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1

Zreik, Mohamad. "China and Europe in Africa: Competition or Cooperation?" Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.3.

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This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.
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Metea, Ileana-Gentilia. "Cyprus, an Unresolved Issue of the European Union." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0021.

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Abstract The Republic of Cyprus is an island from the extreme north of the Mediterranean Sea, is situated at the intersection of Europe, Asia and Africa, 75 km south of Turkey, 105 km west of Syria, 300 km north of Egypt and 800 km east of Greece. As a state form, it is a presidential republic, and is part of the European Union (since May 2004) the Euro Zone (2008), the World Trade Organization - WTO (1995), the International Monetary Fund (1962) 1962), the Council of Europe (1961), the Commonwealth (1961). Cyprus has an unresolved internal situation for a long time
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Sviashchenko, Zinaida. "Migration Policy of the European Union on the Countries of Northern Africa." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.67-83.

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The article is devoted to the actual issues of the European Union migration policy with regard to the countries of North Africa. Indeed, the intensive migration movement that has recently taken place in Europe has forced the EU to develop a new, adequate migration policy that would be able to effectively address the problems encountered in this area. The reasons and the current state of migration processes are investigated. The main directions and areas of regulation of migration processes in the European Union concerning the countries of North Africa are highlighted. In particular, attention is drawn to such an important direction of the EU migration policy as the fight against illegal migration. The main problems of regulation of migration processes, in particular, labor migrants and refugees, are outlined. The substantial quantitative and qualitative changes that have taken place in the migration processes from the countries of North Africa to Europe have been analyzed. The general economic consequences of migration from the countries of North Africa for donor countries and recipient countries are described. Attention is drawn to the issue of professional training of Africans for further employment in the EU. It is concluded that migration in the EU countries plays a special role due to the aging of the population in European countries and the need to attract labor from third countries. Migration flows between the countries of North Africa and the EU are particularly intense. This is due to the geographical proximity of these regions, as well as close economic, political and cultural ties. Among the priority areas of the EU migration policy, such as border management and the return of illegal migrants to their homeland, convergence of Member States practice in strengthening the common European regime, sharing responsibilities and ensuring the acceptance of refugees with their further resettlement among EU member states.
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Mizerska-Wrotkowska, Małgorzata. "Dylematy unijnej polityki sąsiedztwa oraz wyzwania dla polityki zewnętrznej UE na Bliskim Wschodzie, Afryce Północnej i Ameryce Łacińskiej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2015 (June 28, 2015): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.15.5.

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The purpose of this article is to analyse the challenges for EU foreign policy in three of its geographical areas of interest, which I treat here as case studies: in North Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. The research challenge here is to answer the following questions: 1) How can the European Neighbourhood Policy be made more effective? 2) What lies behind the lack of consistency in EU policy towards the Arab states? 3) What are the challenges facing the European Union in North Africa? 4) What part does the European Union play in the Middle East peace process – and what part should it play? 5) What is the European Union’s role in resolving the crisis in Syria? 6) What are the limitations of EU policy in Latin America? The article undertakes a comparative analysis and is based on analysis and criticism of source material
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Romeo, Isabel. "The European union and North Africa: Keeping the Mediterranean ‘safe’ for Europe." Mediterranean Politics 3, no. 2 (September 1998): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399808414652.

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Diawol, Anna. "Evolution of European Union’s policy towards the Mediterranean region." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 45 (May 2, 2012): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/45/2386.

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This paper examines some specific problem in Euro Mediterranean relation. Author decided to concentrate on two main issues: the characteristics of the institutions of the Union for the Mediterranean, indicating similarities and differences in the Euro-Mediterranean programs and the presentation of specific new initiatives. The author will also summarize the main possible positions in the ongoing debates about the need to reform the European Union addressed to the countries of North Africa and the Middle East.
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Boubaker, K., A. Colantoni, and E. Allegrini. "Renewable Energy in Eastern North Africa in Terms of Patterns of Coupling to Czisch European HVDC Super Grid." International Journal of Renewable Energy Development 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2013): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ijred.2.2.125-129.

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In this study, wind energy potential and perspectives in the eastern North Africa region (Tunisia) have been investigated in terms of connectivity to the projected Czisch European HVDC super grid. A simplified extracted scheme of this grid has been used as a guide to optimize transportation efficiency through the whole net. Wind, as an available and easily exploitable renewable energy was showing to have a promising future for 2025 horizon in the context of a connected net with the European Union, despite local sub-grids disparities. This is also to emphasis HVDC technology adequacy for economical power transmission over very long distances andconnection between differently established grids.
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Khalifa, Mahmoud. "THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN UNION POLICIES TO COUNTER ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION IN NORTH AFRICA." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 8, no. 3 (2022): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2283429k.

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Piwowarska, Sara. "Unia Europejska wobec konfliktów i przemian społeczno-politycznych w regionie MENA w XX i XXI wieku." Świat Idei i Polityki 17, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201801.

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The countries of the Middle East and North Africa are one of the main areas of interest of the European Union, and the main determinants of mutual relations are primarily the economy and security policy. The aim of the article is to show how the position of the European Union is shaped in relation to the main challenges and threats in this region, to which the Israeli-Arabic conflict, the Palestinian issue and the so-called Arab Spring, as well as the escalation of the conflict in Syria and the problem of international terrorism.
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Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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CHIARAMONTE, M., A. PUPO, T. MENEGON, V. BALDO, R. MALATESTA, and R. TRIVELLO. "HBV and HCV infection among non-European Union immigrants in North-East Italy." Epidemiology and Infection 121, no. 1 (August 1998): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268898001034.

