Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'European Pillar of Social Right'

The bulk of the literature on ‘Social Europe’ has described the latest development of the social dimensions of the E(M)U in negative terms by referring to the absorption, the displacement, the decline and the marginalization of the EU social policies. Notably, the ruling of the European Court of Justice and the new post-crisis governance of the Economic and Monetary Union have contributed to increase the centrality of social issues in the European public debate, exacerbate the conflicts between political actors on EU social and employment policy and mount the dissensus towards the European integration process. While academic literature has broadly focused on the mobilization of political parties in defense of national welfare states against the EU “intrusiveness” into domestic decision-making and on the heightened politicization of EU affairs at the domestic level, less attention has been paid to the ‘politicization of Social Europe’, and especially to the configuration of the political conflicts over social integration at the EU level. Indeed, traditional literature on dimensions of politics in the European Parliament and the Council has ignored the specific conflict dynamics that characterize the political debate in this specific policy area. Therefore, the objective of this thesis is to fill this gap, and especially so by focusing on the new conflict constellations that emerged in the aftermath of the EU crisis. Drawing on the “clash syndrome” theory elaborated by Ferrera, I argue that the political debate over EU social integration is characterized by the overlapping of four lines of conflict of a functional, normative and territorial nature. Contrary to traditional literature, which has described the conflict over EU integration as mainly one- or bi-dimensional, the main finding of this thesis is that the political confrontation over EU social and employment policy is characterised by the coexistence of multiple and criss-crossing divides, which differently combine according to the arena where the debate takes place, the actors involved, the rules of the decision-making process and the issue at stake. The way these political divides interact leads to the creation of different conflict constellations, which can hinder the adoption of specific social policy proposal, but that can also open possibility spaces for the emergence of new coalitions that facilitate the adoption of an ambitious Social policy agenda.

Mestrado em Economia e Políticas Públicas
Este trabalho procura estabelecer bases para uma compreensão sobre o impacto que o Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais poderá vir a ter no combate à pobreza e exclusão social na União Europeia. O Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais surge pelas mãos da Comissão Juncker em 2017, tendo na sua génese o sonho e ambição de uma Europa Social, onde os estados-membros caminham no sentido de alcançar uma convergência social. Para atrás, ficam anos em que as políticas públicas de resposta à crise económico-financeira pretendiam a consolidação orçamental e as questões sociais ficaram esquecidas. A estratégia Europa 2020 chegou ao fim e o objectivo de retirar 20 milhões de cidadãos europeus não foi cumprido. É necessária uma renovada e mais ambiciosa estratégia para o combate à pobreza e exclusão social e o Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais pode ser o meio para a definir, desde que exista vontade política e meios.
This study seeks to establish the basis for an understanding of impact that the Eruopean Pillar of Social Rights may have in the fight against poverty and exclusion social in the European Union.The European Pillar of Social Rights comes by the hands of the Juncker Commission in 2017, having in its genesis the dream and ambition of a Social Europe, where the member states are moving towards a social convergence. Behind there are years in which the public politics in response to the economic and financial crisis aimed at consolidation budget and social issues were forgotten. The Europe 2020 strategy reaches the end and the goal of withdrawing 20 milion European citizens has not been met. I tis necessary a renewed and more ambitions strategy to fight poverty and social exclusion, and the European Pillar of Social Rights can be the means to define it, provived that there is political will and means.
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There is a puzzling occurrence in Western Europe: Some far-right populist parties, traditionally seen as antithetical to liberalism, are appropriating liberal rights for their own illiberal ends. On the premise that the parties instrumentalise liberal elements to achieve more legitimacy in a climate of tolerance and respect for human rights in Western Europe, this thesis examines how far-right populist parties use human rights for mobilising purposes. Using Clifford Bob’s four conceptual elements of mobilising human rights rhetoric, in a qualitative content analysis the language of three Western European far-right populist parties is analysed. It is argued that, by drawing from a liberalism of fear, far-right populists frame human rights as a Western achievement, under threat by immigration from Islamic countries and the “corrupt elite” that allows for immigration to continue. By doing so, populists manage to incorporate human rights rhetoric in their mobilisation efforts, without challenging human rights per se.

The left-right concept is considered to facilitate communication and orientation in the political world. It has a long tradition in European politics due to its capacity to absorb different associations over time. However, this dynamic nature of the concept requires periodical reassessments in order to assure that a common conceptualisation endures. This dissertation focuses on reassign what individual left-right orientation means. Usually, this is measured by asking people to place themselves on a scale labelled ‘left’ and ‘right’ at its endpoints. The first empirical analysis of this dissertation shows that this measure is comparable across groups and countries. Thereafter, the relationship between an individual’s issue preference and left-right orientation is considered. The second empirical analysis shows that this relationship is conditioned by the importance people assign to the respective issues. The final analysis demonstrates that what explains left-right orientation is contingent on individual and contextual factors. This implies that in order to understand left-right orientation, it is not enough to identify what has an impact on a person’s position but also account for all those factors that predict variation between individuals. Given this complexity, my conclusion is that the left-right concept runs the risk of becoming too complicated to serve as an analytical tool to shed light on political attitudes and behaviour.
El concepte esquerra-dreta és considerat com un factor facilitador de la comunicació en el món polític. Té una llarga tradició’ en la política europea degut a la seva capacitat d’absorbir diferents associacions a través del temps. Tanmateix, aquesta natura dinàmica del concepte requereix revisions periòdiques per assegurar que persisteix una conceptualització comuna. La present tesi es centra en resignar el que significa l’orientació esquerra-dreta. Normalment, es mesura tot demanant als enquestats posicionar-se a ells mateixos en una escala que va de l’esquerra a la dreta. El primer anàlisi empíric de la present tesi mostra que aquesta mesura és comparable entre grups i països. Seguidament, es considera la relació entre les preferències temàtiques dels individus i llur orientació esquerra-dreta. El segon anàlisi empíric mostra que aquesta relació està condicionada per la importància que les persones assignen als temes respectius. L’anàlisi final demostra que el que explica l’orientació esquerra-dreta depèn de factors contextuals i individuals. Això implica que per entendre l’orientació esquerra-dreta no és suficient identificar què té un impacte en la posició d’una persona sinó també una explicació per a tots aquells factors que preveuen la variació entre individus. Donada aquesta complexitat, la meva conclusió és que el concepte esquerra-dreta corre el risc de convertir-se en massa complicat per a servir com a eina analítica per a l’estudi de les actituds i el comportament politics.

