolidate the member countries’ common influence in international relations. Several enlargement waves were undertaken comprising countries of different economic development level. The main mechanism of the European Union in enhancing the economic cohesion among the member states is the Regional policy. The largest portion of financing is allocated towards enhancing the economic potential of least developed EU regions. Considering this fact, the present research is set to analyse the inter-regional development discrepancies in the Eastern European countries i. e. Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria in the context of raising global competition and to identify the key economic growth determinants of the nations. The results underline that there is a strong necessity to empower the prerogatives of the EU to increase its ability to decide the issues related to discrepancies reduction, infrastructure investments and improvement of the regional business opportunities.
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Szkurłat, Izabela. "Migration as a Threat to International Security." Security Dimensions 32, no. 32 (December 23, 2019): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0987.
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The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.
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Ilieva, Margarita, and Iliya Iliev. "Bulgarian Urban Settlements in the Early 21st Century." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 13, no. 13 (January 1, 2010): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-010-0009-y.
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Bulgarian Urban Settlements in the Early 21st Century The article presents the main changes in Bulgarian urban settlements during the last two decades and the present-day situation and processes of their development. A pronounced tendency towards a decrease in the urban population in Bulgaria can be observed in this period, which is closely related to the continuing drop in the total number of the country's population. A comparison with earlier periods shows that there is a greater concentration of population in the cities and middle-sized towns. The processes of transformation in Bulgarian urban settlements are similar to those in the other Central and East-European countries in transition. The economic transformations and the changes in the urban economy affected the urban territorial structure. The last two decades have witnessed considerable changes in the spatial pattern of the complex systems links established between the settlements as well as between the settlements, gravitating to the cities or agglomerations. The regional policy, which has been implemented for the past two decades, aims to consolidate the importance of Bulgarian urban settlements (over 20 thousand inhabitants) and agglomerations in regional development.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.
Full textAbstract:
Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.