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The status of hepatitis B virus (HBV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection among non-European Union (non-EU) immigrants in North-East Italy was evaluated. Among the 1683 individuals tested the prevalence of HBsAg was 8·9% (150 subjects) and of HBV antibodies (anti-HBc with/without anti-HBs) was 38·9% (654 subjects). The distribution of HBV serological markers showed significant differences according to region of origin; the highest prevalence of infection (76·9%) and carriage (16·1%) was found in immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa. Among the 933 individuals screened for HCV infection, prevalence of antibody was much lower (0·9%) than that observed in the Italian general population (3·2–12·6%). The large number of HBV carriers among immigrants could increase the number of new adult infections due to life-style habits or professional risks in the host population. In contrast, the risk of HCV spread from non-EU immigrants is very low.
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Durac, Vincent. "The European Union in Yemen: The Triumph of Pragmatism over Normativity?" European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (December 1, 2010): 645–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010046.

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While much has been written concerning the engagement of the European Union (EU) with North Africa and the Middle East, the case of Yemen has rarely been considered. This is in spite of the perception that a ‘perfect storm’ of authoritarian rule, internal conflict, resource depletion, and radical Islamism could result in the emergence of significant regional and international security threats from the country. This paper examines the role of the EU in Yemen in the context of a series of major socio-economic and political challenges facing the country and the absence of an effective state response. The paper argues for the existence of a pragmatic core to the policies and interventions of the EU, which belies its rhetorically normative stance.
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Dayıoğlu, Hüseyin. "Avrupa Birliği İle Birleşik Krallık Arasındaki Ticaret Hacmi." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 8, no. 16 (August 24, 2022): 576–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.8.16.39.

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Its long imperial history and its strong position in the international system still influence the United Kingdom today. Throughout its history, the Kingdom has established intensive relations with its colonies in North and South America, Asia, Australia and Africa, and has experienced numerous long and bloody wars in Europe. This situation has led to the fact that the kingdom has established more relations with other continents compared to Europe. Due to its political stance, geographical characteristics and traditional status, the kingdom has never been a prominent country in the European Union, of which it became a member in 1973. The other countries of the union considered the kingdom insufficient in many respects to be considered an integral member from a structural point of view. Key Words: United Kingdom, European Union, Trade Volume
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ARAKJİ, Abdul Aziz. "The Impact of the refugees on the European Union and Coronavirus Affects." MAS Journal Of Applied Sciences 7, no. 11 (March 10, 2022): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52520/masjaps.201.

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The future of the European Union been at a high risk ever since the Syrian war, large number of refugees from the Middle East and North Africa began to flee into Europe with the Open-Door policy, a policy that led to trouble within the European Union. There were negative affects to such a policy that led certain countries to raise awareness and negative policies to limit the refugees, The United States of America made the situation more difficult with their interest in the European Natural resources and trade deals that could benefit the US on the long term. EU members started suffering from financial instability due to the large numbers of migrant and Covid-19 made it worse, there were two phases of the European instability, it is the before and after the Coronavirus, since many policies targeted those who were not benefiting the EU.
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Eyebiyi, Elieth, and Eugène Allossoukpo. "Return Migrants Reintegration Projects in West Africa: Critical Notes on the Sahel." Journal of US-Africa Studies International Journal of US and African Studies 1, no. 1 (2019): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21846251/jouri1.

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Migration issue is more than ever on the agenda of global concerns, particularly with regard to Africa, even though human mobility remains essentially internal on the African continent and rooted in centuries-old circulatory traditions. While a large literature emphasizes the criminalization of migration from the South to the North, but also the policies of outsourcing borders and the control of flows, the links between migration and development are still poorly studied, particularly with regard to the returnees, expelled and other categories (re) integration. However, return migrants are often at the heart of different logics and realities in tension, especially in the context of various reintegration projects, with mixed results. This paper contributes to rethink critically the public policies of reintegration of return migrants in Sub-Saharan Africa as a component of the European Union governance of migration, and in a context of regional free movement promotion. It is based on a combined analysis of some projects implemented as part of the transfer of European migration governance policies and measuring the scope, but also their inconsistencies.
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Herdi Sahrasad and Ibnu Rusyd. "Political Islam, European Muslim and Terrorism Issues: A Reflection." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 8, no. 3 (September 7, 2021): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v8i3.153.

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In the period 2014-2015, the European Union was shaken by the influx of migrants from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Balkans (Eastern Europe) who increasingly flooded the western region of the white continent. In a March 2015 report, UNHCR said the conflicts in Iraq and Syria brought the number of asylum seekers in Western countries in 2014 to the highest level in 22 years. There were an estimated 866,000 asylum seekers in 2014. That number is a 45 percent increase compared to 2013. And, during the 2014-16 refugee crisis from the Middle East and Africa, millions of refugee flows from the Middle East and Africa were rejected. In this regard, Olivier Roy sees that in Europe itself there is a danger of radical Islamism, a Muslim terrorism movement that undermines European peace and undermines Western trust on Muslim communities and political Islam. This paper explains Roy's perspective and Islamic radicalism in Europe which does not benefit the position and image of Muslims in Europe and the West in general.
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Sidaway, James D. "The (Geo)Politics of Regional Integration: The Example of the Southern African Development Community." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16, no. 5 (October 1998): 549–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d160549.

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Although mindful of the context of debates about a global tendency towards the formation of regional communities [of which the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), and the European Union (EU) are examples] the author focuses on the nature of regional integration in Southern Africa. In turn, however, the example of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is used to reflect on a number of broader theoretical issues concerning discourses and processes of regional integration. The author notes how, in the early 1980s, the forerunner to the SADC was born (in part) out of a struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa. Today, the organisation includes the ‘new’ (postapartheid) South Africa and has accordingly shifted its avowed rationale away from an alliance against apartheid towards a scheme for regional integration, ‘development’, and reconstruction. Moving beyond these claims and drawing on interviews, journalistic sources, and official documentation the author seeks to understand the SADC's role as a diplomatic entity—and as operating within the same logics of power as the postcolonial African state.
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Timakova, Olga. "European Union interaction with South-Eastern Mediterranean: From “Ring of friends” to “Ring of fire”." Asia and Africa Today, no. 2 (2022): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015837-2.