This thesis seeks to investigate whether the current European Court of Human Rights case-law on assisted suicide can be justified using Kantian or Utilitarian arguments. The theory, consisting of Utilitarianism and Kantianism, is applied to three key cases arguing a right to assisted suicide under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights; Pretty v. the United Kingdom, Haas v. Switzerland and Koch v. Germany. Using argumentation analysis, arguments based on the case-law in combination with the two theories are presented and discussed. In a discussion centered around concepts such as autonomy, utility and rationality, the thesis concludes that the two theories are indeed useful in justifying the case-law on assisted suicide. The observation that the two theories can justify the same actions on different grounds concludes the essay, before ideas encouraging future research are presented.

Over 500 million citizens in Europe are affected by the decisions taken at the European Union. However, the complexities of this supranational institution have people feeling voiceless and disengaged in the political system. The European Parliament - the organ meant to represent the European people – is alleged to being an elitist body that no longer represent the will of the ordinary citizen. This outcry of the people created the pool of potential for the rise of right-wing populist groups across Europe and their support has grown tremendously in what seems like a short span of time. But the tide is about to change. The surge of right-wing populism threatens to take over the European Parliament in the 2019 elections. This research paper sets out to assess the sphere of influence of right-wing populism at the regional level. Using a bottom-up approach, the paper focuses on the attitudes and perceptions of the people and analyses their opinions by incorporating Eatwell and Goodwin’s four D criteria. As the analytical framework, Eatwell and Goodwin’s criteria offers the avenue for inspecting the legitimacy of the right-wing ideology. Once this is established, the question of influence is answered by looking at the potential implication of right-wing power. As a qualitative case study, the research implores the use of raw data from existing secondary databases. The paper acknowledges the extensive studies and cross-examinations that have been conducted at the national level and seeks to build upon this knowledge and illustrate the interconnected nature of our societies. In addition, this research paper was completed before the May 2019 elections were concluded. The study indicates that right-wing supporters are motivated by the distrust of politicians and institutions, the destruction of the national group’s historic identity, perceived deprivation from rising inequalities and the de-alignment of people’s political positions. Furthermore, findings show a rising pattern of grievances rather than its decline. An indication that the phenomena of populism is here to stay. The polarization of right-wing populist groups in the political system threatens to tame the tone of politics if the institution does not take preventive action – some of which are discussed in the paper. With this in mind, the research paper acknowledges the threat of right-wing populism in the European Parliament.

In this thesis it is aimed to explore the new social policy agenda, in which the role of local governments as policy makers has been increasing. In this respect, the contemporary Turkish local government system, and social policies of the municipalities are analyzed by drawing upon the European Union&rsquo
s approach on the social policy in the urban context. Within this framework, the social policies of the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality are studied.

This thesis aims to analyze the ideology of the &ldquo
European New Right&rdquo
(Nouveille Droite) and its attempt to establish its cultural hegemony on European integration. The revival of the radical right-wing parties after 1980s and the rise of xenophobia have emerged as a fundamental threat to European democracy. The study of such developments and the measures taken to combat right-wing extremism, however, should not be limited to political parties and activists. The intellectual framework of the contemporary radical right as a successor of historical fascism and its Europeanization necessitates a broader and deeper analysis of the ideology of the radical right. The case of &ldquo
European New Right&rdquo
as one of the most influential right-wing intellectual networks provides the appropriate ground to discuss on such framework and to elaborate its impact on European integration.

The purpose of the present study is, by employing the methods of process-tracing and pattern-matching, to compare the policy-processes with regards to the cases of student and patient mobility. While the case-study approach to EU policy-making from a comparative perspective was introduced in the late 1970s, so far there has not been a study, which compares the cases of student and patient mobility. This gap in the academic literature is important in order to examine what conclusions can be drawn from such a comparison and as a result their consistency with previous theoretical work. In particular, and in contrast to current theoretical themes in the field of European studies and in the policy studies literature more generally, both of which stress policy change as opposed to policy stability, the comparison stresses the latter due to the interests of the most powerful member-states, that is, France, Germany and Britain. The role of interests is manifested with the adoption of the Erasmus Programme and of the European Health Insurance Card, which do not concern the free movement of students and patients. Through a synthesis between liberal intergovernmentalism and the concept of path-dependence it has been possible to create a model in order to explain why those particular policies were chosen when the alternative of free movement was also available. This interest-based account comes in direct opposition with those studies which stress the role of ideas in the policy-process but it also emphasizes the role played by the supranational institutions more specifically the Commission and the court.

