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Journal articles on the topic 'European perceptions of Ukraine'
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1
Chaban, Natalia, and Lisa Claire Whitten. "Youth Perceptions of the EU and the Baltic States in Ukraine: Emotive Attitudes and Images." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2021): 599–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021045.
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This article analyses the perceptions that young people in Ukraine have of the European Union (EU) and the Baltic States. Based on a qualitatively rich data set from surveys carried out with students across four regions of Ukraine – Kyiv, Odesa, Ivano-Frankivsk and Kharkiv – the paper draws on International Relations (IR) image theory to analyse the cognitive, normative, and emotive elements of youth perceptions of the national Self of Ukraine and the important Others of the EU and the Baltic States. Several key findings emerge from the study: (1) youth in Ukraine have broadly positive attitudes towards the EU and the Baltic States; (2) young people in Ukraine report greater familiarity with EU affairs than those of the Baltic States; but (3) attitudes to the EU are predominantly cognitive while (4) attitudes to the Baltic States are predominantly emotive; and finally (5) youth in Ukraine perceive the EU and Baltic state Other in normatively positive terms but the national Self in normatively negative terms. Our findings underline the centrality of the emotive aspect of IR image theory in public perception research and in processes of political socialization. This study therefore makes an important contribution to theoretical literatures on IR image as well as providing a timely empirical analysis with direct relevance to EU external relations diplomacy and the development of EU neighbourhood policy. European Union, Ukraine, Baltic States, International Relations, Image Theory, Mental Mapping, Public Perception Research
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Treshchenkov, E. "Dynamics and Factors of Ukraine’s European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-63-74.
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EU-Ukraine approximation is an inevitable but complicated process. Being seriously influenced by international environment, it is defined, however, by a complex of interconnected internal factors. This study analyses such factors as perceptions of foreign policy by the Ukrainian society; Ukraine’s institutions efficiency; the quality of bureaucracy; regional choices; characteristics of political elites.
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Katerynchuk, Pavlo. "Russian propaganda as an instrument of foreign policy strategy towards Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.222-229.
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The annexation of the Crimea and the war on the Donbas were not a coincidence or a spontaneous action of Russia, but were a clearly planned strategy to weaken Ukraine in order to make its Eurointegration and Euroatlantic progress impossible. This was preceded by years of information campaigns and the massive use of propaganda in Ukraine through the wide presence of Russian media in the domestic information space. Due to the dominance of Russian audiovisual and electronic media among a large part of Ukrainians formed formation of stereotyped and sometimes completely obscured perceptions of European values, as well as about events of the “Revolution of Dignity”, which resulted in a high degree of distrust of Ukraine's European aspirations and contributed to the annexation of the Crimea and war in Donbas.
The author comes to the conclusion that against the backdrop of such a coherent, consistent and pre-planned information war, Ukraine was unprepared to confront Russia. It is obvious that for this purpose the state needs clear and consistent steps to protect the information space and, at the same time, to promote patriotism and European values among Ukrainian citizens, to create and spread Ukrainian and English-language content in the world about events in Ukraine, to create the preconditions for building a positive image of the country struggling against corruption and the implementation of effective reforms.
Keywords: Russian propaganda, Russian media, Euro-integration aspirations of Ukraine, Donbas, Euromaidan
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Headley, James. "Perceptions of the Ukraine Crisis: A Clash Between a Modern Russia and a Postmodern European Union?" European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Special Issue (May 1, 2018): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018013.
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This article explores how perceptions of the Ukraine crisis reflect broader ways of thinking about the European Union (EU) and Russia in the shared neighbourhood. A common interpretation of the crisis is that it marks a clash between a ‘postmodern’ EU and a ‘modern’ Russia. This article questions this interpretation, challenging both the broad framework and also its utility in explaining the Ukraine crisis. Furthermore, it suggests that the framework has itself contributed to the crisis. The exceptionalism inherent in the ‘postmodern EU’ concept encourages EU policymakers to believe that their policy is inherently legitimate and hence to disregard the views and interests of other states. Russian policymakers have continuously objected to such an approach and their assertiveness in relation to Ukraine is in part a response to it.