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The Mediterranean region is key in the policy of the European Union, and the countries of the Middle East and North Africa are singled out in the group of Southern neighbors. Over the past decade, the region has undergone a profound transformation. Large-scale challenges - political instability, terrorism, migration, environmental problems and natural disasters - are beyond control. Crisis trends in the Middle East and most of North and Central Africa cause unpredictable and, most importantly, significant side effects that affect not only the security and stability of Europe, but also the functioning of the world system. Destabilizing events have led to the fact that the Mediterranean is now viewed as a source of existential threats. Moreover instability in the Southeast Mediterranean has dramatically changed the EU's perspective of the regional partners from a “ring of friends” to “a ring of fire”. This trend is recognized at the official level in the states of Europe, as well as in the EU and NATO. The lack of progress in various EU Euro-Mediterranean Partnership initiatives since the onset of the Arab Spring crises has resulted in a loss of MENA public confidence in EU. The article examines the conceptual foundations of the European Union for their policy towards the countries of the Southeast Me-diterranean, as well as identify the key EU approaches in countering the threats and challenges that arise in the region.
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Bchir, Mohamed Hedi, Hakim Ben Hammouda, Mondher Mimouni, and Xavier Pichot. "The Necessity to Balance the Barcelona Process : Economic Integration between North Africa and the European Union." Journal of Economic Integration 26, no. 2 (June 15, 2011): 329–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2011.26.2.329.

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Beattie, Pauline, and Moses Bockarie. "THE NINTH FORUM OF THE EUROPEAN & DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CLINICAL TRIALS PARTNERSHIP." BMJ Global Health 4, Suppl 3 (April 2019): A1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-edc.1.

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The EDCTP community meets biennially to share research findings, plan new partnerships and collaborations, and discuss maximising impact from EDCTP-funded research. In 2018, the Ninth EDCTP Forum took place in Lisbon, Portugal, from 17–21 September 2018. The Lisbon meeting was the largest international conference focusing on clinical research on poverty-related infectious diseases in sub-Saharan Africa. It started with a strong commitment, from European and African EDCTP member countries, for a successor programme to EDCTP2 (2014–2024). It provided a platform for the presentation of project results and discussion of progress in clinical research and capacity strengthening in sub-Saharan Africa.The theme of the Ninth Forum was ‘Clinical research and sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa: the impact of North-South partnerships’. This reflected not only the broader scope of a larger EDCTP research programme but also the growing awareness of the need for global cooperation to prepare for public health emergencies and strengthen health systems. The theme highlighted the impact of Europe-Africa partnerships supporting clinical research and the clinical research environment, towards achieving the sustainable development goals in sub-Saharan Africa.A central topic of the Forum was the discussion of the character and scope of an EDCTP successor programme, which should start in 2021 under the next European Framework Programme for Research and Innovation, Horizon Europe. On 17 September, a high-level meeting on this topic took place immediately before the opening of the Forum1. On 19 September, the plenary session continued this discussion through a panel of representatives of strategic partners. There was consensus on the added value of the programme for Europe and the countries in sub-Saharan Africa and political commitment to a successor programme. Poverty-related infectious diseases and a partnership approach will remain central to the programme. There was also a general awareness that all participating countries would need to engage more strongly with a successor programme, both in its governance and in their financial contributions to its objectives.The Forum hosted 550 participants from more than 50’countries. The programme consisted of keynote addresses by policy makers, research leaders, and prominent speakers from Europe and Africa in 5 plenary presentations. There were 9 symposia, 45 oral presentations in parallel sessions, and 74 electronic poster presentations. Abstracts of the plenary, oral and poster presentations are published in this supplement to BMJ Global Health.EDCTP is proud of its contribution to strengthening clinical research capacity in Africa, with more than 400 postgraduate students and 56 EDCTP fellows supported under the first EDCTP programme. The second programme developed a comprehensive fellowship scheme. More than 100 EDCTP fellows (former and current) participated in a one-day pre-conference to discuss the further development of our Alumni Network launched in 2017. The Forum also offered scholarships to many early and mid-career researchers from sub-Saharan Africa and Europe. With the support of the European Union, EDCTP member countries and sponsors, they were able to present results of their studies and meet colleagues from Africa and Europe.The Forum also provided the appropriate platform for recognising individual and team achievements through the four EDCTP 2018 Prizes. With the support of the European Union, EDCTP recognised outstanding individuals and research teams from Africa and Europe. In addition to their scientific excellence, the awardees made major contributions to the EDCTP objectives of clinical research capacity development in Africa and establishing research networks between North and South as well as within sub-Saharan Africa.Dr Pascoal Mocumbi Prize Professor Souleyman Mboup (Professor of Microbiology, University of Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar; Head of the Bacteriology-Virology Laboratory of CHU Le Dantec, Dakar; and President of IRESSEF, Senegal) was recognised for his outstanding achievements in advancing health research and capacity development in Africa.Outstanding Research Team Prize The prize was awarded to the team of the CHAPAS (Children with HIV in Africa – Pharmacokinetics and acceptability of simple antiretroviral regimens) studies, led by Professor Diana Gibb (MRC Clinical Trials Unit, United Kingdom).Outstanding Female Scientist Prize The prize was awarded to Professor Gita Ramjee (Chief Specialist Scientist and Director of the HIV Prevention Research Unit of the South African Medical Research Council, Durban, South Africa) for her outstanding contributions to her field.Scientific Leadership Prize The prize was awarded to Professor Keertan Dheda (Head of the Centre for Lung Infection and Immunity and Head of the Division of Pulmonology at Groote Schuur Hospital and the University of Cape Town, South Africa) for his research contributions and leadership.Partnership is at the core of the EDCTP mission. In the year before the Forum, Nigeria and Ethiopia were welcomed as the newest member countries of the EDCTP Association, while Angola became an aspirant member. Partnership was also demonstrated by the many stakeholders who enriched the programme by organising scientific symposia, collaborative sessions and workshops. We thank our sponsors Novartis, Merck, the European Union, the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Germany), the Institute of Health Carlos III (Spain), the National Alliance for Life Sciences and Health (France), the Medical Research Council (United Kingdom), the Swedish International Development Agency (Sweden), ClinaPharm (African CRO), the Deutsche Stiftung Weltbevölkerung (Germany), The Global Health Network (United Kingdom), PATH, and ScreenTB. We gratefully acknowledge the support of our partners and hosts of the Forum, the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology and the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.The tenth EDCTP Forum will take place in sub-Saharan Africa in 2020.
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Zgurić, Borna, and Lidija Kos-Stanišić. "The Transformation of Political Systems in North Africa and Central America." Političke perspektive 8, no. 1-2 (April 25, 2019): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.8.1-2.01.

