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1
Butorina, O. V. "EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS: DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
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Fathun, Laode Muhamad. "BREXIT REFERENDUM OF EUROPEAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 01 (July 5, 2020): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i1.193.
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This paper describes the phenomenon Brexit or Britain Exit on the future of EU regionalism and its impact on Indonesia. This paper will explain in detail the reason for the emergence of a number of policies Brexit. Brexit event caused much speculation related to Brexit in the European Union. The policy is considered full controversial, some experts say that Brexit in the European Union (EU) showed the independence of Britain as an independent state. Other hand, that Britain is the "ancestor" of the Europeans was struck with the release of the policy, meaning European history can not be separated from the history of Britain. In fact the above reasons that Britain came out associated with independence as an independent state related to EU policies that are too large, as a result of the policy model is very holistic policy while Britain desire is wholistic policy, especially in the economic, political, social and cultural. In addition, the geopolitical location of the EU headquarters in Brussels who also became the dominant actor in a union policy that demands as EU countries have been involved in the formulation of development policy, including controversial is related to the ration immigrants. Other reason is the prestige associated with the currency. Although long since Britain does not fully adopt the EU rules but there is the possibility in the EU currency union can only occur with the assumption that the creation of functional perfect integration.
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Le Cacheux, Jacques. "The European Union Treaty: Mechanical Incident or Derailment on the Fast Track?" Tocqueville Review 14, no. 1 (January 1993): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.14.1.167.
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On February 7, 1992, the twelve leaders of the European Community (EC) countries met and solemnly signed the European Union Treaty --the so-called Maastricht Treaty. Earlier agreements amongst European states reinforcing their economic integration --such as the creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) in 1979 and the Single European Act, which, in 1986, provided for the dismantling of intra-EC borders and the completion of the European common market on January 1st, 1993. However the Maastricht Treaty was deemed to contain such radical amendments of the Community's founding treaties that it had to be submitted to ratification by the various national legislatures or constituencies.
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Rumford, Chris. "Turkey and European Union Enlargement: Cross-Border Projects and the Pre-Accession Strategy for Non-Members." New Perspectives on Turkey 19 (1998): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003034.
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Since the Customs Union came into effect on 1 January 1996, Turkey has effectively become part of the European Union's single market. This high degree of economic integration has not been matched in the sphere of political and social integration. Turkey was omitted from a list of countries with which accession negotiations began in March 1998, and the Cardiff European Council of May 1998 confirmed Turkey's marginalization from the current process of enlargement.
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Hetzer, Wolfgang. "Corruption and Integration – Does the Expansion of the European Union Represent a Risk Factor?" European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 12, no. 4 (2004): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817042523103.
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AbstractThe imminent entry of ten countries into the European Union is one of the greatest success stories in the contemporary history of the continent. Following the devastation of the Second World War and the political and economic paralysis during the ‘Cold War’ period the future holds promise of development opportunities of historical significance for twenty-five Member States. It must not be overlooked, however, that, due to the still prevalent differences in living standards, in income ratios and in administrative structures, the process of economic approximation is also not without risks. Among these is the tendency towards corruption. The expansion of the European Union can only succeed economically and politically if the dangers associated with corruption are minimized by far-sighted legislation and consistent implementation measures throughout Europe. This is true not only with respect to the new Member States.
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Fujisawa, Jun. "The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
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This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Lekarenko, Oksana G. "The Crisis of the Bretton Woods Monetary System and the Beginning of European Monetary Cooperation." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/12.
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The article aims to identify the impact of the crisis of the Bretton Woods monetary system on the beginning of European monetary cooperation. Russian scholars' publications on European monetary integration usually examine in detail the internal prerequisites for the emergence of the Werner Plan and only sketch the external environment. Drawing on available European and American sources, this research provides a more nuanced picture of the origins of European monetary cooperation in the context of a general collapse of the post-war international monetary order. The article begins with the characteristic of the main features of the Bretton Woods monetary system. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the intrinsic contradictions of the Bretton Woods mechanism, such as the problem of liquidity, confidence in the key currencies, and the adjustment mechanism, generated numerous monetary crises. All efforts to reform the international monetary system stalled because of disagreements between countries with surplus and deficit payment balances. The research also focuses on the US monetary policy. As the US dollar was the main reserve currency, the stability of the entire monetary system depended on its position. Since the late 1960s, conflicts over monetary issues developed between the United States and Western European countries, culminating in the Nixon administration's unilateral decision to abolish the gold standard in August 1971. Monetary crises and the weakness of the dollar pushed the countries of the European Economic Community to develop their own currency grouping. The article analyses the Werner Plan of 1970 that proposed the creation of an Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) with a single European currency as the ultimate goal. Based on fixed exchange rates between European currencies, the EMU represented a regional replica of the Bretton Woods system. The single European currency was seen by Europeans as an alternative to the dollar and the unpredictable American policy. The author concludes that the end of transatlantic monetary cooperation gave an additional impetus to the development of European monetary integration. Although first European efforts to create the EMU had failed because of the different approaches of France and the Federal Republic of Germany as well as the economic crisis of the early 1970s, the Werner Plan marked a crucial phase in the history of European integration. The Werner Report became a blueprint for the European Monetary System (EMS) of the late 1970s. The success of the EMS paved the way for the creation of the European Monetary Union envisaged in the Maastricht Treaty of 1991 establishing the European Union and the adoption of a single European currency - the euro.
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Biuković, Ljiljana. "The New Face of CEFTA and its Dispute Resolution Mechanisms." Review of Central and East European Law 33, no. 3 (2008): 257–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598808x262641.
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AbstractAmendments made to the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) in 2006 mark significant developments in the economic integration of the Western Balkans. Among those amendments were changes to the Agreement's dispute resolution mechanism. This article analyzes the latest developments in economic integration in the Western Balkans and examines the nature and operation of the dispute resolution mechanisms used in CEFTA. Explanations for important changes to the dispute settlement process in CEFTA are suggested by examining the context of the members' economic, political, social and legal surroundings. The article surveys ongoing tendencies in the development of dispute resolution mechanisms in other regional trade agreements, in particular those utilized by the European Union (EU), as a means of exploring the rationale behind the new CEFTA. It argues that the EU practice—developed in EU association agreements with third countries—has inspired the 2006 amendments to the CEFTA dispute resolution mechanism.
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De Noronha, Teresa, and Eric Vaz. "Why a multidisciplinary agenda for Southern Europe?" REGION 6, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): E1—E5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i4.280.
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Since the process of southern Europe's integration in the European Union, the Mediterranean region has seen a more considerable gap between central and northern European countries and its southern European counterpart. Thus, in a European context of social cohesion, it becomes necessary to better understand Southern Europe, without escaping to the so required perception of the complexity of Mediterranean culture. As a significant player along history, Southern Europe established a platform of diversity and freedom consistently, bringing peace between different historic-cultural traditions. Moreover, the southern frontier of Europe to Africa and Asia has become a crucial determinant in the current times of change where ruptures in the political systems are also defining new patterns of regional migration. Meanwhile, the integration of Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Greece in the European Union reinforced an essential search for stability, altering to some extent the political and economic predispositions of these countries. This has been followed by somewhat rigid institutions, that remain, to a certain extent, an obstacle to sustainable development, and justify a broader assessment of the potential of policy and governance intervention. A Mediterranean region where a context of stagnation or increasing poverty and migration is leading most impoverished areas to a deleterious deprivation of human resources and capital. In such cases towards conflict, Southern European countries may represent a bridging alternative and an exemplar representation of democracy. A co-joint positive Mediterranean agenda is necessary, where migration patterns become a substantial factor in the future of all the frontier countries: Italy and Greece, Spain, and Portugal. This special issue collects recent insights in socio-economic developments in Mediterranean countries in order to further a future agenda for Southern Europe.