Modern piracy has escalated outside the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden. In order to bring suspected pirates and alleged armed robbers to justice, the European Union has entered into a regional prosecution model with Kenya. In this study I examine if the regional prosecution model between Kenya and the European Union may have any implications on international criminal law by specifically analyzing the Kenyan jurisdiction to try piracy suspects and the right to fair trial in Kenyan criminal proceedings of piracy suspects. By using a legal method, this study offers some clarity regarding Kenya’s jurisdictional basis to prosecute piracy suspects, as well as, to what extent they respect the right to a fair trial in its criminal proceedings of alleged pirates. In addition, the legal analysis demonstrates that international criminal law may be undermined and subjected to mistrust. Furthermore, the legal analysis also offers indications on a normative development of the Security Council in relation to its role in bringing perpetrators of international crimes to justice.

The research focus of this study is to investigate the ways in which the so-called European refugee crisis has been socially constructed as number one urgent matter for the European community in the years between 2015-2017. Noting the unprecedented rise of the public support for far-right parties in the European polls, the goal of this study is to understand and conceptualize the ways in which the refugee crisis has been presented as an existential threat by the right-wing political leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany, three core European members, which held elections in 2017. This has been done by utilizing the theoretical framework, composed of the Copenhagen School, as well as the categorization framework which builds upon the results from previous literature on the topic of the securitization of migration. In addition, by utilizing critical discourse analysis this study probes the hypothesis that regardless of the magnitude of the crisis, the securitizing discourses are largely revolving around four overarching realms: the identity, criminological, political and economic realm. The findings infer that the securitizing discourses of the right-wing leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany in relation to migration are identical and are revolving around the aforementioned domains, regardless of the countries’ political landscape.

This study analyzes whether the EU's migration agreement with Turkey and negotiations on a agreement with Libya correspond with the requirements that can be imposed on the EU in regards to respect the rights of refugees. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a critical approach of EU's agreements with these two countries, from a legal and moral perspective. The study contains the central protections for refugees and asylum seekers in international law and European Union law. The moral perspective consists of an independent notion defining the respect for human dignity with regarding perceptions of Elena Namli and Seyla Benhabib. This study shows that EU's agreement with Turkey and negotiations on a agreement with Libya means displacing of EU's responsibility to ensure the protection of refugees. From the agreements it may be concluded that EU’s refugee policy prioritizes security issues over respect for human dignity.

This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
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Two competing forms of sex education and the groups supporting them came to head in the 1970s and 1980s. Traditional sex education retained an emphasis on maintaining Christian-based morality through marriage and parenthood preparation that sex education originally held since the beginning of the twentieth century. Liberal sex education developed to openly discuss issues that reflected recent legal and social changes. This form reviewed controversial subjects including abortion, contraception and homosexuality. Though liberal sex education found support from national family planning organizations and Labour politicians, traditional sex education found a more vocal and powerful ally in the New Right. This thesis explores the political emergence of the New Right in Great Britain during the 1970s and 1980s and how the group utilized sex education. The New Right, composed of moral pressure groups and Conservative politicians, focused on the supposed absence of traditional morality from the emergent liberal sex education. Labour (and liberal organizations) held little power in the 1980s due to internal party struggles and an insignificant parliamentary presence. This allowed the New Right to successfully pass multiple national reforms. The New Right latched onto liberal sex education as demonstrative of the moral decline of Britain and utilized its emergence of a prime example of the need to reform education and local government.

This thesis looks at the role of discrimination and ethnic group identity as explanations of political behaviour of ethnic minorities in Britain. Chapter 2 examines vote choice and partisanship, arguing that a group utility heuristic explains the high level of support for the Labour party among ethnic minorities. I provide individual-level evidence of this heuristic by showing that ethnic minority voters support the Labour party to the extent that they are (i) conscious of the experiences of their ethnic group members with regards to discrimination, and (ii) believe that the Labour party is the best political party to represent their interests. These two attitudes mediate the effects of group-level inequalities. Chapter 3 asks whether Muslims are alienated from mainstream politics by Islamophobia and British military intervention in Muslim countries. I find that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked with greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation, but also to a lesser likelihood of voting. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. I also provide strong evidence that Muslims in Britain experience more religious discrimination than adherents of other minority religions. Chapter 4 considers the interaction between the extreme right and ethnic minority political attitudes and behaviour. I find evidence that the extreme right British National Party (BNP) increases voting for the Labour party, at the expense of minor parties and abstention. Surprisingly, the BNP effect also benefits the other main parties. Although they do not benefit in increased vote share, Liberal Democrat and Conservative party and leader evaluations are more positive where the BNP stood and performed better in 2010, which I suggest is due to the electoral contrast provided by the BNP. Chapter 5 looks at the mobilisation effect of ethnic minority candidates on ethnic minority voters. I find a positive mobilisation effect of Pakistani and Muslim Labour candidates on Pakistani and Muslim voters, conditional on someone trying to convince the respondent how to vote. I also find a demobilisation effect of Labour Muslim candidates on Sikh voters.