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From the very beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in the winter of 2010, different authors drew parallels with the fall of communism and the democratization of Eastern Europe in 1989/1991. Even the name given to the political processes of the 2010 in North Africa was similar to the names of the political changes in communist Eastern Europe. The Eastern Europe parallel was strongly emphasized and the arguments that accompany it do carry some weight. However, this paper claims that because of the specificity of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe, its comparison to the Arab Spring is not completely adequate. Eastern Europe went through a triple transition and was later heavily influenced by the allure to join the European Union, unlike North Africa. Therefore, this paper stipulates that the Arab Spring is more adequately compared to the democratization of Central America then the democratization of Eastern Europe.
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Sadomovskaya, M. E. "Legal Aspects of Combating Terrorism Financing and Money Laundering using Informal Money Transfer Systems in the European Union." Actual Problems of Russian Law 15, no. 7 (August 7, 2020): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2020.116.7.169-179.

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Currently, in the European Union, in addition to traditional money transfer systems (bank transfers, Western Union, etc.), informal (alternative) systems have spread. The most famous and widespread is hawala, which originated in South Asia many centuries ago, long before the banking system, and is still the most familiar and convenient mechanism for transferring funds in several regions of North Africa and the Middle East. Hawala operates outside the regulated banking and financial sector primarily through a complex settlement system: there is no actual transfer of funds within this system. In most countries, hawala is not regulated by law and is not subject to government supervision. All these factors contribute to the increased risk of money laundering and terrorist financing (ML/TF risk). The paper examines the key characteristics of hawala, its types, circumstances that caused its spread, the features of the system’s functioning, and overviews the main measures of the European Union aimed at reducing the risk of ML / TF, which are a characteristic of hawala.
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Amrani, Saâd, and Najib Lairini. "Le Maghreb dans le système régional et international : crises et mutations." Études internationales 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702843ar.

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As the 1980s drew to a close in the Maghreb, old plans for unification were dusted off with the creation of the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), an organization bringing together all five countries of North Africa : Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya. This article seeks to analyze this new dynamic of regional integration by emphasizing its significance, its characteristics, its scope, and its limits. We express the hypothesis according to which the process of the Maghreb 's integration has been set in motion largely by the crisis in the inter-Arab System. Above all else, it represents a response to the constraints implicit in the push towards European union.
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Magalhães, Manuela, and Ana Campina. "Migrants and Refugees in European Union: “Warm Peace”, Human Rights Education and Political Sustainability." Journal of Education and Training Studies 6, no. 11a (November 29, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v6i11a.3798.

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Considering the EU position and their state member facing serious Human Rights violation as well as a political complex diplomatic development (inside and outside) the European context. Holocaust has obliged millions of European citizens to “escape” from their own countries to be able to survive. The political consequences of this movement were controlled based on the diplomacy considering the war context and each state “position”. Due the most different reasons, along the 20th century the migration in, from and to Europe was an important and strong social movement but without a negative global political impact but economical. However, the last decade, especially after 2010 with the “Spring Arab” revolutions in Middle East and North Africa, Europe has been the destination of millions - illegal migrants and Refugees.
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Da Costa Mangueira, Ana Beatriz, and Filipe Reis Melo. "Acordos entre Espanha e países do Norte da África como mecanismos de controle das migrações irregulares nos anos 2000 | Agreements between Spain and North African countries as a mechanism of irregular migration control in the 2000s." Mural Internacional 12 (October 10, 2021): e59962. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.59962.

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Este artigo analisa como a Espanha securitizou fluxos migratórios irregulares do Norte da África na primeira década dos anos 2000. Esse processo realizou-se com medidas de segurança nas fronteiras, especialmente nas regiões de Ceuta e Melila. Por outro lado, os governos espanhóis ao longo daquela década reavivaram acordos firmados com os africanos ainda nos anos 1990 para readmissão de migrantes e para admissão de indivíduos no mercado de trabalho espanhol. A relação entre Espanha e países africanos foi contraditória, pois enquanto se buscava conter as migrações indesejadas, pretendia-se usar a mão de obra estrangeira para reduzir os custos trabalhistas. Essas contradições são influenciadas pela presença da União Europeia que delibera e atua na temática de migrações na região, um assunto que tem sido um dos principais interesses da agenda de segurança europeia nos últimos anos. Palavras-Chave: Espanha. Fluxos migratórios. Norte da África. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses how Spain securitized irregular migratory flows from North Africa in the 2000s first decade. This process was carried out by security actions at the borders, specially at Ceuta and Melilla regions. On other hand, over the years of 2000s Spanish governments renewed agreements that were signed with Africans in the 1990s to foster readmission of migrants and promote the admission of individuals to the Spanish labor market. Furthermore, the relationship between Spain and African countries was inconsistent due to the fact that at the moment which the contention of unwanted migration was the focus, it was intended to use foreign labor to reduce labor costs. These contradictions are influenced by the presence of the European Union, which deliberates and acts on the issue of migration in the region, a subject that has been one of the main interests of the European security agenda in recent years. Keywords: Spain. Migration flows. North Africa. Recebido em: 24 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 01 out. 2021.
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Pace, Michelle, and Francesco Cavatorta. "The Post-normative Turn in European Union (EU)-Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Relations: An Introduction." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (December 1, 2010): 581–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010042.