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Grødeland, Åse B. "Public and Elite Perceptions of Supranational Courts: The European Perspective." Review of Central and East European Law 39, no. 1 (July 2, 2014): 41–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-00000011.
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This article investigates the perceptions of legal insiders (i.e., those working professionally with law) and legal outsiders (i.e., those affected by law) of European supranational courts in general, and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in particular. Drawing on largescale qualitative and quantitative data collected in Norway, UK, Poland, Bulgaria and Ukraine, the article shows that support for such courts is widespread across Europe—though less so in the UK than elsewhere. Support is predominantly ‘informed’ by practical considerations of usefulness rather than by ideology. Our data suggest that national legal cultures are highly responsive to ECtHR case law as a legal transfer. This, in turn, has implications for the debate on the legitimacy of the ECtHR and, thus, also for its future.
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Chaban, Natalia, and Ole Elgström. "A Perceptual Approach to EU Public Diplomacy: Investigating Collaborative Diplomacy in EU-Ukraine Relations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 488–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10029.
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Summary This article contributes to the theorisation of collaborative public diplomacy by introducing a perceptual approach. Engaging with the collaborative diplomacy paradigm developed to conceptualise public diplomacy in the context of non-traditional security threats and conflicts, as well as nation building, the article explores and compares perceptions of the European Union (EU) as a public diplomacy actor in Ukraine (tracked in 50 elite interviews) and in Brussels (13 interviews with EU practitioners). The article engages with a concept of a ‘perception gap’ hypothesising a gap between the Others’ perception of the EU and the EU’s self-perception. It furthers the conceptualisation of a perception gap by suggesting to consider it at cognitive, normative and emotive levels in the image structure and arguing variation between the levels. The article contends that a perception gap is a critical factor in preventing genuine dialogue, engagement and listening — key concepts proposed by the collaborative diplomacy paradigm.
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Headley, James, and Natalia Chaban. "Introduction: The EU and Its Eastern Neighbours Perceptions and Strategic Dialogue in the Region." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Special Issue (May 1, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018008.
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Relations between Ukraine, Russia and the EU have undergone a dramatic development that influences the relations between all of the countries of the Eastern Partnership – Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan – the EU and Russia. In order to understand the communication and cooperation processes within the region, we have to analyse perceptions. This holds true for individuals, civil society organizations as well as states in the region. This article introduces the Special Issue to the readers and overviews the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership and EU-Russia relations and identifies the role of images and perceptions in shaping these dialogues. The article offers a novel comprehensive theoretical framework in the study of EU perceptions stressing the relational nature of perceptions and points to several main trends in how the EU is recognized and characterized by its eastern neighbours in a time of major crises and changes in Europe.
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Blikhar, V., V. Syrovackyi, Mariia Vinichuk, and Maryana Kashchuk. "INSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL BASIS OF COUNTERACTING CORRUPTION: EXPERIENCE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND UKRAINE." Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 2, no. 43 (April 29, 2022): 365–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.2.43.2022.3757.
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The intensification of the challenges, threats and risks of the global financial and economic system and the unreadiness of national economies to resist their destabilizing effects lead to the formation of a new paradigm of the world economic order, an integral component of which is corruption. The spread of corruption in the global dimension intensifies the disparities in the structure of socio-economic systems and creates obstacles to the legal and socio-political system of the country, as this destructive phenomenon penetrates not only the public sector but also the economy, politics and society, and it significantly affects the quality of life of the population, which is manifested in the enrichment of a small proportion and the impoverishment of the majority of the population. The article defines the essence of corruption substantiates the relationship between corruption and the quality of life of the population. The economic and legal analysis of normative and legal support of counteracting corruption in the countries of the European Union and in Ukraine is carried out. A study of the dynamics of the Corruption Perceptions Index and the Quality of Life Index in the countries of the European Union and Ukraine during 2018-2021 is conducted. Based on multifactor (cluster) analysis using the k-means method, the grouping of the countries of the European Union and Ukraine by the Corruption Perceptions Index and the Quality of Life Index is carried out, which allowed to distinguish three groups among the countries of the European Union: (1) highly developed countries, which have a high quality of life and low levels of corruption; (2) highly developed countries which provide high quality of life, but corruption is high enough; (3) countries with a high level of corruption and a relatively low level of quality of life, including Ukraine. In order to ensure effective counteraction to corruption, the main measures to combat this destructive phenomenon have been proposed, the implementation of which requires the improvement of current legislation and its harmonization with international regulations.