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Lopez Trigal, Lorenzo. "Le Portugal en Espagne : migration et société." Sud-Ouest européen 18, no. 1 (2004): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rgpso.2004.2867.
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Portugal in Spain : migration and society. This paper is about the presence of Portugal and Portuguese in Spain, through the process of union and disunion that marked the history of Spain and Portugal. It then moves on to the process of European integration giving a new vision of Iberia, and challenging the old resentments and the difficulties to communicate which traditionally represent the relations between the two countries. The Portuguese community in Spain is the oldest and the first economic immigration and shows a state of advanced integration into the Spanish society. At the same time, the Portuguese economic and social presence tends to assert itself at the level of institutions, education, culture, economics, tourism, business and finance... The developing cross-border cooperation and common projects help to the re-composition of the Iberian space.
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Revenko, Anatoly, Sergii Rybak, and Nataliia Karasova. "disintegration challenge of reforming the Eurozone." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S4 (November 23, 2021): 1886–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns4.1876.
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The main objective of this study is to analyze endogenous destabilizing and disintegration tendencies within the framework of the crisis of the European Monetary Union, which grew into a crisis in the real economy. This involved several EU members states at the same time. Achieving this goal requires addressing several theoretical and historical lessons, that point to an important dilemma for the survival of the European project in the future. Research methods include: systematic, procedural, and situational approaches to the study of Eurozone countries and participants in the integration project and disintegration influences and an institutional approach to the detection and analysis of dysfunctional institutional configuration within the framework of the European Monetary Union. Of significant importance for the study of the problems of economic integration and disintegration was the use of the principles of universal scientific methodology. This included an integrated approach to problem-solving, which envisaged a general vision of the movement of capital in the context of the European integration project. Also, the application of methods of logical models, induction, and deduction. The unity of logic and history in the development of a research object confirms the synergistic effect of historical and theoretical lessons.
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Vdovychenko, Victoria. "Narrating Integration and Disintegration in Europe: Italy’s View." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.6-24.
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EU’s economic and political challenges open a new page of the European integration history. The Eurozone crisis and challenges presented by Brexit enhanced scholars from various countries to analyze and rethink about the future of the European integration and EU as a whole. The paths of the differentiated integration present a specific interest in this article. This kind of integration is becoming more and more popular among politicians and researchers in their affords to demonstrate a pragmatic approach how to re-start the integration process. This article will outline the issues framed by the differentiated integration in Italy, a founding member of the European Union. Moreover, it presents an attempt to apply the principles of differentiated integration to some of the politics: political and economic governance in the EU. The article poses the question to what extent the political fluidity will be necessary in order for the EU to still remain solid tackling common economic and political challenges. The article presents the opinions of the Italian scholars and politicians referred to the differentiated integration. The first part of it theorizes the concept of differentiated integration and presents an evolution of scholars’ thoughts starting from the mid-90s. The second part of the article reveals the challenges of the EU, the European integration process and the implications on the Italian Republic. It tries to show how Italy manages to overcome the present integration challenges.
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Ripollés, Jordi, and Lidia Vidal Meliá. "Environmental Tax Convergence and Interdependence in the European Union." Revista de Economía Mundial, no. 61 (June 16, 2022): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/rem.v0i61.5351.
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This paper empirically analyzes the convergence and interdependence of environmental taxes in Europe from 1998 to 2018. Our results evidence a lack of European integration and reveal a group of converging countries characterized by a lowering tax burden. Moreover, a subsequent spatial regression analysis supports that the converging countries exhibit a significantly greater sensibility to the neighboring environmental tax policies, compatible with some degree of cross-country tax competition.
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Bazavluk, Sergei V., Konstantin P. Kurylev, and Leonid V. Savin. "Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-30-42.
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Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as parafascism. The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the outreach model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.
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Bazavluk, Sergei V., Konstantin P. Kurylev, and Leonid V. Savin. "Eurasianism, Eurasian Economic Union and Multipolarity: Assessments of Foreign Experts." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-30-42.
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Eurasianism, in its various interpretations, from ideology to the implementation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) programs, is regarded as one of the strategies of creating a multipolar world order. This article analyzes the views and assessments of foreign authors regarding the relationship between Eurasianism and the EAEU amid the changing international context. The authors present both critical and positive opinions on Eurasianism, Eurasian integration and its political and economic interlinkages with other countries and associations (China, Vietnam, the European Union (EU), Latin America). Thus, we identify three main lines of assessments on Eurasianism and Eurasian integration. The first includes negative assessments ranging from characterizing Eurasianism and the EAEU as a threat to the EU, the US, and the West in general to deliberate misinformation about the Eurasian ideology, for instance, denoting Eurasianism as parafascism. The second comprises more pragmatic and balanced views, with an emphasis on economic cooperation, which may imply cooperation with the EAEU and acceptance of the Eurasian integration if specific conditions are met, or cessation of such cooperation. The third group includes positive assessments and emphasizes the need for more intensive interaction between the EAEU and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Such views are generally held by Russian and Chinese authors. Non-Russian conceptions of Eurasianism that gained popularity in Turkey or Kazakhstan are ideologically close to the classic Eurasianism and the EAEU, although these conceptions take a distinctive national shape. The article provides some examples of interregional cooperation promoted by the EAEU within the BRICS under the outreach model, i.e., adding new dimensions to existing cooperation formats. The authors arrive at a conclusion that most often the assessments of Eurasian integration and cooperation proposals by foreign experts are tied to Russian foreign policy (or experts opinion of it). They often find interconnections between EAEU, Eurasianism and Russian policy, which emphasize Russian identity as a marker of distinctive civilization. The article also notes comments of Russian authors on the EAEU - EU relations. The research is based on comparative analysis of analytical and research publications on the subject.
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Borovsky, Y. V., and O. V. Shishkina. "Securitization of Energy Supply within the European Integration." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2021): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-57-81.
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The article uses the constructivist securitization concept to analyze the European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Union (EU) approaches to ensuring energy security. It seeks to establish whether the energy supply has been securitized within the European integration process and if so when it happened. The literature review does not give a definitive and comprehensive answer to this question which is essential for all the history of the EEC and the EU. The authors of this study use an extensive documentary database available on the EU websites. They established that for the EEC/EU the energy policy securitization is a long-lasting ongoing process that came into being in 1973. Within the European integration, the securitization is justified by the dependency of the member states on the imported energy resources, which is regarded through the prism of securing reliable, affordable, and (since 2000s) environmentally sustainable supply. The authors identified two waves of energy supply securitization in the EEC/EU. The first wave was triggered by the oil embargo of the OPEC Arab countries and, generally, the world oil crisis of 1973-1974. The second wave of the 2000s and 2010s was triggered by the Russian-Ukrainian gas conflicts of 2006 and 2009 and the sharp deterioration of Russian-Ukrainian relations in 2014. For both waves, the Commission was the main ‘securitizing actor’. However, during the second wave, the European Parliament, some EU countries, and even the United States made their own ‘securitizing moves’. The ‘audience’ (EEC/EU countries) expressed its opinion towards the ‘securitizing moves’ through the European Council and the Council decisions. The research conclusions can be useful for a profound scientific explanation of the EU energy policy as well as for the operationalization of the securitization concept.