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Akuru, Udochukwu B., Ogbonnaya I. Okoro, and Chibuike F. Maduko. "Harnessing Nigeria’s abundant solar energy potential using the DESERTEC model." Journal of Energy in Southern Africa 26, no. 3 (September 23, 2015): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3051/2016/v26i3a2148.

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The DESERTEC project, a European Union (EU) initiative to harness solar energy by means of Concentrated Solar Power (CSP) from Africa for use in Europe, shows the enormous potential that exists in alternative energy sources for the sub-region once there is political will. The Trans-Mediterranean Renewable Energy Corporation (TREC), a network of scientists and politicians who have taken it upon themselves to solve Europe’s energy problem using sun from Africa, conducted three studies which evaluated the potential of renewable energy resources in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the expected needs for water and power in EU-MENA between now and 2050 and issues relating to the construction of an electricity transmission grid connecting the EU and MENA (EU-MENA-Connection), with a formula to turn the North African desert sun into electricity and transport same to Europe. This paper harnesses the TREC fact-finding studies in order to estimate how much the same ideas can be applied in many other parts of the world, Nigeria in particular. Investigation reveals that this association exists with huge potentials for an energy-starved country like Nigeria in harnessing her abundant hot sun in the north, which could go a long way in meeting the energy needs in that part of the country and beyond. Other benefits include unlimited supplies of clean electricity, agricultural gains, and creation of new industries, new jobs and new sources of income.
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Ollick, Stephan F. H. "The European Union in the Mediterranean Sea: Navigating the Political-Legal Shallows." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 21, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13894633_021001009.

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The Mediterranean Sea has long been an important and perilous route for international migrants from the coast of North Africa to the European Union (EU). Manygrants and refugees travelling on overcrowded and unseaworthy dinghies do not survive the crossing. Rising numbers of fatalities put pressure on the EU to address the Mediterranean tragedy with renewed urgency. Frontex Operation Triton (2014–) and the naval mission eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA (2015–) were launched to survey and influence migratory flows. Although thousands of migrants and refugees have thus been delivered from distress at sea, casualty rates remain staggeringly high. Some commentators and organizations have dismissed Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA as vehicles of an isolationist political agenda. This overlooks the narrow legal, political and practical confines within which these initiatives operate. Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA seek to attain a level of control necessary for the delayed implementation of more ambitious and forward-looking schemes. The unsophisticated, temporary nature of the regime complex currently governing the EU’s activities in the Mediterranean Sea manifests in ambiguous language, in frequent and disparate amendments, and in the brevity of the mandates thus dispensed.
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Beneking, Andreas, Saskia Ellenbeck, and Antonella Battaglini. "Renewable energy cooperation between the EU and North Africa." International Journal of Energy Sector Management 10, no. 3 (September 5, 2016): 312–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijesm-11-2014-0005.

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Purpose Following the issuance of the Renewable Energy Directive in 2009, the European Union (EU) is explicitly pushing for member states to cooperate with third countries to meet their EU 2020 targets. So far, no single joint project is planned or in place yet. This paper aims to look at the opportunities for and barriers to possible RE exports from North Africa into the EU through the concept of a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) analysis. Design/methodology/approach Thus, the SWOT for a possible implementation of Article 9 projects are analyzed using expert and stakeholder knowledge. A qualitative assessment was undertaken using data collected through one stakeholder workshop in North Africa, in-depth interviews and a qualitative literature review. The analysis was structured within a three-tier analyzing concept distinguishing between macro, micro and acceptance parameters. Findings From the SWOT analysis, some lessons are drawn, future possible measures are identified and conclusions for policymakers are discussed. The authors find that no easy solutions exist as most parameters can be both a strength and a weakness or a threat and an opportunity at the same time depending on future developments and the specific ideological perspective. Originality/value This paper provides new information and analysis of renewable energy sources projects in North Africa – application of the SWOT method on Article 9 cooperation projects – application of a three-tier analysis to cope with the complexity of the topic – taking into account often neglected socio-political aspects such as public acceptance.
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Odine, Maurice. "Cross-Cultural Communication for Business in Era of Globalization." Studies in Media and Communication 6, no. 1 (May 25, 2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v6i1.3298.

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The paper addresses the foundation of cross-cultural communication and its relation to global business. Shina Neo (2015) states that, humans take for granted their communication with one another, stating, “In a multicultural organization, how employees communicate can set the tone.” Populations in North Africa and the Middle East believe in “external control” over destiny, meaning events are predetermined. In Japan, the productivity movement is based on respect for humanity, which is focused on cooperation. John-ren Chen and Christian Smekal (2004) argue that liberalizing international markets creates foreign capital and foreign investment. Concurring in support of global business are the European Union and African Union, Organization of American States and Caribbean Basin, plus the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. Furthering cross-cultural communication and global business is new information technology. Meanwhile, the latter has dismantled territorial boundaries. Nilüfer Karacasulu (2007) in, “Security and Globalization in the Context of International Terrorism,” admits globalization is a challenge facing governments since the 1980s. Sougar, Grainger, and Hedges (1999) affirm culture is an interaction of values, attitudes and behaviors.
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Martynov, A. "The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union: the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-7.

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The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.
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Nascimbene, Bruno, Bruno Nascimbene, and Alessia Di Pascale. "The ‘Arab Spring’ and the Extraordinary Influx of People who Arrived in Italy from North Africa." European Journal of Migration and Law 13, no. 4 (2011): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181611x605855.