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Elgström, Ole, Natalia Chaban, Michèle Knodt, Patrick Müller, and Sharon Pardo. "Perceptions of the EU’s Role in the Ukraine-Russia and the Israel-Palestine Conflicts: A Biased Mediator?" International Negotiation 23, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23021154.
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AbstractThis article focuses on how the European Union’s (EU) mediation activities during the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine conflicts are perceived by local elites. Our analysis is based on recent interviews with decision makers in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine. Consistent with this special issue, we investigate perceptions ofEUroles, strategies and effectiveness. We suggest that theEU’s relation to the parties may affect their perceptions ofEUconflict mediation efforts. Specifically, we expect that theEUis perceived as abiased mediatorin both cases due to perceived close relations to one or more conflict parties. However, contrary to our expectations and widespread assumption in mediation theory, while such a bias exists, we found it isnotperceived as a main cause ofEUineffectiveness. Other factors, including the prominence of other mediators and internalEUdisunity, are perceived as more detrimental toEUefficacy.
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Khayrizamanova, Irina. "Russia’s Perceptions of the European Union as an Actor in the Shared Neighbourhood Before and During the Ukraine Conflict." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2021): 579–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021044.
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This article draws on the argument that systematic consideration of the perceptions held at the level of foreign policy-makers can enrich the understanding of Self-Other identity interactions. This research examines the evolution of the discursive dialogue between the EU’s self-portrayals as an actor in the shared neighbourhood and as an actor in the Ukrainian crisis and its external perceptions in Russia. In focus are the EU’s and Russia’s political narratives formulated and communicated from 2003 to 2015. The analysis shows a leading trend of Russia challenging the EU’s predominantly self-ingratiating images thus refusing to sediment the EU’s self-proclaimed identity as a distinctive actor. In turn, the EU’s inattention to its ‘mirror’ images has led to the self-reinforcing cycle of reciprocal mis – and non-recognition of Russia as the constitutive Other in the EU identity formation. These patterns have contributed to the escalation in the discursive clashes between the two actors during the Russia-Ukraine conflict. the EU, Russia, external perceptions, discourse
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Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.
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The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
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Kobierecka, Anna. "The Swedish Perception of European Security in Light of the Crisis in Ukraine." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0012.
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The events in Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the Russian attitude towards Ukraine show an evident change in European relations. The escalation of conflict between Russia and Ukraine however does not affect only those two countries, but also those in the nearest vicinity. Especially in Scandinavian and Nordic countries change in social ambience can be observed. The aim of this article is essentially to analyze Swedish reaction to the Ukrainian Crisis, the change in Swedish attitude towards international security systems, especially NATO, and Swedish perception of its national safety.
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Munko, Anna, and Myroslav Treshchov. "Ukraine in the world: socio-economic dimension." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 2, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 327–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-2-327-335.