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Bida, Marianna. "THE BIGGEST OBSTACLE TO THE ECONOMIC GROWTH OF UKRAINE." Economic Analysis, no. 27(3) (2017): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2017.03.026.
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Introduction. The level of corruption in Ukraine is unbelievably high. This situation significantly alleviates the prospects for economic growth. It obstructs the investment in the private sector of economy, the inflow of foreign direct investment from abroad, the opening of markets for new countries. As a result, the process of creating new jobs and the development of small and medium-sized businesses is substantially suspended. Following the signing of the Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, the reduction of corruption has become a prerequisite for a further convergence with Europe. Purpose. The article aims to prove that the progressive experience of the European countries can be effectively used by Ukraine, taking into account many similarities with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Method (methodology). The purpose of the study is to trace the most promising and effective mechanisms in the struggle against corruption which is used in European countries with similar economic preconditions. The article offers a regional comparison of the level of corruption in the European countries according to various sources, traces the history of the development of anti-corruption institutions, and also identifies the most effective mechanisms to struggle the corruption that might be implemented in Ukraine. Results. Taking into consideration the fact that the government has already adopted effective laws, the continuation of this practice is a key process on which the country should focus on the way to European integration in the future. The results of the study can be used by the authorities to develop a strategy for the implementation of anti-corruption measures.
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Давлетгильдеев, Рустам, Rustam Davletgildeev, Ольга Сычева, and Olga Sycheva. "International and Legal Cooperation Development on Labour Migration Issues: from EurAsEC to Eurasian Economic Union." Journal of Russian Law 3, no. 6 (June 5, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11444.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of international and legal cooperation in the area of labor migration in the Eurasian Economic Community and the Eurasian Economic Union. The authors study background for the creation and history of the Common Economic Space and the Customs Union, one of the main purposes of which is the creation and operation of a common labour market. The authors perform the analysis taking into account similarities and differences of legal regulation of the issue under consideration in the European Union, and make comparison. The authors point out to the continuity problems of labour migration legal regulation within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union, including harmonization of legislation on labour migration of the Union’s member countries. The authors study the institutional system of the Eurasian Economic Community (Eurasian Economic Union) and powers of institutions in the field of labour migration, indicate the presence of special migration authorities in the EurAsEC and in the Eurasian Economic Union. Provisions of the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union devoted to labour migration are analyzed. The authors note the probability that the law harmonization function will be implemented in the Eurasian Economic Union not through model laws but through international treaties and decisions of the Union’s institutions. The authors assume that the Eurasian Economic Union will work out the desired integration model, based not only on political and economic interests, but which will take into account civilizational peculiarities of the Eurasian region.
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Yiğenoğlu, Kaan. "The Turkey-UK Free Trade Agreement in Terms of Economic Diplomacy." Turkey's Grand Strategy 23, Fall 2021 (December 10, 2021): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021234.11.
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This article scrutinizes relations between economic diplomacy and free trade agreements by focusing on the Turkey-UK free trade agreements which came into force in 2021. Accordingly, the article first introduces the concept of economic diplomacy, an important issue as it has been shown that bilateral trade agreements, nowadays preferred by many countries, can be used as a tool of economic diplomacy. The article then discusses the history and development of free trade agreements signed by Turkey, including its long-running experience of economic integration with the European Union. Although Turkey began establishing free trade agreements in the 1990s, it has been concentrating on and accelerating its use since 2000. Based on economic and political reasons underlying the free economic agreements, the reasons why Turkey and the UK have reached such an agreement are summarized. Economic relations between the two countries are then analyzed and the details of the agreement are investigated in the context of the changes that it provides.
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Palmowski, Tadeusz. "The European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region and accomplishments." Baltic Region 13, no. 1 (2021): 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2021-1-8.
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The sea and inland hinterland of Baltic Europe form a unique macro-regional unit. Strong collaboration links, and competition in the Baltic Sea region, are an inherent feature of the region from the beginning of its civilization development. Since 2004, the Baltic Sea has become an internal sea of the European Union. This fact no doubt strengthened the cooperation of the countries in the region. In many spheres, these ties take the form of networking. The EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region is an important stimulus for further integrations. The objective of the article is to identify changing trends and the structural transformation in the Baltic integration process instigated by the implementation of this strategy. The document contains common goals, which strengthen cooperation and draw on the Baltic Sea potential. Three main pillars are outlined in the Strategy: marine protection, better interconnection of the region and growing prosperity. The essence of cooperation involves joint development plans on various levels: governmental, regional and local with the participation of research institutions, regional cooperation infrastructure, operational programmes, as well as the private sector. Political stabilisation and economic development may transform, in a longer time span, the emerging transnational Baltic Europe into a new economic and cultural European centre. The choice of research methodology applied in the study derives from the nature of collected data, i.e. literature regarding scientific accomplishments in the Baltic cooperation, analysis of working documents and reports drawn up by public institutions, the European Commission, and EU national and regional strategic documents.
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Strutynskyi, Vladyslav. "The 30th Anniversary of Viszegrad Group Creation: Historical Significance, Past Achievements and Upcoming Challenges." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.83-94.
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Embracing the Central European historical experience, the author delves into the problem of political and economic preconditions for the creation of the union of the Central European states – the Republic of Poland, the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic, the Republic of Hungary, which went down in history as the Visegrád Group (V-4, В-4). The author highlights the critical steps taken by the Visegrád group countries and the past achievements throughout its 30-year activities, the peculiarities of V4 internal and external collaboration in the context of their aspirations for the EU accession, and further road-mapping in defending their positions in rather complex European integration processes. The article presents an in-depth analysis of certain V-4 member states’ actions in the context of their influence on the formation of European Union policy, in particular during their presidency of the EU Council. The author’s focus revolves around certain disparities of the Visegrád 4 member states on their strategy of further development. The push-pull factors and preconditions that induced these countries to understand the value of regional solidarity in the development of European policy priorities during the EU crisis are under study. From a 30-year perspective, this multifaceted aspect of Visegrád group 4 functioning stipulates both the research topicality and various scientists’ involvement – historians, political scientists, and lawyers. In view of that, the research article presents insights for the Visegrad group 4 creation, its historical significance, past achievements and new perspectives for cooperation with neighbouring countries, in particular with Ukraine. The objective of the research is: - to characterize the historical preconditions for the creation of the Visegrád Group; - to analyse the stages of development and enhancement of V 4 countries cooperation aimed at their incorporation into the European integration process; - to highlight the projections of fruitful cooperation between Ukraine and the international intergovernmental organization “Visegrád Four”.
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KOSTOVICOVA, DENISA, and NATALIJA BASIC. "Conference Report Transnationalism in the Balkans: The Emergence, Nature and Impact of Cross-national Linkages on an Enlarged and Enlarging Europe, 26–27 November 2004." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 583–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002778.