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Abstract The ‘Arab spring’ which spread in early 2011 and the consequent exceptional influx of people that arrived on the Italian coasts from North Africa put the national reception and asylum systems under particular pressure, also raising the debate on the status to be attributed to these people. Faced with a situation out of the ordinary, Italy immediately addressed a request for help to the European Union, which has revealed the difference of views and mistrust existing between Member States in relation to these issues. This episode also calls into question the scope and effectiveness of the EU migration management framework, particularly in case of strong and unexpected pressure, and its implementation in a true spirit of solidarity.
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Borlea, Sorin Nicolae, Codruta Mare, Monica Violeta Achim, and Adriana Puscas. "Direction of Causality Between Financial Development and Economic Growth. Evidence for Developing Countries." Studia Universitatis „Vasile Goldis” Arad – Economics Series 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sues-2016-0006.

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Abstract The results of extensive studies that analyzed the existence and meaning of correlations between the economic growth and the financial market development lead us to a more thorough study of these correlations. Therefore, we performed a broad study of the developing countries from around the world (the developing part of each region constructed by the World Bank through its Statistics Bureau). The regions taken into analysis were: Europe and Central Asia, South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, the Arab world, Latin America & and the Caribbean, the Middle East and North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa. For comparison purposes, we have also included in the sample the North American countries, the Euro Area and the European Union as a whole, because these last three areas are the main benchmarks of the financial markets. The results are consistent with those from previous studies on the subject and vary depending on region and financial indicator considered.
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Papapostolou, Aikaterini, Charikleia Karakosta, Vangelis Marinakis, and Alexandros Flamos. "Assessment of RES cooperation framework between the EU and North Africa." International Journal of Energy Sector Management 10, no. 3 (September 5, 2016): 402–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijesm-12-2014-0007.

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Purpose The Renewable Energy Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Union provides another element to cross-border cooperation by allowing Member States to fulfill their 2020 renewable energy sources (RES) targets by implementing joint projects in third countries through the cooperation mechanisms. The purpose of this paper is to assess the country risk, to support bilateral cooperation for RES electricity generation projects. Design/methodology/approach A multicriteria decision support methodology has been developed taking into account three evaluation parameters, namely, the investment framework, the social conditions and the energy and technological status. An additive value model has been constructed, and the UTilitès Additives (UTA) – UTA* (UTASTAR) disaggregation method has been implemented to infer the criteria weights. The obtained ranking of alternatives has been subjected to robustness analysis, and finally the proposed methodology has been applied to five North Africa countries, so as to draw key results. Findings The pilot application of the methodological approach proposed and the model developed was fully compatible with the decision maker’s ranking on a set of fictitious countries and facilitated the assessment of a country’s current situation with regards to its investment, social conditions and energy and technological status. The results regarding the five North African countries examined, indicated the country’s investment framework as the most important factor, from foreign investors’ perspective, affecting a country’s suitability for the implementation of RES projects through a cooperation mechanism and Morocco, as well as Tunisia as the countries with the most suitable conditions for a successful implementation of such projects. Originality/value To the best of authors’ knowledge, there are only very few studies trying to assess opportunities and risks emerging from the implementation of joint projects between European and third countries in the field of electricity generation from RES. There are even less studies using (UTASTAR) method on real-world decision-making problems, and almost none are dedicated to energy sector-related problems.
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Carbone, Maurizio. "Between ambition and ambivalence: Italy and the European Union's Mediterranean policy." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962041.

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This article reviews Italy's role in the various phases of the European Union's policy towards the Mediterranean: the ad hoc policy of the 1950s and 1960s, the Global Mediterranean Policy developed in the 1970s, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership agreed in Barcelona in 1995, the European Neighbourhood Policy signed in 2003, the proposal launched by French president Nicolas Sarkozy in 2006 for a Mediterranean Union. The overall argument is that the various Italian governments have carried out an ambivalent and often reactive policy: on the one hand, they have consistently tried to promote a Mediterranean dimension in the European Union, though without upsetting the United States; on the other hand, they have limited the extension of trade privileges to exports from North Africa. While the end of the Cold War provided a new opportunity for Italy to play a more assertive role in the international arena, the two coalitions that have alternated in power have substantially failed to move the Mediterranean to the centre of Italy's and the European Union's external policy. A partial change of attitude – yet a reactive policy – emerged under the second Prodi Government, when Italy and Spain became close allies in an attempt to counter-balance the new activist policy of Sarkozy.
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Hurt, Stephen R., Donna Lee, and Ulrike Lorenz-Carl. "The Argumentative Dimension to the EU-Africa EPAs." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341250.

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Abstract Not only is the participation of developing countries in international trade negotiations growing, so is their influence over the global trade agenda. This article highlights the increasing activism and impact of African states through a detailed study of the current Economic Partnership Agreement (EPAs) negotiations with the European Union (EU). In examining African resistance to EPAs, the article develops a constructivist approach to North-South trade negotiations that pays close attention to the role of development discourses. We argue that the growing willingness of African states to challenge the EU to deliver on its development promises during the decade-long EPA process was crucial to informing their sustained opposition to the EU’s goal of completing a comprehensive set of sub-regional economic agreements. We document African resistance to EU trade diplomacy in the EPAs, exploring how these otherwise weak countries were able to pursue normative-based negotiation strategies by recourse to the EU’s promise of a ‘development partnership.’
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Johnson, David. "Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936–46." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370003187x.

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This paper contributes to a growing body of literature on the socio-economic impact of the Second World War on Africa. The focus is on the inter-relationship between the state, settler farmers and African labour in Southern Rhodesia. The war presented an opportunity for undercapitalized European farmers to enlist state support in securing African labour that they could not obtain through market forces alone. Historically, these farmers depended heavily on a supply of cheap labour from the Native Reserves and from the colonies to the north, especially Nyasaland. But the opportunities for Africans to sell their labour in other sectors of the Southern Rhodesian economy and in the Union of South Africa, or to at least determine the timing and length of their entry into wage employment, meant that settler farmers seldom obtained an adequate supply of labour. Demands for increased food production, a wartime agrarian crisis and a diminished supply of external labour all combined to ensure that the state capitulated in the face of requests for Africans to be conscripted into working for Europeans as a contribution to the Imperial war effort. The resulting mobilization of thousands of African labourers under the Compulsory Native Labour Act (1942), which emerged as the prize of the farmers' campaign for coerced labour, corrects earlier scholarship on Southern Rhodesia which asserted that state intervention in securing labour supplies was of importance only up to the 1920s. The paper also shows that Africans did not remain passive before measures aimed at coercing them into producing value for settler farmers.
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Molnar, Lorena, and Marcelo F. Aebi. "Discrimination and victimisation of minorities in Spain: The research potential of the EU-MIDIS project." Revista Española de Investigación Criminológica 19, no. 2 (November 25, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46381/reic.v19i2.513.