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The article emphasizes that the issue of Ukrainian socio-economic development trends under globalization. Indicators of socio-economic development of Ukraine are analyzed on the basis of national statistical, financial and budgetary reports, data of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The dynamics of such indicators over a period of 5 – 10 years, as well as the projected indicators for 2020 – 2023, are traced. Dynamic of GDP in constant prices has shown the results of relatively successful 2017 – 2019 formation of the upward period of the economic cycle which was characterized by moderate growth of real GDP within 3%. Ukraine is likely to be able to sustain such growth rates without significant upheavals, with a well-designed and reasonably stimulated economy. GDP by purchasing power parity for most European countries has shown a disappointing tendency. Ukraine has been among the outsiders for a long time (below – Moldova). Ukraine will continue to occupy the last positions in terms of economic development compared to other European countries despite the IMF's positive outlook for a steady increase in purchasing power. It is important to focus on improving financial and monetary policy, in particular, reducing and maintaining debt at the level acceptable by the Budget Code of Ukraine at 60% of GDP. In previous years, the share of debt in GDP reached a record 80% for Ukraine which violated the rules of the current legislation. Monetary policy should be aimed at improving the conditions for doing business, which will allow Ukraine to improve its position in the global ratings of competitiveness and ease of doing business. The most representative global indices are investigated and the positions of the state in world and European rankings are analyzed. There are: KOF Globalization Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, The Global Competitiveness Index, Ease of Doing Business, Global Innovation Index and E-Government Development Index, World Happiness Index. The basic tendencies of socio-economic development of Ukraine, risks and ways of their minimization are determined.
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Krasnodębska, Molly. "‘Like us’ or ‘One of us’: Tensions between Liberal and Communitarian Values in EU-Ukraine Relations." New Perspectives 24, no. 2 (September 2016): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1602400204.
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The article compares the Eastern Neighbourhood policies of the two founders of the Eastern Partnership (EaP), Poland and Sweden. It focuses on the two countries’ approaches towards Ukraine during the preparations of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) in late 2013. The article argues that while both Sweden and Poland have a strongly value-driven approach towards Ukraine, their foreign policies are guided by two different understandings of values: a liberal and a communitarian understanding. Sweden's foreign policy, which is based on liberal values, focuses on the promotion of certain ‘universal’ norms connected to human rights, democracy, and good governance in its neighbourhood, offering assistance in reforms to those countries which show commitment to these norms. By contrast, Poland's approach towards the Eastern neighbourhood is guided by a communitarian understanding of solidarity and ‘kinship duty’ based on perceptions of a common heritage and a shared regional identity. From the different understandings of values follow different logics of action. For Sweden, Ukraine's inclusion into the EU's institutional structures, e.g. through the AA, is conditioned on Ukraine's democratic performance and approximation to European standards. Poland, on the other hand, views Ukraine's inclusion into EU structures as a precondition for the country's success in reforms. Because of these different logics, the EaP at large, which is shaped by both liberal and communitarian values, entails intrinsic tensions. These tensions are arguably more problematic than tensions between values and interests, to which scholars often attribute the EaP's shortcomings.
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Chayinska, Maria, Anca Minescu, and Craig McGarty. "Political solidarity through action (and inaction): How international relations changed intracultural perceptions in Ukraine." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, no. 3 (May 2017): 396–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216682354.
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The present research sought to explain the mechanisms behind rival Ukrainian solidarity campaigns advocating protection of the minority Crimean Tatars in the immediate aftermath of Russia’s 2014 annexation of the Crimean peninsula. Adapting the social identity model of helping and solidarity we propose that political solidarity is a form of collective action in which allies can align their aspirational identities to the oppressed group’s political loyalties through a process of disidentification from powerful outgroups. We proposed and found supportive evidence ( N = 657) for the notion that both action (facilitation pathway) and inaction (inhibitory pathway) to support the Crimean Tatars were derived from disidentification from the European Union or the Russian-Federation-dominated Customs Union and are mediated by perception of the Crimean Tatars’ loyalties towards Russia and Ukraine. The findings provide initial evidence for a new understanding of political mobilization in support of third parties as a group-level emergent phenomenon in the context of identity threat.
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Sabatovych, Iana, and Xiwen Wang. "In the ‘Shadow’ of the EU: Perceptions of China and Strategic Considerations in Poland and Ukraine." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2021): 629–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021046.