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In response to the pull of prospective membership of the European Union (EU), the states, societies and economies of the Balkan countries are undergoing unprecedented change. Their transformation has been shaped by a double legacy of communism and ethnic conflict, distinguishing their efforts from the transitional experience of their counterparts in east central Europe. How do these legacies interact with the goal of becoming a part of the EU? Is political and economic liberalisation a sufficient foundation for the Europeanisation of the Balkan states? How can the extent of their post-communist and post-conflict transformation and European integration be gauged? To tackle these questions, the Centre for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), London, and the Institute for East European Studies at the Free University, Berlin, organised a two-day conference to examine the nature of transnational relations in the Balkans. With the financial support of Volkswagen Stiftung, the conference, entitled ‘Transnationalism in the Balkans: The Emergence, Nature and Impact of Cross-national Linkages on an Enarged and Enlarging Europe’, took place at the LSE in November 2004.
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Wołowiec, Tomasz. "Potential and Possible Ways of Harmonizing the Personal Income Taxation Process." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 21, no. 3 (September 18, 2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2018-0022.
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Personal income tax (hereinafter referred to as PIT) has a short history, as it appeared in tax systems of EU countries as late as at the end of the 18th century. As a specific universal structure it performs two economic functions: providing financial means for covering some public expenses (fiscal function), leveling inequalities – through its structure – in population incomes (a redistribution function). It also implements social functions of taxation through various tax reliefs and exemptions or the structure of the tax scale. Contemporary personal income tax in European countries has been shaped by many years of evolution. This proces is continuing, taking into account the process of European integration and the processes of standardizing and harmonizing tax systems in European Union countries. Most EU states only sporadically implement major reforms of personal income taxation. The scope of such changes is usually limited and determined by current fiscal needs or the need to stimulate a particular behavior of taxpayers. The current taxation of personal incomes is a very complex phenomenon which should be analyzed not only from the legal point of view, but also taking into account its social, cultural, economic and political system aspects.
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Efremova, Nadezhda F., Besarion Ch Meskhi, and Svetlana V. Shvedova. "LA QUALITY ASSURANCE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION." Journal of Supranational Policies of Education (JoSPoE), no. 10 (July 10, 2020): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/jospoe2019.10.003.
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The article provides information on problems of the education internationalization, the basic principles of integration of higher education and programmes aimed at ensuring the quality of training in European and Eurasian educational spaces. Particular attention is paid to existing approaches to guarantee the quality of higher education and the formation of quality assessment systems at the international, national and regional levels to create the conditions for relevant quality management of education. The construction of an effective system for ensuring and assessing the quality of education in many countries of the world, including Russia, is one of the priorities of the national educational policy. This article is aimed at expanding knowledge about the integration processes in the field of education by using new teaching technologies, research and debates on topics related to the history, politics, economics and legislation of the European Union, as well as EU relations with other regions of the world.
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Noiriel, Gérard. "“Civil Rights” Policy in the United States and the Policy of “Integration” in Europe: Divergent Approaches to a Similar Issue." Journal of Policy History 6, no. 1 (January 1994): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003651.
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Comparing European and North American policies with respect to “civil rights” is a difficult exercise for two reasons. First, it is important to emphasize that Europe and the United States are not political entities of a same nature. Granted, the fact that the nations that today comprise Europe are heirs of common history explains in part the similarities in their political behavior and distinguishes them as a group from the “New World.” Yet in the American case, despite the country's federalist structure and the existence of fifty states within the Union, we are dealing with a single nation, endowed with a central government capable of generating policies that are valid throughout the territory. Such is not the case with Europe. As is well known, the European continent is divided into two sharply contrasted spheres. On the one hand, there is the East, thrown into confusion by the devastation of communism and mired in a profound economic crisis. On the other hand, there is the West, comprised of nations that share a level of economic prosperity comparable to that of the United States but which do not form a single political entity. At present, the European Economic Community includes only twelve European states; the remaining countries, such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, have yet to become members. In this essay, the question of “civil rights” will be examined specifically in light of those countries that already belong to the EEC.
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Basov, F. "German Policy towards EU Enlargement." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-18-22.
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This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Pešić, Ivana V., and Gajo M. Vanka. "EU Crises Multiplier - From One Crisis To Another." Economic Themes 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ethemes-2014-0015.
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Abstract Since the wide spreading of the European Union (EU) crisis begun, the research papers have been providing different definitions such as currency crisis, competitiveness crisis, banking crisis, balance of payment crisis, but the most frequent notion of EU crises is the sovereign debt crisis. In this paper, the researchers agree that the current European crisis can be identified as sovereign debt crises at its surface, but in order to search for solutions of EU problems, we must look deeper into the sources of this crisis. Through this paper, the multiplication of crisis is explained, whereby it is being concluded that one type of crisis led to another, while staying on the point that the Eurozone current crisis is basically a combination of two core crisis: balance of payment crisis and banking crisis. In order to support the hypothesis that sovereign debt crisis is deeply connected with balance of payment crisis, we have analysed the trade and capital flows of European countries. It was discovered that periphery countries mostly financed their current account deficit, trade deficits and public deficit through external borrowing from creditor countries. Further, the periphery countries have been cumulating not only trade deficit in trade activity with other European partners, but also in trade with the rest of the world. The key source of imbalances between the European countries seems to be a different level of competitiveness caused by different level of productivity. As the second face of EU crises, we recognised a banking crisis. We found that sovereign debt crisis and banking crisis are interconnected but banking crisis usually precedes the debt crisis. With the fast growth of international capital flows, financial integration was strongly regionally concentrated and became especially important within the EU. Through the analysis of the international investment position of creditor countries, it was concluded that these countries are more integrated within the euro area through financial flows than through real economic flows. Additionally, it was discovered that creditor countries’ banks were among the biggest investors in bonds of periphery countries such as Greece. In other periphery countries such as Ireland, banking crisis and subsequent measures for the rescuing of banking system led to the increase of public debt. In the other countries, banks were faced with solvency problems due to bad debt holdings. Having in mind that we found interconnection of the debt crisis with balance of payment crisis on the one side, and with the banking crisis on the other side, the conclusion is that sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone is a result of two-core crisis: balance of payment crisis and bank crisis. Reckoning on the European Union history where each crisis usually led to the stronger integration, maybe the current crisis is a step further towards better and deeper integration.
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Entin, Mark L., Ekaterina G. Entina, and Vadim V. Voynikov. "NEW PRINCIPLES OF RESOURCE DISTRIBUTION IN THE EU AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE COUNTRIES OF THE BALTIC REGION." Baltic Region 14, no. 1 (2022): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2022-1-8.
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The Multiannual Financial Framework for 2021—2027 was adopted during the severe crisis caused by the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. In the face of a rapidly deteriorating economic situation, EU countries took unprecedented steps radically changing the principles of resource allocation in the Union. These included the recovery plan for Europe, making the EU budget conditional on respect for the rule of law and the new EU resources system. This article seeks to identify the essential characteristics of the decisions made within the Multiannual Financial Framework and define their significance for advancing integration. The study attempts to answer two questions: do these decisions mark the transition to a new stage of integration and to what extent do they comply with the law of the Union. Several EU initiatives related to debt redistribution are analysed, along with the impact of these initiatives on Eastern European countries, particularly those of the Baltic Sea region. The research explores the decisions from the standpoint of legal and political science. In particular, it is stressed that, when reaching a compromise on making the budget conditional on respect for the rule of law, the EU and its member states had to use a mechanism for postponing the execution of an act of the Union, which contradicts the basic principles of EU law. From a political point of view, the adoption of a package of legislative acts within the Multiannual Financial Framework means growing dependence of the member states and an increase in solidarity and loyalty within the Union.