Concilier le droit à l'action collective et les autres droits fondamentaux :recours au principe de proportionnalité ?

Difficile équilibre entre efficacité du droit de grève et respect des autres droits fondamentaux

Viviane Vannes

L’objet de la thèse est de vérifier si le principe de proportionnalité, entouré de certains critères fixes et cohérents, permet au juge de justifier de manière plus rationnelle une décision portant sur l’exercice du droit de grève. La proportionnalité est en effet de plus en plus invoquée dans la matière des conflits collectifs du travail soit pour admettre son exercice soit pour le limiter voire le sanctionner.

La première partie de la thèse entend identifier le concept de proportionnalité: notion, champ d’application, critères, limites, avantages et inconvénients. Elle est, aujourd’hui, l’instrument de référence comme mode de résolution des conflits de droit, à un point tel qu’elle est érigée au rang des principes de droit. C’est, la raison pour laquelle nous avons voulu déterminer les tenants et aboutissants du concept. Son inconvénient majeur est de s’appuyer, le plus souvent, sur des critères subjectifs :le raisonnable en droit, l’éthique du comportement et la morale sociale. Nous avons, alors, recherché des critères plus objectifs qui seraient susceptibles d’écarter le risque de subjectivité du juge. Nous avons observé qu’en droit européen, la Cour de Justice apprécie la validité d’un acte communautaire ou d’une mesure nationale en vérifiant s’il répond des critères précis :l’aptitude de l’acte à atteindre l’objectif poursuivi, la nécessité de l’acte en vue de l’atteindre et la proportionnalité intrinsèque de l’acte analysée dans ses rapports à l’égard de son ou ses destinataires. Ces critères sont également appliqués par la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme dans la matière portant sur l’application de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. L’analyse de cette jurisprudence permet d’affirmer qu’ils présentent une meilleure cohérence et plus d’objectivité que le raisonnable en droit.

La deuxième partie de la thèse s’attache à fixer le statut du droit de grève en Belgique. Compte tenu de l’absence de réglementation générale belge, nous avons, d’abord, pris en considération le droit international et européen. Nous en avons retiré des lignes directives de l’exercice normal du droit de grève. L’analyse de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence belge a, ensuite, permis de fixer les éléments suivants du droit de grève :notion, contours, conditions d’existence, de légalité, de légitimité; compétence du juge du fond et des référés en cas de litige portant sur l’exercice du droit de grève.

La troisième partie de la thèse identifie, dans la matière des conflits collectifs du travail, les droits susceptibles d’être soumis au raisonnement de proportionnalité et ceux qui ne le sont pas. Car, la proportionnalité ne résout pas tous les conflits. Elle ne s’applique pas lorsqu’il s’agit de juger de la légalité de la grève, de sa régularité et dans les situations de grève spontanée déclenchée en réaction aux violations par l’employeur de ses propres obligations. Elle concerne celles où le juge est amené à juger de la légitimité du moment de sa mise en œuvre, des buts poursuivis ou des atteintes que ses modalités causent aux droits subjectifs d’autrui. C’est, alors, le conflit entre des droits de même valeur juridique qui met en œuvre le jugement de proportionnalité :droit de grève et droit de propriété et liberté d’industrie des employeurs ;droit au travail des travailleurs non grévistes ;liberté d’industrie des tiers en relation commerciale avec l’entreprise en grève, fournisseurs, clients, usagers, d’exercer leur commerce, leur industrie ;liberté d’aller et venir des usagers d’un service public.

Dans les situations où elle s’applique, la thèse propose d’inviter le juge à appliquer des critères précis pour juger de la proportionnalité de la grève. Les demandes actuelles du justiciable de rationalité et de compréhension de la décision de justice l’exigent. C’est, dans son application comme mode de résolution des conflits de droit, que notre questionnement est de savoir si, les critères contenus dans le principe de proportionnalité de droit communautaire de l’aptitude, de la nécessité et la proportionnalité de l’acte, peuvent fixer une ligne de conduite destinée à établir les règles de l’exercice normal de la grève ?La réponse donnée est, selon nous, positive.

La thèse n’entend nullement porter atteinte au droit de grève. Il appartient au socle des droits sociaux fondamentaux. La reconnaissance du droit de grève aux travailleurs ou à leurs organisations syndicales est l’un des attributs essentiels des régimes démocratiques. Il n’est donc pas question de remettre en cause un droit fondamental durement acquis. Toutefois, l’essence même d’une société démocratique repose sur le respect d’autres droits, l’intérêt général, la sécurité, la propriété, la liberté au travail, la liberté d’entreprendre. C’est la raison pour laquelle, la thèse s’attache à la difficile question de la conciliation entre, d’une part, droit de grève et efficacité de la grève et, d’autre part, droits d’autrui.

Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

« L’Europe ne se fera pas en un jour, ni sans heurts.», dixit Monsieur Robert Schuman. Tel est le constat qui peut encore être fait à l’heure actuelle avec l’adoption, après trente ans d’intenses débats au niveau européen, de la Societas Europaea, introduite en droit français avec la loi du 26 juillet 2005 pour la confiance et la modernisation de l’économie, complétée par les décrets du 14 avril 2006 et du 9 novembre 2006. La même analyse peut s’appliquer à la proposition du règlement de la commission européenne relatif au statut de la société privée européenne faite le 25 juin 2008, en cours d’examen devant le Parlement Européen. Il s’agit de démontrer l’existence de normes communautaires flexibles propices au développement des normes statutaires, à l'image de celles applicables à la société privée européenne (SPE) d'origine communautaire et d'essence contractuelle. La SPE doit être analysée comme structure sociétaire, symbole de l’émancipation du droit communautaire et vecteur du principe de libre établissement des sociétés, à la fois par rapport à sa « grande cousine », la société européenne, et à travers l’étude des normes communautaires comme éléments nécessaires au bon fonctionnement des structures européennes.La question est enfin de savoir si le recours à la SPE constitue un instrument pertinent dans les opérations de restructuration intra-communautaire. Deux axes de réflexion semblent s’imposer : l’aménagement des relations contractuelles intragroupe via le modèle de la SPE et la SPE comme élément moteur dans le cadre des opérations de fusion intracommunautaire
“Europe will not be made in a day, nor without any clashes,” according to Mr Robert Schuman. The statement proved to be true with the adoption, after thirty years of intense debates at the European level, of Societas Europaea, introduced into French law with the bill of July 26, 2005 for the confidence and modernization of the economy, supplemented by the decrees of April 14, 2006 and November 9, 2006. The same analysis can be made of the European Commission proposals for the regulations relating to the statute of the European private company made on June 25, 2008, and now under consideration before the European Parliament. The question is to show the existence of flexible Community standards favourable to the development of statutory standards, in the image of those applicable to the European Private Company of Community origin and which is contractual in essence. The European Private Company should be analysed as a member structure and a symbol of the emancipation of Community legislation as well as a vector of the principle of free establishment of companies both in relation to its “big cousin,” the European Company, and through the study of Community standards as necessary elements to the correct operation of European structures. The next step is to question if resorting to the European Private Company constitutes a relevant instrument in the operations of intracommunitarian reorganization following two main lines of investigation: the adjustment of contractual intragroup relations via the model of the European Private Company and the European Private Company as a mainspring within the framework of intracommunitarian fusion operations

碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所
83
This thesis begins with the historical relationship between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU).Then it dis- cusses the attitudes of different British goverments towards the the European Community or the EU,especially the British opinions and attitudes after the Social Policy Agreement of the Maastricht Treaty is effective.After that,the thesis deals with the development of the legal fundations of the EU social policy, the legal effect of the Social Policy Agreement,and the applications of the Principle of Subsidiarity in the EU social policy. According to the proceedings, the thesis analyzes why the UK opts out the Social Policy Agreement and the UK response on the EU social policy.Although the UK has opted out the Social Policy Agreement,the UK could not avoid the indirect effects of the Social Ploicy Agreement.So it is very important for the British government to think about the issue that the possibility of the Social Policy Agreement will be applicated in the UK. In 1996, the EU will convene a conference among the governments of the EU member states and redisscuss the future objects of the EU,at the same time,the heads of the EU member states will talk about the direction of the development of the EU social policy. The thesis is concluded on the adjustment between the British social policy and the EU social policy.

Depuis plusieurs années, les États membres de l’Union européenne (UE) se soumettent à des politiques restrictives, en matière d’asile, qui les contraignent à respecter leur engagement de protéger les personnes qui fuient la persécution. Plusieurs politiques de dissuasion de l’UE sont controversées. Certaines ont d’abord été élaborées dans différents États, avant que l’UE ne mette en place une politique commune en matière d’asile. Certaines des ces politiques migratoires ont été copiées, et ont un effet négatif sur la transformation des procédures d’asile et du droit des réfugiés dans d’autres pays, tel le Canada. En raison des normes minimales imposées par la législation de l’UE, les États membres adoptent des politiques et instaurent des pratiques, qui sont mises en doute et sont critiquées par l’UNHCR et les ONG, quant au respect des obligations internationales à l'égard des droits de la personne. Parmi les politiques et les pratiques les plus critiquées certaines touchent le secteur du contrôle frontalier. En tentant de remédier à l’abolition des frontières internes, les États membres imposent aux demandeurs d’asile des barrières migratoires quasi impossibles à surmonter. Les forçant ainsi à s’entasser dans des centres de migration, au nord de l’Afrique, à rebrousser chemin ou encore à mourir en haute mer.
For many years, EU member states have imposed strict controls on asylum and have often failed to respect their commitment to provide protection to persons fleeing persecution. Many of the controversial EU policies of deterrence have been developed by different member states and implemented on an EU level. Some of those policies have been copied and brought negative changes to the refugee law system in other countries, such as Canada. Under the minimal standards imposed by the EU legislation, the states are adopting and putting in place policies and practices whose compliance with the international human rights obligations is questionable and criticized by the UNHCR and NGOs. Some of the most controversial policies and practices put in place are in the area of border control. Aiming to compensate for the abolishment of internal borders, EU member states are imposing nearly insurmountable barriers to asylum seekers who find themselves suffocating in migration centres in North Africa, turned back or left to die at high sea.