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The European Union (EU) has continuously extended its presence in the post-communist neighbourhood through the offer of membership and/or closer political and economic association. Meanwhile, the growing competition among various powers in the region brings a potential of new divisions in Europe, as Ukraine’s crisis demonstrates. Furthermore, while the presence of such powers as the United States (US) or Russia is somewhat traditional for the region, China’s growing economic engagement with post-communist states reveals its potential to become an equally important actor. This article examines this potential of China on the examples of Poland and Ukraine, as both countries share geographic and historical similarities but differ in their Europeanization progress. We believe that this convergence with the EU may affect the way Ukraine and Poland perceive and accordingly engage with China and test this hypothesis within the neoclassical realist framework. We find that the perceptions of China in the two countries affect the intensity of their engagement with China, especially when the EU is concerned. Moreover, the effectiveness of the relationship-building with China, in line with neoclassical realism, depends on the extent to which their political decisions are guided by strategic considerations as opposed to perceptions of international affairs. This is true for the dynamics of China’s relations with the two countries not only in the long run but also in light of the most recent developments in the international arena. perceptions, China, the EU, Poland, Ukraine, Russia
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Alrababa’h, Ala’, Rachel Myrick, and Isaac Webb. "Do Donor Motives Matter? Investigating Perceptions of Foreign Aid in the Conflict in Donbas." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 748–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa026.
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Abstract How do the perceived motives of donor states shape recipient attitudes toward foreign aid in a conflict zone? This research note evaluates the impact of two frames that characterize the motives of foreign powers involved in a civil conflict in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. These frames portray foreign actors as providing aid either to alleviate suffering during conflict (humanitarian frame) or to increase their power and influence in the recipient country (political influence frame). We demonstrate how framing impacts attitudes toward foreign assistance from the European Union and the Russian government among potential aid recipients in the Donbas. The results show that frames impact support for foreign aid from the European Union but have no effect on views of Russian aid. Counter to conventional expectations, aid provided for geopolitical, strategic reasons may be viewed as a positive, stabilizing force—even more than foreign aid provided for humanitarian reasons.
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Grødeland, Åse B. "Perceptions of civil rights, security and the “war on terror”: East and West compared." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (November 6, 2015): 317–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.10.003.
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This article explores the tension between civil rights and security by examining the perceptions of the general public and elites in Eastern and Western Europe on (i) the terrorist threat; (ii) external pressure to stay within or step outside the law when combatting terrorism; and (iii) how best to combat terrorism. Large scale qualitative and quantitative data collected in Western and Eastern Europe before the terrorist act in Norway in 2011 and the Russian intervention in Ukraine and subsequent annexation of the Crimea in 2014 suggest that at the time terrorism was perceived as a greater threat in Western than in Eastern Europe. Further, Europeans felt that the US had extended pressure on their countries to combat terrorism by stepping outside the law. While ordinary citizens believed that terrorism should be fought by introducing more security — if necessary at the expense of civil rights — elites emphasized the need to protect civil rights while combating terrorism. Finally, European Muslims claimed that the terrorist threat was exaggerated and that protecting civil rights is more important than combating terrorism.
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Yarotskiy, Petro. "The multiplier nature of the European Reformation and the peculiarities of its perception in Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 83 (September 1, 2017): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2017.83.772.
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The 500th anniversary of theReformation (1517 - 2017), which is celebrated in Ukraine at the state level, gives an opportunity to evaluate this event in various dimensions of its foundation, development and transformation in the context of the European transition from feudal relations and their citadel - the Catholic Church to the establishment of protestantism as an innovation faith and ideologiy of a new social formation. The process of the spread of early protestantism in Ukraine an its perception by the Ukrainian mentality and modern functionality in independent Ukraine are researched
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TARLOPOV, Ihor. "Organizing international economic statistics in the context of globalization." Economics. Finances. Law, no. 10/1 (October 26, 2020): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.10(1).1.