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Studinski, Volodymyr. "The Lublin triangle in Europe’s economic security system in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022." University Economic Bulletin, no. 53 (June 25, 2022): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2022-53-132-138.
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Formulation of the problem. At the present historical stage, the issue of European continental security is becoming especially relevant against the background of Russian aggression. This is obvious and hardly questionable. Ukraine has always played the role of a defender of Western civilization in European history. Apart from Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania have performed and continue to perform the same function. Speaking in the language of historical analogies and comparisons, it is impossible in this aspect not to mention such a large and powerful state formation as the Commonwealth. Ironically, this state also emerged against the background of Muscovy's expansion in the east. The need for common security in Central Europe has always been and remains relevant. Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine are at the forefront of Europe's sustainable development. Today it is the forefront of the entire civilized world. Therefore, the formation of the Lublin Triangle between Kyiv, Warsaw and Vilnius is a historical, political, economic, humanitarian necessity. In fact, the Lublin Triangle is a tripartite regional alliance for political, economic, cultural and social cooperation between Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine, aimed at strengthening dialogue between countries, supporting Ukraine's integration into the European Union and NATO and jointly countering Russian aggression in Ukraine. The idea of such a union belonged to Vyacheslav Chornovil and Adam Czartoryski. The economic component of this association is extremely important, as it is the basis for the formation of a system of sustainable development of the region. European aggression is contrasted with European balance and economic stability. Analysis of recent research and publications. The theme of the Lublin Triangle and the importance of this organization in the modern development of Europe is becoming increasingly important. However, this issue is still more in the political and journalistic sphere of consideration. Economic research on this topic has not yet been developed. Although some attempts are being made. Rather, the scientific issues themselves are determined, which in the future will have different areas of research. The purpose of this study is to analyze the state and prospects of the unification of Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine as a stabilizing economic factor in the security system of Europe within the framework of the Lublin Triangle. Results of the research. The analysis of this issue proves that the unification of the three states - Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, within the Lublin Triangle has serious prospects and can act as a powerful formation in the economic security of Europe, especially in the context of Russian military expansion. Conclusions. The Lublin Triangle, as an intergovernmental union, is primarily designed to counter Russian aggression and pressure on the European Union. The role of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland for many centuries has been to protect the European continent from Russia's imperial advance on Europe and to slow down the development of European countries. At the present time, this problem has become very acute and significant. The countries of the Lublin Triangle have a strong economic potential, are of serious trade and communication interest in the North-South, West-East directions, and are a kind of outpost in defense of Western civilization. The Lublin Triangle political union is quite capable of economically protecting Europe from the negative impact of Russia's expansion on the EU.
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Dadashov, Kanan. "History of Formation and Development of Relations between the South Caucasus States and the EU." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080019380-5.
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The article examines the history of the formation and development of relations between the states of the South Caucasus (Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan) with the European Union. Methods: system analysis, forecasting, comparison. In the course of the research, special attention is paid to the conditions and determinants of the formation of the European vector of development of the countries of the South Caucasus region at the turn of the 20–21 centuries. The results obtained in the course of the study led to the conclusion that in the 1990s, the European Union largely viewed the South Caucasus (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia) through the prism of Moscow, taking into account the fact of Russia's presence in the region and its active actions. The situation changed in the 2000s, when the EU’s interests and its interaction with the region intensified, as well as after the armed conflict in Georgia, when Europe became concerned about the need to respect and strengthen security in the region. Subsequently, the security policy was supplemented with new dimensions in cooperation, namely: political, economic, humanitarian. It should be noted that today the states of the South Caucasus region are much more fragmented than ever, and the only integration projects that have taken place are related to external actors. Therefore, in order to intensify cooperation with the EU and achieve real tangible results, the South Caucasus republics should balance their foreign policy, clearly define development priorities, overcome socio-political confrontation within the country, and achieve a peaceful settlement of “frozen” conflicts.
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Dadashov, Kanan K., Kamilla K. Dadashova, Nazim N. Abdullayev, Mikhail A. Evdokimov, and Leyla Sh Mirzoeva. "History Of Establishment And Development Of Relations Between The South Caucasus And The EU." Webology 19, no. 1 (January 28, 2022): 5634–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14704/web/v19i1/web19381.
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The aim of the article is to define and analyze the stages of development and formation of relations between the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and the European Union (EU) and other European organizations in a historical retrospective, as well as to identify possible prospects for expanding and strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation and interaction in the near future. At the same time, the analysis of activities of South Caucasian countries in the European organizations is narrowed to aspects that influence the process of European integration of these countries. Methods. In the research process a wide range of methods of scientific knowledge were used: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, generalization, systematization, forecasting, comparison. Results. During the research special attention was given to the terms and determinants of the formation of the European vector of development of the countries of the South Caucasus at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries. The evolution of understanding and key aspects of the development and structuring of the EU policy regarding the development strategy of the South Caucasian region in general, as well as the need of participation and support of the South Caucasian countries in maintenance of national security and building state institutions, developing the economy and the humanitarian sphere are defined. In order to conduct a systematic analysis of evolution of relations between European and South Caucasian countries three historical stages were emphasized. Within the framework of each stage initiatives and ongoing cooperative programs are characterized, as well as key areas for establishing partnerships between the South Caucasian republics and European countries. Besides stages of the formation of conditions, the signing of agreements and implementing an action plan for EU membership of the South Caucasian countries were studied in historical retrospective. Conclusion. The results of the study led to the conclusion that, in the 1990s, the EU to a large extent viewed the South Caucasus binded to Moscow, taking into account the presence of Russia in the region and its active actions. The situation changed in 2000s, when the EU’s interests and its interaction with the region deepened, and also after the armed conflict in Georgia, when Europe was concerned about the necessity of respecting and strengthening security in the region. Eventually security policy was supplemented by new dimensions of cooperation such as political, economic, humanitarian.
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Ther, Philipp. "Beyond the Nation: The Relational Basis of a Comparative History of Germany and Europe." Central European History 36, no. 1 (March 2003): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770892168.
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Theprocess of European integration is posing a challenge to scholars in the humanities and the social sciences to rethink their frames of analysis. The once dominant nation-state has lost relevance while transnational processes and exchanges are receiving greater attention. This is not only true for the social sciences and economics, but also for history. The closer the European states are integrated, the more questions about Europe's past are asked. But what is European history, and upon which methods and units of analysis can it be built? Is it the sum of national histories, just as the EU is a union of nation-states, or is it something more? Since no one subject of European history can possibly encompass all countries on the continent, it is clear that independent of the general topic there needs to be a certain selection of studies about more than one local or national case. If those studies, no matter whether they cover political, social, or cultural history, are to be synthesized on a European level, comparisons need to be made at a certain stage of any given work. The same holds true for the history of Central Europe, an area with a particularly high degree of internal differentiation.
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Kulali, YELIZ. "The Role of Iceland in the International System as a Small State and the Issue of European Union Membership." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p104-113.