Deux décennies après l’adoption de la Convention relative au statut des réfugiés en 1951, l’affluence du nombre de réfugiés réclamant l’asile aux frontières occidentales a mené les États européens à instaurer des règles restrictives pour dissuader les demandeurs d’asile à se réclamer de cette protection internationale au sein de leurs territoires respectifs. Une des mesures préventives récentes est la directive sur « Pays d’origine sûrs » (POS) dont l’objectif est d’identifier les requérants non éligibles à recevoir la protection internationale, car issus de pays considérés sécuritaires. Ce travail de recherche propose une étude comparative entre les directives de l’Union européenne adoptées en 2005, puis réformées en 2013 et la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés en vigueur au Canada. D’une part, nous analysons l’impact néfaste de cette directive dissuasive sur les droits fondamentaux des demandeurs d’asile en provenance de pays d’origine désignés, notamment en ce qui a trait à leur droit à une entrevue individuelle ainsi que leur droit d’en appeler de la décision qui a été prise et leur refusant l’asile. D’autre part, nous démontrerons comment l’étendue des limites substantielles à l’égard des droits fondamentaux des demandeurs d’asile en provenance des POS est contradictoire avec les obligations constitutionnelles de l’UE et du Canada, notamment celles formulées dans la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne, la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme et la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Bien que l’élaboration et l’application des règles adoptées par les systèmes juridiques mentionnés souffrent de plusieurs défauts violant les droits fondamentaux des demandeurs d’asile en provenance de pays d’origine désignés, nous démontrerons que l’approche du Canada a des conséquences plus draconiennes sur des demandeurs d’asile en provenance de POS que celles découlant de la loi commune applicable dans l’UE. Finalement, nous conclurons que les États occidentaux ne devraient pas se limiter à une solution à court terme telle celle du POS. Ces États devraient avoir plus de responsabilités et offrir une protection internationale accrue en soutenant les pays près de zones de conflits tout en établissant un programme réaliste permettant d’accueillir un nombre précis de réfugiés tous les ans. Mots Clés : Pays d’origine sûrs – Pays d’origine désignés – Droits humains – Droits procéduraux – Droit à l’entrevue individuelle – Droit d’appel – l’Union européenne – Canada – Réfugiés requérants – Demandeurs d’asile
Two decades following the adoption of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the growing number of asylum seekers arriving at the Western countries’ borders convinced European States to put in place new asylum rules to prevent asylum seekers from reaching their borders and dissuade the potential refugee applicants from seeking international protection in their respective territories. One of the most recent preventive measures has been the “Safe Countries of Origin” rule (hereafter SCO) whose main purpose is to identify and reject refugee applicants who are not in real need of international protection since they originate from countries which are deemed generally safe. In this research, we conduct a comparative study between the European Union’s Directives adopted in 2005 and recasted in 2013, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act enacted by the Canada. At the first step, we intend to verify the adverse impact of this deterrent rule, during the expeditious determination procedure, on the SCO asylum seekers’ fundamental human rights including the right to personal interview and the right to appeal. At the second step, our objective is to demonstrate to which extent the fundamental human rights limitations imposed on SCO asylum seekers are in contradiction with the EU’s and Canada’s constitutional obligations undertaken respectively in EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Based on this comparative research we illustrate that, while the elaboration and the application of the SCO rule in both the above-mentioned legal systems suffer from inherent flaws which infringe the basic human rights of SCO refugee applicants, Canada’s approach has had more drastic consequences on the SCO refugee applicants than those resulting from the EU’s common asylum law. Finally, we conclude that, instead of a short-term solution such as the SCO rule, the Western States must accept more responsibilities in providing international protection by supporting the countries that border the crisis zones, and establishing a workable program to accept a specific number of asylum seekers every year. Keywords: Safe Countries of Origin - Designated Countries of Origin - Human Rights -Procedural Rights - Right to Personal Interview - Right to Appeal - the European Union - Canada - Refugee Applicants - Asylum Seekers

La marque, une des plus vieilles institutions sociales, a pris une importance inégalée au XXe siècle devenant à la fois l’illustration de la globalisation moderne et un moyen d’expression tant culturelle que citoyenne. Aussi, depuis les années 1920, on s’interroge sur l’évolution des fonctions de la marque et du droit de marque. Les titulaires de droit ont notamment cherché à étendre leur protection au-delà des frontières initiales pour y inclure l’imaginaire de marque (brand) en se réappropriant indûment le langage de la propriété. Ce mélange des genres est venu perturber le difficile équilibre entre la protection des intérêts commerciaux et des libertés fondamentales. À la lumière de la littérature historique, sémiotique et marketing, nous soumettons que l’imaginaire de marque a pris de l’ampleur tout en se détachant de la notion de marque. La rationalité de la marque et du droit de marque est restée attachée à leurs racines originelles à savoir la référence du public à une source. C’est autour de celle-ci que la protection s’opère et que la construction du régime juridique du droit de marque devrait être réalisée. Il convient ainsi de refondre le régime juridique du droit de marque autour de cette fonction d’origine. Une reconstruction fonctionnelle de la notion de marque permet d’enligner le droit avec la diversité des marques dans la société moderne : tout ce qui est à même de référer le public à une origine devrait se qualifier au titre d’une marque. Cela permet notamment d’inclure de manière cohérente les hologrammes et les noms de domaine à l’édifice, outre les autres formes de marque encore inconnues. Cette approche fonctionnelle permettra de surcroît de recentrer le droit de marque sur la notion de confusion du public. Il s’agit notamment d’abandonner le critère de l’emploi, tout en sortant les marques de la sphère du mercantile. Cette rationalité retrouvée offrira une ligne de protection flexible répondant aux enjeux démocratiques de protection de la liberté d’expression mais également à ceux du numérique en lien par exemple avec la publicité ou les mots-clics.
Rethinking Trademark Rights: An Essay on a Functional Approach to Marks in a Global and Digital Economy – Trademarks, one of the oldest social institutions, rose to a unique standing in the 20th century to become the symbol of modern globalization as well as a means of expression and activism. Since the 1920s, the evolution of the function of marks and trademark rights is discussed. Rights holders sought to extend their protection beyond the initial boundaries to include the marketing concept of brand through erroneous language and rhetoric of property, ownership and theft. Such propositions have disrupted the fragile and dynamic equilibrium between commercial interests and civil liberties. Looking at History, Semiotics and Marketing, I argue that brands gained prominence, but took off from trademarks. The rationale for the latter and for trademark rights is still fundamentally rooted in the referential function to a source. The protection and the legal construction of trademark rights should only revolve around such a function. I therefore propose to recast trademarks’ legal framework upon this function of origin. Redelineating the concept of “mark” through a functional approach will align the law with the diversity and versatility of trademarks in modern societies: whatever serves a referential purpose should amount to a mark. This will notably offer a coherent scheme to include holograms or domain names, among future and unknown new means of reference. This functional approach will also refocus mark rights on the standard of public confusion. I argue that the law should deviate from the standard of use, and understand marks out of the trade sphere. This rationale would offer a stringent but flexible framework that addresses issues of freedom of expression as well as those arising out of the digital world, e.g. advertisement and hashtags.