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The paper scrutinizes the peculiarities of organizing the international economic statistics in the context of globalization. It has been proven to be essential to rethink and reevaluate general problems of organizing the international economic statistics at the methodological level with the purpose of enhancing the reputation of Ukraine in the international arena. Ukraine’s choice of strategic direction towards the integration into the European Union actualizes the scientific discourse related to defining the conceptual foundations of state management of foreign economic activity, ensuring the implementation of customs policy of the state in accordance with the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine. Notwithstanding certain achievements with regard to the implementation of provisions of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine in recent years, the country still requires a significant improvement of processes related to the activities of government authorities in the sphere of foreign economic activity, their interaction with stakeholders, improved governance over such processes. Indexes of leading ratings affirm the significance of intensifying such processes. The indicators of the «Global Competitiveness Index» and the «Index of Economic Freedom» in EU countries and Ukraine have been analyzed within the scope of the paper. It has been established that the impact of factors which serve to calculate these Indexes displays a considerable dependence on the efficient government regulation over its foreign trade and, correspondingly, state management of foreign economic activity of Ukraine in the context of European integration. The work comprises substantiation for the necessity to improve government regulation in the sphere of macroeconomic indicators which are included into international comparison ratings. According to other ratings such as the «Index of Economic Freedom», the «Corruption Perceptions Index», among all EU member states Ukraine maintains the lowest indexes, which testifies to its current condition as the one which requires the implementation into the activity of government institutions of the best practices and tools originating not only from EU countries but also from the countries with highest rating indexes and most advanced practices of reforming the system of public relations in the sphere of foreign economic activity.
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Chaban, Natalia, Ole Elgström, and Michèle Knodt. "Perceptions of EU mediation and mediation effectiveness: Comparing perspectives from Ukraine and the EU." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 4 (January 23, 2019): 506–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718823813.
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A small but growing literature has started to analyse the European Union (EU) ‘as an effective peacemaker’. We make a contribution to this field by investigating EU mediation effectiveness in the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The focus is on perceptions of effectiveness. Based on information from semi-structured interviews, we compare EU self-images with Ukrainian evaluations of EU mediation efforts. How effective is the EU, including its Member States, deemed to be? What factors are believed to lie behind perceived (in)effectiveness? We concentrate on four such factors, derived from the mediator literature: perceived (im)partiality, coherence and credibility and, finally, evaluations of the EU’s mediation strategies. Both internal and external views singled out EU member states as the most effective actors in current mediation. The role of EU was seen in ambivalent terms by both sides. All the four determinants of mediation effectiveness are discussed in our material, but differ considerably in the degree of attention given to each of them. While (im)partiality is not a factor that is linked to effectiveness in any straightforward way, EU incoherence is associated with inconsistent and weak policies, notably in the Ukraine material.
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Kulynych, Olena. "Digital transformation of vocational educational organizations of Ukraine: European vector." ScienceRise: Pedagogical Education, no. 4(43) (July 30, 2021): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2519-4984.2021.238001.
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The article presents an overview of normative documents, research results, conclusions on the topic of digital transformation of education systems, in particular in the EU countries. The generalization of materials, which help to define, at what stage of digital transformations there is an education of Ukraine, a place of system of vocational education in this global process, is presented. Examples are given as an active position in the direction of ensuring digital transformations of educational and managerial processes in a particular educational institution; it contributes to the implementation of national tasks in the direction of ensuring the digital development of society. Emphasis is placed on how the role of methodological services is changing, on the need for systemic changes in the perception of the educational institution's perception of the process of ensuring the digital development of both teachers and students, and vocational education institutions in general. The study examines four vectors of digital development for vocational (technical) education institutions of Ukraine from the possible options, proposed by European colleagues who have already shown positive results at the level of the education system (vocational in particular) and a separate institution of vocational (technical) education. In particular, the possibility of measuring the level of digital development of the educational institution through the use of the SELFIE service, developed by the European Commission together with a group of educational experts and practitioners from European countries, was considered. The platform is available in more than thirty languages, including Ukrainian. Examples of online tools common in both European educational communities and those, developed by domestic specialists (but taking into account European experience,) are given, thanks to which it is possible to carry out self-assessment, assessment, and soon certification of digital competencies of teachers. Ways to solve the problem of insufficient digital literacy of students, which, along with Ukrainian, and European researchers pay attention to, are given. There are wide opportunities for the development of digital infrastructure, which provides educational institutions with participation in competitions and programs of the European Union, such as Erasmus +
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Lapshyna, Iryna, and Franck Düvell. "'We Can Only Dream about Europe': Perceptions of Social Policy as a Driver of Migration Aspirations. The Case of Ukraine." Journal of Social Policy Studies 16, no. 4 (December 23, 2018): 661–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2018-16-4-661-676.