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This study discusses the role of Iceland -which declared its independence from Denmark in 1944- in the international system and the causes that led the country to withdraw its European Union candidacy in 2015. This country, considered as one of the Scandinavian countries, has in fact its own unique structure. This unique structure has its roots in Iceland’s history, its determination about protecting the elements of national identity, geographical-climatic characteristics and economic factors such as the fishing industry. Iceland, which is the only NATO member without an army, has been through Cod Fish crisis’ with England, and the Ice-Save crisis with England and the Netherlands. The country, which had an important economic crisis in 2008, has shown a more positive attitude about EU as the government has also changed, however with the end of the crisis and another change of government, it has once again opted for a self-sufficient strategy. The country, which became member of the European Economic Area (EEA) in 1994 and of European Free Trade Area (EFTA) in 1970, aims to conduct political and economic relations through territorialisation or bilateral relations instead of participating to a big integration model or developing multilateral relations. Iceland’s primary foreign policy objectives throughout the new century seem to secure full control over its territory (land and waters), improve market access for its fisheries products and guarantee its defense. Although the governments varied from time to time, all political parties subscribed to the same goals though they differ on how to achieve them. Arctic issue seems to gain importance also for this country in 2010s
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Balanchuk, I. S., and O. Ye Mykhalchenkova. "Technological platforms in the field of innovation — trends in Еurope and Ukraine." Science, technologies, innovation, no. 2(18) (2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35668/2520-6524-2021-2-03.
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The terms “technological platform”, “innovation platform” have long been included in the activities of scientists and researchers from both Europe and Ukraine. The 21st century is associated with the economic integration of all developed countries in the field of science-intensive technologies and innovation. Technological platforms act as a fully functional mechanism in the integration process; participation in such platforms is considered almost the only way to join global innovation processes. The briefly get acquainted with the history of the creation and the initial period of operation of the first technological platforms in the European Union are propose in the article. The brief classification of types of technological platforms, its functions, prerequisites for creation, features, tasks, stages of development are provided. The types of network connections of individual countries in technology platforms are analyzed. The characteristic of the situation on the technological platforms creation and functioning in Ukraine is given; the subtype of platforms as information technology platforms is emphasized. It is concluded that the current situation requires the creation and participation in technological and information technology platforms, but in condition when all other mechanisms of innovation have been used in the full form.
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Horváthová, Zuzana, Josef Abrhám, and Iva Chvátalová. "Development of Social Security in the Czech Republic in the Context of Current International Treaties." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p135-141.
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The aim of the paper is to evaluate the state-of-play of social security with a focus on pension insurance in the Czech Republic and this due to the potential use of international agreements with individual countries of the European region. The contracts are divided in terms of whether the state is a part of the European Union, or remains outside that integration. The use of international agreements in the field of social security currently appears to be important for a number of reasons such as tourism, openness of the labour market, economic dependence on international trade and various kinds of migration. The issue is covered by interdisciplinary studies, where the knowledge of the humanities and economic fields mingles. Overall, the work provides a comprehensive overview of international agreements in the territory of the Czech Republic, not only in the period of the capitalism, but also captures the recent history, the period from the 1960s up to now, when the Czech Republic used to be a part of the socialist bloc, At that time most important become agreements and contracts with the former USSR.
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Horváthová, Zuzana, Josef Abrhám, and Iva Chvátalová. "Development of Social Security in the Czech Republic in the Context of Current International Treaties." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p135-141.
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The aim of the paper is to evaluate the state-of-play of social security with a focus on pension insurance in the Czech Republic and this due to the potential use of international agreements with individual countries of the European region. The contracts are divided in terms of whether the state is a part of the European Union, or remains outside that integration. The use of international agreements in the field of social security currently appears to be important for a number of reasons such as tourism, openness of the labour market, economic dependence on international trade and various kinds of migration. The issue is covered by interdisciplinary studies, where the knowledge of the humanities and economic fields mingles. Overall, the work provides a comprehensive overview of international agreements in the territory of the Czech Republic, not only in the period of the capitalism, but also captures the recent history, the period from the 1960s up to now, when the Czech Republic used to be a part of the socialist bloc, At that time most important become agreements and contracts with the former USSR.
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Entin, M., E. Entina, and V. Voynikov. "The EU Choice towards Integration in the Midst of COVID-19 Pandemics." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 4 (2020): 6–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.4.63.4.
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The Covid-19 pandemic was a catalyst for the growing systemic crisis of the EU and at the same time gave the Union an impetus towards its qualitatively new development in favor of deeper integration, expressed in a change in the financial and economic space of the EU. Realizing the risks of their internal destabilization, the EU core countries decided to sacrifice the surplus from their economic successes through the socialization of debts in order to save the most affected peripheral Member States to preserve both the integration union and the European idea itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the difficulty of making this decision and its compromise nature, as well as to clarify the likely consequences and suggest options for the further development of the situation. The authors first compare the pros and cons of debt socialization. Then the variables are compared: the Spanish proposal, the Franco-German initiative and the negotiating platform on the "next generation EU" by Ursula von der Leyen with the fundamental points of the European Council compromise decision. It also provides answers to questions about the volume, conditions, mechanism, and control over the expenditure of the financial assistance provided. The breakthrough steps taken by the Member States towards finding an optimal solution are analyzed. The result of the study is a balanced conclusion about the ambiguous nature of the decision adopted by the EU but having a historical significance and opening prospects for the further deepening of integration processes. This is facilitated by reaching an agreement on the need to bring the core of the EU closer to the periphery through the socialization of debts, as well as the importance of structural reforms that would ensure the construction of a harmonious economy of the future based on a new technological platform and formulated in a breakthrough plan called the next generation EU. Success is not guaranteed, as it depends on the behavior of all Member States, but it is real.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.)." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Wnorowski, Henryk. "The Problem of Choosing Development Paths." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 59, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2019-0039.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract We start from the assumption that the main problem, and at the same time the goal, is socio-economic development. We also assume that this pursuit is universal, development is the ambition of entities at all levels of aggregation, development is a desire of each country, as well as of business entities and individuals. From the other side, the governments create conditions for entities at the microeconomic level which generate additional value, that is, contribute to the creation of this development. Peculiar to them they are developmental paths. That’s why, the main hypothesis of this article, as stating that the choice of economic policy financed by excessive public debt does not, in the long run, serve well real socio-economic development. At the beginning of the 21st century, the vast majority of these countries had serious problems with public debt. These problems already had their history and were so serious that some efforts to discipline the forum of this group appeared. It is, in a sense, natural in the sense that integration itself is heading to a high degree of coordination and to the unification of all economic policies. The picture of public finances of the European Union does not look good despite the fact that this group can boast a long history of making efforts to control and monitor the budgets of its member states. Moreover, one can even talk about a certain intensification of this process, especially with respect to the euro area countries, but we still can not say that satisfactory results have been achieved.
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Giubboni, Stefano. "European Citizenship and Social Rights in Times of Crisis." German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (August 1, 2014): 935–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019210.
Full textAbstract:
European citizenship celebrated its twentieth anniversary during the most difficult and uncertain moment of the Union's crisis. The real economy has now been fully saturated by the financial crisis far beyond the borders of the Euro-Mediterranean area, with devastating social effects in those countries most affected. The prolonged vertical drop of the gross domestic product in Greece—the epicenter of the crisis—has been intertwined with a dramatic and unprecedented growth of levels of unemployment and social suffering in a vortex destructive to the point of validating the perception, now widespread not only within the bewildered public opinion of that unfortunate country, that the “rescue” of the Union has been based on a cure that is worse than the disease. The recent general elections in Italy, a country key for the stability and indeed the survival of the Euro-zone, have produced a situation of fragmentation and political instability that is both unprecedented and disquieting. Among the few elements of certainty in Italy can be found a widespread Euro-skepticism, if not an openly anti-European mood, that is also unprecedented in the history of the country's public opinion, which historically is among the most favorable towards a strengthening of the integration process. With the worsening of the economic and social crisis, the very tenacious confidence in Europe as a positive “external constraint” which has supported Italy's efforts towards reforms, commencing with its admission into the Euro-zone in the latter 1990s until the most recent experience of the technocratic government headed by Mario Monti, seems to have declined. Everywhere in Europe, a sense of frustration and distrust in recent years has grown against the Union and its frantically sought capacity to respond to the crisis without finding truly effective outcomes.