Przedmiotem niniejszej pracy jest koncepcja prawa człowieka do zdrowia w prawie międzynarodowym. Zaś punktem wyjścia – pytanie o treść i możliwość praktycznego stosowania przepisów dotyczących prawa człowieka do zdrowia na poziomie międzynarodowym. Rozprawa skupia się na trzech umowach międzynarodowych: Międzynarodowym Pakcie Praw Gospodarczych, Społecznych i Kulturalnych, Europejskiej Karcie Społecznej oraz Afrykańskiej Karcie Praw Człowieka i Ludów. Obok przepisów prawnych szczegółowej analizie poddano praktykę ich stosowania przez odpowiednie międzynarodowe organy ochrony praw człowieka.W doktrynie pojawiają się poglądy, jakoby w katalogu praw człowieka trudno było znaleźć prawo bardziej kontrowersyjne i o bardziej mglistym znaczeniu niż prawo do zdrowia. Obecny stan dyskusji naukowej oraz wieloletnia praktyka organów międzynarodowych pozwalają odeprzeć wiele z tych podnoszonych zarzutów. Nie oznacza to jednak, że z prawem do zdrowia nie wiążą się realne trudności. Dotyczą one chociażby jego skomplikowanej struktury, bardzo szerokiego zakresu czy niejasnego przedmiotu podnoszonych na jego podstawie roszczeń. W pracy założono, że prawo człowieka do zdrowia jest prawem generującym szczegółowe i konkretne zobowiązania o różnym charakterze, które na poziomie międzynarodowym mogą być skutecznie monitorowane oraz egzekwowane. Uznano również, że na poziomie międzynarodowym funkcjonuje spójne i uniwersalne rozumienie prawa do zdrowia. Biorąc pod uwagę elementy strukturalne, przyjęto również, że w prawie do zdrowia można zauważyć dwie warstwy – prawa podmiotowego i normy programowej. Trzy systemy ochrony praw człowieka były analizowane biorąc pod uwagę następujące zagadnienia: ogólne zasady realizacji prawa do zdrowia, zakres podmiotowy (po stronie uprawnionych i zobowiązanych), zakres przedmiotowy (opis szczegółowych zobowiązań i obszarów objętych prawem do zdrowia) oraz granice wymagalności (zasady limitacji i derogacji). Wymienione zagadnienia stały się podstawą porównania prawa do zdrowia w trzech systemów. Ramy teoretyczne przeprowadzonego badania zostały ustalone na podstawie prac R. Alexy’ego dotyczących praw podstawowych.
The subject of this dissertation is the concept of the human right to health in international law. Its starting point is the question of the content and the possibility of practical application of the provisions concerning the human right to health at the international level. The dissertation focuses on three international treaties: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the European Social Charter and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Additionally to legal provision this dissertation analyse also – in detailed – the interpretation of human right to health by international human rights bodies. In the views of many authors it is hard to find more controversial and more vague human right than the right to health. However, the current state of scientific discussion and many years of practice of international bodies allow to rebut many of these arguments. Although, this does not mean that the right to health is not linked to some real difficulties. They concern its complicated structure, wide scope and vague claims raised on the basis of this right.The study assumed that the human right to health is a right that generates detailed and specific obligations of a different nature, which at the international level can be efficiently monitored and enforced. It was also found that at the international level right to health has a consistent and universal understanding. Given the structural elements, it was assumed that the right to health contains two layers - a subjective right and programmatic norm.The right to health in three human rights systems (African, European and Universal) was analysed taking into account the following issues: general principles, subjective scope, material scope (description of specific obligations and covered areas) and the limitation and derogation clauses. These issues formed the basis of comparison of the right to health in the three analysed systems. Theoretical framework of the research was mainly based on the works of R. Alexy on fundamental rights.