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Iryna Lapshyna – PhD, Senior researcher, South East European Studies (SEESOX), University of Oxford, UK; Associate Professor, Lviv Catholic University, Ukraine. Email: irina.lapshyna@gmail.com
Franck Düvell – PhD, Associate Professor, Senior Researcher, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS), University of Oxford, UK. Chair of Migration Department, German Centre for Integration and Migration Research, Berlin. Email: franck.duvell@compas.ox.ac.uk
Ukraine is a country of significant emigration, mostly to the EU and Russia. Our 2012 survey (N=2,000) found that 49.3 % of the population covered in four selected areas aimed to live and/or work abroad for some time. Subsequent studies confirm that this has not changed. The first key analytical concept applied to our analysis is that of 'perceptions'; rather than focusing on 'realities' as objective drivers of migration, we examine how individuals perceive realities and thereupon develop their 'aspirations', which is the second key analytical concept. Hence, instead of focussing on the conventional macro-level drivers we aim to understand the micro-level drivers in migration processes. This paper specifically investigates empirically the nexus between individual perceptions of social policy and migration aspirations among Ukrainians. Firstly, we explore how Ukrainians perceive social policies in Ukraine and how they compare these with conditions in Europe. Secondly, we analyse the correlation between these individual perceptions and their migration aspirations. Thirdly, we investigate how people perceive migration, in terms of its consequences, advantages and disadvantages. Fourthly, we describe the subsequent emergence of migration motives and aspirations. Our research finds that dissatisfaction with social policy in the sending country as well as positive perceptions of social policy in the destination countries are important contributors to the emergence of migration aspirations. This largely confirms the often-rejected welfare-magnet-hypothesis of neoclassical economic thinking.
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Gisladottir, Johanna, Sigurbjörg Sigurgeirsdottir, Kristín Vala Ragnarsdóttir, and Ingrid Stjernquist. "Economies of Scale and Perceived Corruption in Natural Resource Management: A Comparative Study between Ukraine, Romania, and Iceland." Sustainability 13, no. 13 (June 30, 2021): 7363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13137363.
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The aim of this paper is to enhance understanding of factors that undermine sustainable management of renewable resources by identifying and analyzing the main drivers and dynamics involved, with a focus on the role of corruption perceptions and its implications. To shed light on the research question, we chose to perform a comparative study of three different resource sectors in European countries that are ranked differently on the Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International, namely fisheries in Iceland, forestry in Romania, and arable soils in Ukraine. We conducted 40 in-depth semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders to explore assumptions on individual actions and behavior in the sectors. The interviews were analyzed using a qualitative coding procedure based on causal loop diagrams, a method from system dynamics. The results indicate that even though the cases are different, they share a similar outcome, in that privatization of the resource and consolidation of companies took place, along with perceived risk of both unsustainable resource management practices and corruption. Our findings suggest that the underlying similarities of the cases are that privatization occurred around the same time in early 1990s, when neoliberal economic ideology influentially held up the idea that private ownership meant better management. What followed was a transition to economies of scale that ultimately resulted in dominance of large vertically integrated companies in the sectors. The resulting inequalities between large and small actors in the renewable resource management systems serve to increase the risk for unsustainable management decisions as well as increase perceptions of corruption risks, especially amongst smaller actors in the sectors.
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Sagan, Oleksandr Nazarovych. "Constituting of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church as a factor in changing the cultural-civilizational paradigm of independent Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 88 (September 24, 2019): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2019.88.1393.