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Niżnik, Anna Małgorzta. "Unia Europejska, globalizacja i Polska." Studies of the Industrial Geography Commission of the Polish Geographical Society 12 (June 4, 2009): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20801653.12.15.
Full textAbstract:
International economic integration, or globalisation, has a long history, dating from the Medieval period; the establishment and later extension of the European Union is part of this process. It is argued that EU membership has brought undoubted advantages, such as support for agriculture and for regions of high unemployment, and the removal of tariffs against Polish goods, but the huge changes experienced by Poland date from the introduction of the market economy in 1989, not from EU membership. The market economy is synonymous with globalisation, which is so powerful that countries are forced to adapt to it, and make changes within this framework. There have been changes since 2004, the most important of which is mass emigration to the UK, Ireland, Germany and Spain, but it is thought that this movement is only short-term, since most Poles intend to return to Poland, having accumulated capital. It is too soon to be able to establish the full impact of EU membership. It seems that a much longer period must be allowed to elapse before it is possible to assess the value of EU membership to Poland. But in any case, it is clear that Poland has become part of the globalisation and economic integration process – something that will be emphasised owing to membership of the EU.
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Michael, Okoche. "Political Dimension in Pan-African Cross-border Banking: An Inhibitor or Catalyst?" Business and Management Studies 5, no. 1 (January 22, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/bms.v5i1.3984.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence and the dominance of African banks in Africa have been touted as one of the popular mechanisms for financial development leading to a concept termed as Pan-African cross-border banking. African Banks have become dominant in the African market as opposed to European colonial banks substantially increasing their geographic footprints on the continent. African banks have become economically significant beyond their home countries and of systematic importance in a number of jurisdictions. This systematically examined the influence of the political environment on Pan-African cross-border banking using Kenya Commercial bank as a case study.Interpretive research paradigm guided the study seeking using qualitative data by interviewing employees, managers, and policymakers from the three subsidiaries of Kenya Commercial Bank; Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi. This was further supported by secondary data collected from journal articles and reports from the Kenya Commercial Bank.The study established that political environment plays an important role in influencing Pan-African cross-border banking either through catalysing or inhibiting. Despite effort integration by African Union, regional unions like East African Community there still areas for improvement. In order to enhance Pan-African cross-border banking, there has to be systematically management of political environment which was distorted by history, ideologies, different political systems, different regulatory frameworks between the subsidiaries and home countries. This will further enhance the significance of Pan-African banks African cross-border banks enhancing economic development within Africa.
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Żukowski, Marian, and Monika Nowakowska. "Brexit: Benefits and Costs for the United Kingdom – Reflections for Observers in Europe." Central European Review of Economics & Finance 24, no. 2 (April 30, 2018): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/ceref.2018.011.
Full textAbstract:
The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU structures creates a new chapter in the history of the European integration. For the first time, after several decades of steady and secure functioning of the EU, a split occurs. Lofty ideas about creation of strong, coherent, wealthier and safer Europe lose in the competition with economic indicators and the national interest of the United Kingdom. Brexit is an expression of the negative evaluation of the EU functioning by the British society. This opinion is grounded in difficulties of the EU with solving current economic, social and political problems of contemporary Europe, as well as in decreased cooperation among member states. The following most important reasons for Brexit should be mentioned: the uncontrolled inflow of immigrants, increased terror threat, loss of economic independence and national identity. It is also worth noticing the successful actions of right-wing politicians who used the situation to build their own vision of the state. Consequences of Brexit shall affect both the United Kingdom and the EU member states but also non-EU countries. They shall have political, economic and social dimensions. However, at the current stage of the negotiations, it is difficult to predict all effects of the decisions taken. According to analysts, the UK shall incur financial losses, competitiveness of economy will decline, GDP will go down, political relations with neighbour states will deteriorate. Brexit shall affect particularly these states which are close trade partners of the United Kingdom. Loss of the UK as one of the economic pillars of the EU shall influence the economic situation of the entire European Union. Brexit is also a crack in the EU image as an organization cherishing the values of solidarity and humanism. Individual interests of particular member states can be a contagious example.
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Glinkowska‑Krauze, Beata, Viacheslav Chebotarov, and Iegor Chebotarov. "National Business Cultures as a System‑forming Factor of the “Lublin Triangle”." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 25, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.25.09.
Full textAbstract:
Considering the evolution of the scientific knowledge on the topic the authors define “national business cultures” as a complex interdisciplinary basic phenomenon of modern comparative studies and international entrepreneurship. Using the accepted in the world comparative studies methodology – indicative parameters of national business cultures and considering the authors’ corresponding empirical developments a systematic comparative analysis of the national business cultures of the founding countries of the new cooperation platform in Central and Eastern Europe – the “Lublin Triangle” (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine) – is carried out. The close similarity and wide complementarity of the national business cultures of these countries are revealed. This is largely predetermined not only by their common, centuries‑old history, but also by a number of other institutional and economic factors, as well as natural conditions. The priority sectors and spheres of integration of the three countries are determined both at the interstate level and at the level of the interaction of their business structures. Implementing this approach will ensure an increase in the competitive positions of Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine and, as a result, the Lublin Triangle as a whole, in the system of the modern international division of labor. Based on the similarity and complementarity of the national business cultures, a group of other countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Latvia, Estonia, Slovakia, Romania, and Bulgaria) was selected. Under certain conditions, they could also become members of the Lublin Triangle, which would further strengthen and develop the European Union.
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Tiganasu, Ramona, Gabriela Pascariu, and Dan Lupu. "Competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption: evidence from Central and Eastern European countries." Oeconomia Copernicana 13, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 667–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/oc.2022.020.
Full textAbstract:
Research background: The transformations induced by global challenges call for new approaches towards competitiveness and thus require a consistent rethinking of strategies and mechanisms so that they could be better adapted to the constantly changing context. Prior to the European Union (EU) accession, the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states began a broad process of economic reforms, including trade liberalization, mass privatization, exchange rate liberalization, all of which led to a wider opening to new markets, the creation of new opportunities for production and to ensuring the competitiveness of companies on foreign markets. By far, the most important step in the post-communist period was joining the EU, achieved after 2004. Over time, these states have faced, on the one hand, issues related to addressing systemic vulnerabilities, and on the other hand, finding the most appropriate measures to induce competitiveness. The influence of public policies on competitiveness is still an issue that needs to be debated, our study proposing to examine the reaction of external competitiveness to the increase of government spending and corruption. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of fiscal policies and corruption on the external competitiveness of the eleven countries from Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) for the period 1995?2020. The choice of this time interval is to better capture the trinomial relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption before and after the process of integration of the CEE states into the EU. Methods: The methodology chosen is based on ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lag) with structural breaks, the period taken into account being 1995?2020. The Unit root test of augmented Dickey?Fuller ADF (2016) was used to assess the time series stationarity. The test developed by Bai and Perron (2003) is applied to detect structural breaks, by resorting to the LM test. The tests for the cointegration between the considered variables, using the ARDL model, proposed by Pesaran et al. (2001), were also part of the research. The causality test of Granger et al. (2000) was used to assess the conditionality between the indicators. By applying these methods, it was highlighted that, especially after 2007, in the states under analysis, expansionary fiscal policies have led to internal devaluations of the currency, which ultimately increased external competitiveness, measured as real effective exchange rate. Instead, corruption has a negative impact on competitiveness. Findings & value added: The obtained results point out the relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption in CEE countries. In the case of those that have a high competitiveness, even if there are large government expenditures, there is also an economic environment conducive to the implementation of measures that generate added value on a large scale. Conversely, in countries where corruption is high, the impact of government fiscal policies on competitiveness is reduced due to the negative effects caused by this phenomenon. Our study brings at least two contributions to the literature. First of all, the research shows how a growth in public spending affects the competitiveness of CEE economies through the real exchange rate. Secondly, it takes into account the phenomenon of corruption applied to Eastern countries, emphasizing a decrease in the external competitiveness of these economies in response to the manifestation of corruption.