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This article highlights the research potential of the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS), which the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights had conducted twice across Europe by 2021. It begins with an overview of the EU-MIDIS project before concentrating on the second survey (EU-MIDIS II) conducted in 2015 and 2016 (N=25,500), the database of which is available in open access. The paper focuses on the main findings of the EU-MIDIS II in Spain, where the sample was composed of migrants from North Africa and people of Roma ethnicity (N=1,563). The main findings of the survey provide helpful insights into a form of victimisation that is usually absent in official criminal statistics, yet the Spanish EU-MIDIS II database is a mine of information waiting to be exploited. This article proposes a series of analyses that could be performed, including logistic and ordinal regression, as well as mediation modelling, which could identify the variables that influence minorities’ discrimination and victimisation. Finally, the strengths and weaknesses of the EU-MIDIS project are discussed.
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Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.

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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.
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Rabo, Annika. "ONN WINCKLER, Demographic Developments and Population Policies in Ba⊂thist Syria (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1999). Pp. 223. $100.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002622.

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The globe is estimated to have 6 billion people today. The rapid increase of the human population has for decades been a common Western bogeyman. Now, at the turn of the millennium, the threat is brought out again. Today “the human time bomb” connotes uncontrolled fecundity in the Other, the non-Western or non-European. Demographic research shows that many countries in the Middle East and North Africa have among the highest rates of population growth in the contemporary world. Unlike Europe, where the nightmare of demographers and politicians is the aging and decreasing population, the Middle East still has a rapidly increasing and young population. Quite clearly, many politicians in the European Union are worried about the “uncontrollable overflow” of populations over its borders from the southern and eastern Mediterranean shores.
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Roubaud, Luísa. "After Looking North and West: Portuguese Contemporary Dance and the European Crises." Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2016 (2016): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2016.43.

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In the four decades that followed the April 1974 revolution, which ended the Estado Novo's dictatorship (1926–1974) and the Portuguese colonial empire, contemporary theater dance has witnessed an explosion in Portugal. After 1974, the African decolonization, the subsequent flow of immigrants, European Union accession (1986), and the opening to the contemporary Western world have substantially altered Portugal's political and demographic landscapes, social practices, and expressive cultures. Considering the current European crises, this article discusses how Portuguese contemporary dance is recently facing or reflecting the impact of Lusophone postcolonial cultural and demographic reconfigurations, and incorporating or dealing with its patrimonial expressive cultures.
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Isani, Mujtaba, and Bernd Schlipphak. "Attitudes Towards the European Union in the MENA Region: The Case of Saudi Arabia." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 1 (February 1, 2022): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022007.

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What shapes Saudi attitudes toward the European Union (EU)? Previous research has only shed some light on attitudes towards the EU in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This article aims to extend this line of research by investigating Saudi perceptions of the EU in the context of Vision 2030s Strategic Partnership Programme that intends to push forward integration between Saudi Arabia and other regional blocs. Combining literature on Arab public opinion and perceptions of the EU, we argue that attitudes towards prominent countries such as Germany and the United States can serve as heuristics in the formation of Saudi EU attitudes. Moreover, traditional cosmopolitan factors may also have an impact. We empirically test our argument using data from the second wave of the Arab Barometer and an original survey carried out at the King Fahd University of Petroleum & Minerals (KFUPM), Saudi Arabia. Our findings confirm that Saudi EU perceptions seem to be informed by their view of the United States but especially of Germany. Having provided evidence on Saudi attitudes toward the EU, we discuss theoretical and methodological implications emanating from our research. attitudes, European Union, Saudi Arabia, Germany, heuristic, Vision 2030
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Cavatorta, Francesco. "The European Union’s Critical Engagement with the Syrian Arab Republic." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (December 1, 2010): 629–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010045.

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This article examines the way in which the Syrian search for a renewed partnership with Europe has met with the corresponding European Union (EU) foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). In particular, the impact on the EU of dealing with Syria has not been analysed. This article contributes to fill this gap and examines the founding principles and policy mechanisms of EU engagement with Syria and what they tell us about the priorities, interests, and beliefs of the EU. This is important because the nature of the Syrian regime provides us with the possibility to explore how the EU engages with countries that have a very problematic relationship with the West. What emerges is that EU policy-making is not only highly complex but is greatly influenced by the regime with which it works and therefore, contrary to what many argue, is a pragmatic actor in international relations.
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Veebel, Viljar. "Is the European Migration Crisis Caused by Russian Hybrid Warfare?" Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 2 (May 17, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n2p44.

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Recent developments in European security situation, starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, followed by the complicated Brexit and political instability in the Middle East and North Africa, have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the other factors could be compared with the risks caused by the massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis and the root causes of growing refugee flows. This article discusses the roots of large-scale migration flows in the European Union (EU) over the present decade and investigates the potential link between migration flows and modern hybrid warfare, referring to the coordination of various modes of warfare, such as military and non-military means, conventional and non-conventional capabilities, state and non-state actors with an aim to cause instability and disarrangement. It is intriguing to investigate whether the increase in migration flows could be linked to present confrontation in the global arena on the Russia-West axis. Common patterns of migration flows from Syria and Ukraine to the EU are discussed, as well as policy recommendations are given to diminish the negative impact of similar events in the future.
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Podraza, Marek. "Polityka migracyjna Republiki Włoskiej." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no. 65 (February 28, 2022): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.16.