L'une des critiques fondamentales adressées au mécanisme de contrôle et de surveillance de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme en matière électorale tient au risque qu'il portera atteinte à la souveraineté de l'État. En effet, certains auteurs estiment que l'autonomie constitutionnelle de l'État dans le domaine électoral, jusqu'à tout récemment strictement protégée, s'affaiblit sous l'influence de la protection des droits de l'homme dans le système européen. Le présent mémoire a pour but de déterminer les conditions imposées aux autorités étatiques par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme en vue d'assurer l'exercice efficace du droit à des élections libres. Ensuite, il analysera les effets de ces conditions sur la souveraineté des États parties à la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Notre étude s'intéresse, dans un premier temps, à l'examen du principe de la souveraineté de l'État et de son évolution progressive sous l'influence des droits de l'homme. Dans un deuxième temps, elle présentera le droit à des élections libres et ses manifestations théoriques et jurisprudentielles. L'étude des affaires tranchées par la Cour européenne permettra de remarquer que la déférence qui est accordée à la souveraineté des États s'accompagne d'une certaine limitation de la marge d'appréciation des autorités étatiques en cas de privation de l'exercice efficace du droit à des élections libres. Ensuite, les acquis théoriques et conceptuels seront appliqués à l'étude des restrictions électorales relevant des mesures législatives, administratives et judiciaires des États ainsi que des conditions imposées par la Cour européenne. À cet égard, l'analyse de ces conditions nous permettra de saisir l'étendue de la limitation de la liberté d'action des États en matière électorale. Cette recension analytique nous permettra de conclure que le mécanisme de contrôle de la Cour européenne entraîne de multiples effets limitatifs sur la souveraineté des États.
One of the fundamental criticisms levelled at the ECtHR review mechanism relates to the fact that it is jeopardizing State's sovereignty. According to some commentators the State's constitutional autonomy, untill recently strictly preserved under international law, is now questioned as a result of the international protection of human rights. This study aims to identify the link between the principle of State sovereignty, the guarantee of the electoral rights, and the role of the ECtHR. Our study will be divided into three chapters. Chapter l, "Progressive evolution of the principle of State sovereignty and the European mechanism for the protection of fundamental human rights", discusses the principle of State sovereignty and its interpretations in contemporary international law. The chapter traces the evolution of the principle and links it with the progressive development of fundamental human rights. Chapter II, "The interaction between the State's margin of appreciation and the European supervisory mechanism", considers what role the positive obligations of States may have played in the crystallization of States' attitudes towards the application of international human rights instruments. After a brief discussion of the doctrine of the margin of appreciation and States' obligations under the European Convention, the chapter focuses on the ECtHR's control and supervision of the States' electoral restrictions. Chapter III, "Electoral restrictions and the scope of limits imposed on the State sovereignty", is central to our study. This chapter examines the ECtHR case-Iaw on electoral rights (1987-2008) and draws attention to some electoral restrictions in legislative, administrative and judicial matters. This study looks at the challenges which surround the application of the right to free elections, focusing on electoral rights in national political discourse, and the development of the ECtHR's enhanced role in protecting electoral rights in Europe. It draws conclusions as to the relationships between the development of an effective protection of electoral rights and the resultant limitations to the State sovereignty.

Cette étude a pour but de présenter le dialogue entre les juges de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) et de la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme (CIADH), deux Cours régionales supranationales, visant toutes deux à garantir le respect des droits fondamentaux. Le dialogue est étudié à travers l’analyse du contentieux portant sur l’intégrité de la personne humaine et sur la protection des droits économiques et sociaux. Ce sujet se rattache au contexte de mondialisation qui vient transformer les relations de pouvoir et révèle l’émancipation des juges dans la régulation transgouvernementale. Le présent mémoire conclut que le dialogue vise à établir une cohérence entre les systèmes afin de faire prévaloir une vision commune des droits de l’homme à travers la constitution d’un espace euro-américain, tel un réseau d’échange informel. Néanmoins, le dialogue est limité par certains facteurs contextuels liés aux réalités contrastées des deux systèmes régionaux ainsi que par la volonté des acteurs étatiques.
This research aims to present the dialogue between judges of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human rights (IAHR). These two supranational regional courts both aim at ensuring respect for fundamental rights within their jurisdiction. The dialogue between them is analysed through the study of disputes regarding the integrity of human being and the protection of economic and social rights. This subject is greatly linked to the context of power shifts induced by globalization and reveals how judges are emancipating themselves through transgovernemental regulatory networks. In conclusion, this thesis demonstrates the dialogue’s objective to establish a certain coherence between the systems and to allow a common vision of human rights to be brought forward through the constitution of an informal exchange network now known as the Euro-American interspace. However, the dialogue is restricted by many contextual factors and the contrasted realities of the two regional systems, as well as the will of state actors.

In the first section of the dissertation, strike law in the Netherlands is focused upon. The following issues are inter alia dealt with: the historical background of the strike phenomenon, the right to strike and restrictions on this right, the reluctance of the Dutch legislature to legislate in the field of industrial action, and the directly applicable provisions of the European Social Charter. The second section of the dissertation deals with South African strike law and also starts off with a discussion of the historical background thereof, whereafter the provisions of the 1995 Labour Relations Act are analysed and discussed. The third and last section highlights some of the major differences and points to some similarities between the two legal systems. It concludes that the detailed South African labour legislation does not provide more certainty than the Dutch judge-made law in respect of the law relating to strikes.
Law
LL.M.

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.