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Frieden, Jeffry A. "Invested interests: the politics of national economic policies in a world of global finance." International Organization 45, no. 4 (1991): 425–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033178.
Full textAbstract:
Capital moves more rapidly across national borders now than it has in at least fifty years and perhaps in history. This article examines the effects of capital mobility on different groups in national societies and on the politics of economic policymaking. It begins by emphasizing that while financial markets are highly integrated within the developed world, many investments are still quite specific with respect to firm, sector, or location. It then argues that contemporary levels of international capital mobility have a differential impact on socioeconomic groups. Over the long run, increased capital mobility tends to favor owners of capital over other groups. In the shorter run, owners and workers in specific sectors in capital-exporting countries bear much of the burden of adjusting to increased capital mobility. These patterns can be expected to lead to political divisions about whether or not to encourage or increase international capital market integration. The article then demonstrates that capital mobility also affects the politics of other economic policies. Most centrally, it shifts debate toward the exchange rate as an intermediate or ultimate policy instrument. In this context, it tends to pit groups that favor exchange rate stability against groups that are more concerned about national monetary policy autonomy and therefore less concerned about exchange rate stability. Similarly, it tends to drive a wedge between groups that favor an appreciated exchange rate and groups that favor a depreciated one. These divisions have important implications for such economic policies as European monetary and currency union, the dollar-yen exchange rate, and international macroeconomic policy coordination.
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Keil, Soeren. "The Business of State Capture and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201004.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will discuss the rise of authoritarian tendencies in the political systems of Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. In all four countries, certain parties and political elites have become entrenched in the political system, and have been able to enhance their grip on power, often beyond, and in some cases through, constitutional frameworks. It will discuss how forms of state capture have enabled political elites to position themselves in a situation in which they not only control the political decision-making institutions, but also exercise excessive influence on the economic and social systems of these systems in transitional states. By extending their networks of patronage, limiting political access for opponents, and holding strong control over media and the judiciary, these elites have been able to develop semi-authoritarian systems, which utilise democratic elections to confirm their long-term dominance, veiling them in a veneer of legitimacy. This rise of electoral authoritarianism – and in turn illiberal democracy – is not only linked to the political actions of certain parties and elites, but also results from the political, social and economic changes that the countries under investigation have faced in recent years. What is more, the so-called transformative power of eu integration has failed to hinder or deter the rise of these new authoritarian regimes. The paper will progress in three main steps: In the first part, a theoretical framework will be introduced, by focusing on theories of democratization and authoritarian back-sliding. In the second part, the four countries under investigation will be discussed in more detail, to highlight why there has been an increase in authoritarian practices across these four countries. This section will also discuss how these authoritarian tendencies play out in practice and how they have been undermining the consolidation of liberal democracy. Finally, in the conclusion it will be discussed what the European Union (eu) and other actors could do in order to support those forces that focus on democratic governance in these countries, and make the accession process truly transformative.
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Khan, Shoaib. "Eurasian Connectivity: Interests of Regional and Great Powers." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-126-141.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the structure of trading networks in Eurasia and raises important questions on the relationship between these networks and the geopolitical contexts they navigate. Obviously, the geopolitical ambitions of multiple nation-states directly affect the lives and activities of the traders. Besides, nation-states also seek to instrumentally use the trading networks and communities that operate across their territories in order to expand their geopolitical reach and influence. The ultimate goal of these efforts is to dismantle trade barriers among regional players and invigorate intra-regional trade and investments in such a spirit that it would serve their interests. This leaves researchers and analysts wondering whether there is a need for connectivity in Eurasia and how it can be achieved. Which countries are participating in these projects, and what strategies have they adopted? In this article, the author answers the above questions with the help of the relevant maps reflecting the geopolitical interests of major powers and trade statistical reports. The author analyses the institutional arrangements and frameworks created by regional and great powers of Eurasia with special focus on the ambitions of Russia, the European Union, China, Central Asian states, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and India. Neighboring states may take up an interest in developing overland and maritime trade routes. However, to unlock the potential of regional economic cooperation there are conditions to fulfill, such as favorable economic context and political circumstances or the decision by the governments striving to unlock the potential of their economies through cooperation with the neighbors. Naturally, the Eurasian space has room for most players to participate rather than be self-sufficient, with all of them standing to benefit from increased connectivity. Thus, this article offers a broad note on connectivity issues in Eurasia, which denotes physical and non-physical linkages between continental geographies, polities, economies, and populations. Despite the potential benefits of securing a higher level of connectivity in Eurasia, related initiatives have become a competitive factor. Eurasian powers, both great and regional, have made no secret of their goals to reshape regional and continental integration in accordance with their interests.
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Khan, Shoaib. "Eurasian Connectivity: Interests of Regional and Great Powers." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-126-141.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the structure of trading networks in Eurasia and raises important questions on the relationship between these networks and the geopolitical contexts they navigate. Obviously, the geopolitical ambitions of multiple nation-states directly affect the lives and activities of the traders. Besides, nation-states also seek to instrumentally use the trading networks and communities that operate across their territories in order to expand their geopolitical reach and influence. The ultimate goal of these efforts is to dismantle trade barriers among regional players and invigorate intra-regional trade and investments in such a spirit that it would serve their interests. This leaves researchers and analysts wondering whether there is a need for connectivity in Eurasia and how it can be achieved. Which countries are participating in these projects, and what strategies have they adopted? In this article, the author answers the above questions with the help of the relevant maps reflecting the geopolitical interests of major powers and trade statistical reports. The author analyses the institutional arrangements and frameworks created by regional and great powers of Eurasia with special focus on the ambitions of Russia, the European Union, China, Central Asian states, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and India. Neighboring states may take up an interest in developing overland and maritime trade routes. However, to unlock the potential of regional economic cooperation there are conditions to fulfill, such as favorable economic context and political circumstances or the decision by the governments striving to unlock the potential of their economies through cooperation with the neighbors. Naturally, the Eurasian space has room for most players to participate rather than be self-sufficient, with all of them standing to benefit from increased connectivity. Thus, this article offers a broad note on connectivity issues in Eurasia, which denotes physical and non-physical linkages between continental geographies, polities, economies, and populations. Despite the potential benefits of securing a higher level of connectivity in Eurasia, related initiatives have become a competitive factor. Eurasian powers, both great and regional, have made no secret of their goals to reshape regional and continental integration in accordance with their interests.