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Italy, due to it is geographical location, is extremely exposed to migratory movements. Over the past few decades, the Republic has undergone a far-reaching transformation from sending to receiving country. A country in which a migration policy practically did not exist had to build it from scratch quite quickly, which was associated with many of its disadvantages, reformed over time. A breakthrough moment was the migration crisis initiated in 2011 and caused by the Arab Spring in North Africa. It was a real test not only for the Italian migration policy, but in retrospect also for the entire European Union, where, unfortunately, there was no enough solidarity.
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Schulz, Erhard, Hussein Almohamad, and Sani Ibrahim. "Drugs, Flight, and Migration. A Comparison of North and West Africa, Near East and Europe." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Geographia 65, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2020): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbgeogr.2020.01.

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"Even foreseeable, the migration wave of 2015 did confuse Europe profoundly. For long time one argued on “push and pull” or on implantation in the demographic transition as the backgrounds of immigration. Moreover, an enforced and constant immigration was claimed for the Central European countries in order to assure the life standard. On the other side, it was impossible to develop standards for migration and flight- beyond the Geneva Convention. In parallel to that, the weight of the “informal” part of production and trade was widely neglected on the official as on the academic level. Thus, a – time wise – tight connected economic system of drug trade/traffic and the transport of migrants or refugees developed since the 1990s. By now, it is interwoven with the various terror-groups, militias or officials too. Both parts of that well-organised system see Europe as their main destination, but Africa is systematically developed as a future market for drugs too. It is clear, that the civil population is suffering most in all the regions. Maps for five time slices – the 1960s, the 1970s, the 1990s, 2015, and 2018 will present the different interconnections of drug traffic and migration/flight. They show the traditional system of migration and flight up to the 1990s, when the international drug traffic interconnected with the various terror groups and shaped a new economic system. The initiatives of the European Union to stop or channelize migration and future chances for the region will have to cope with them. Keywords: Drug trafficking, flight, migration, North and West Africa, Near East, Europe "
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Ampwera, Meshach. "Infrastructure and Innovation: Emerging Priorities of EU and Chinese Aid in Africa." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 04 (January 2019): 511–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500295.

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The international development cooperation system has long revolved around the notion of a North-South divide and reflected much of the systemic imbalances in global economic relations. It aimed mostly at increasing official development assistance rather than tackling other key development issues like priority infrastructure and innovation capacity. Over the past decade, Africa has experienced rapid growth and rising global prominence, which has profound implications for global development cooperation on the continent. The European Union and China, two major contributors to African development, have increasingly felt the need to put infrastructure development and innovation capacity at the core of their aid policies toward Africa. Recently, important factors, such as growing competition within the international development cooperation regime, search for new markets, increasing role of regional regimes, persistent poverty, the need to stabilize the world economy, and the responsibility to support international peace and stability are shaping Europe’s and China’s aid policies toward Africa. Priority infrastructure like highways, railways, energy, and technological innovation in pillar sectors such as agriculture and textile have been prioritized in Africa’s development cooperation with China and Europe. Although Brussels and Beijing have maintained a visible level of traditional development cooperation policies, this new form of cooperation is causing an embryonic policy shift from aid to investment within their development and cooperation policies.
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Amponsah, Richard, and Gordon Kanyoke. "Determinants of Financial Failure in Ghana." International Journal of Risk and Contingency Management 3, no. 1 (January 2014): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijrcm.2014010105.

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Most countries in the world were negatively impacted by the USA financial crisis of 2008. In 2010-2012 people have seen economic failures of Greece and Iceland impact the European Union and other countries. Interestingly, the factors which caused the financial industry failures in these developed nations were not identical; nonetheless, the results were similar: severe economic recession. It is important to better understand the financial predictors and best-practices for developed and emerging nations in other countries, particularly outside USA and the European Union - namely Africa. Businesses in Ghana (and the continent of Africa) make a significant economic contribution to the global Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which is important to study because their financial activities impact many countries, since our global economic systems have become interconnected. This study examined a large bank in Ghana (a country located on the north-west coast of Africa, to empirically identify problems and to propose solutions to improve financial policies associated with Small-to-Medium-Sized-Enterprise (SME) industry - who are the key contributors to national GDP. A statistically significant probit logistic model was developed using a mixed-method approach which also included a qualitative SWOT analysis. The results indicated that the critical socio-economic success factors of financial success versus failure for SME businesses were: age of owners, company size, total income, and quality of hired labour. The secondary factors were institutionally-related: organisational structure, credit policies, inadequate technology platform management, ineffective monitoring of SMEs, and weak economic recovery strategies. Recommendations were made to improve national economic policies for the banking industry in Ghana, based on this model.
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Ramazaniandarzi, Ali Akbar, and Mehrzad Javadikouchaksaraei. "US Presence and Grounds for Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and United States in Afghanistan." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.2.

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Abstract:
To date, USA has not designed a policy to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq without Iran. One of the fundamental strategies of USA is to cooperate with the European Union, the Pacific, Russia, the Balkan Area, as well as the Caucasus the Middle East, North Africa, and Middle Asia. All of the countries relate to Iran in saving the Pacific. Iran is the most influential country in the area surrounding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Northern Africa and Middle Asia. USA has to face Iran in the Middle East to meet the benefits of this relation. Therefore, such situation leads to the main question: does the attendance of USA in Afghanistan create the grounds for cooperation with Iran? Despite the existing disputes between the two governments, the attendance of USA in Afghanistan seems to have created new security, political, economic, and cultural fields for the cooperation of both countries.
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50

Vukelić, Viktor, and Valentina Vučković. "The dynamics and structure of migration from North Africa to the European Union: An issue that is yet to arise." Zbornik Ekonomskog fakulteta u Zagrebu 19, no. 1 (July 2021): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22598/zefzg.2021.1.277.

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