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Summary. The article deals with the close link between the diminishing influence of the Moscow Patriarchate on social and political processes in Ukraine and the restoration of the Ukrainian cultural and civilizational space. Namely, the gradual deprivation of Orthodox believers of the post-imperial syndrome, including attitudes, perceptions, behavioral models, etc., associated with the stay of Ukrainians in the foreign-language and other people's (Asian) mentality and culture of the empire. It is noted that the receipt of the Tomos on recognition of autocephaly and the constitution of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) by Orthodox believers of Ukraine has a positive impact not only on the development of the OCU itself (increase in the level of theology, international and intra-Ukrainian inter-church communications, nationalization of both the cult and some Orthodox ceremonial forms, etc.), but also the level of patriotism, restoration and development of the Ukrainian-speaking environment, archetypal traditions, rituals, behavior models, etc. The conclusion is about the religious aspect of promoting Ukrainian development from the Asian to the European cultural and civilizational model.
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NAROCHNITSKAYA, Ekaterina. "Ukrainian Conflict and Crimea: a Test for French Diplomacy." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (17) (2019): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-1-20-37.
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Although France stayed away from American and European projects crucially responsible for generating the Ukrainian conflict, she passively supported EU line on Ukraine and turned out to be hostage to its dramatic implications. The new situation in and around Ukraine has devalued the Fifth Republic’s accomplishments in promoting her vision of European and global architecture. Concerned to face forthcoming marginalization, France engaged in active policy initiating the “Normandy format” for peace settlement. However, the room for maneuver appears to be scarce as Paris continues to stick to the EuroAtlantic paradigm with regard to Ukrainian crisis perception.
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Havrysh, Valerii, Antonina Kalinichenko, Grzegorz Mentel, and Tadeusz Olejarz. "Commercial Biogas Plants: Lessons for Ukraine." Energies 13, no. 10 (May 25, 2020): 2668. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13102668.
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Ukraine has enough biomass resources for biogas production. However, this energy potential is not used sufficiently. This research is aimed at examining the current experience of commercial biogas systems in the Europe Union and its adaptation for Ukraine. Special attention was paid to economic indicators, such as specific investment costs, production costs (biogas, biomethane, and electricity), and incentives. Using statistical data for the European Union and Ukraine, the biogas potential for Ukraine (based on European experience) was determined. The economic competitiveness of biogas production was evaluated compared to alternatives, such as photovoltaic, wind power, biomass, conventional fuels, and liquid biofuels. The results showed that biogas complexes have higher specific investment costs and produce more expensive electricity. It was highlighted that agricultural residues and industrial waste are sustainable feedstocks for biogas systems. A perspective biogas plant is a plant that is an integrated part of the circular bioeconomy that is based on organic residues. Biomethane production (as a substitution for vehicle fuel) combined with capture and utilization of carbon dioxide is a more profitable pathway. Awareness and perception of the importance of biogas are key factors for the development of the biogas industry. To develop an effective strategy for the biogas industry, it is necessary to create a positive image in order to raise awareness and knowledge of biogas technologies.
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Stepurko, Tetiana, Milena Pavlova, Irena Gryga, and Wim Groot. "Informal payments for health care services – Corruption or gratitude? A study on public attitudes, perceptions and opinions in six Central and Eastern European countries." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 4 (September 19, 2013): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.08.004.
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In this study we aim to compare the public perceptions towards informal patient payments in six Central and Eastern European countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Ukraine). Overall, around 35–60% of the general public in each country has ever made informal payments, though informal cash payments are perceived negatively, mostly as corruption. In-kind gifts are often seen as a token of gratitude. However, significant differences among countries are observed. Despite the public support for the eradication of informal payments, there are population groups who favor their existence and this should be taken into account in policy-making.
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Mikhailova, Yulia. "Against the Last Bastion of the West-centric Master Narrative." Russian History 42, no. 2 (May 20, 2015): 188–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04202003.
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This review discusses Reimagining Europe by Christian Raffensperger in the context of the evolution of academic history writing during the past few decades. It notes relations between the current political agendas and historical interpretations of the seemingly distant past exemplified by influence that modern perceptions of Russia and Ukraine exert on representations of their medieval “ancestor,” and it argues that marginal status of Rus’ in general medieval histories is the last survival of a discourse of Western European superiority. The review supports Raffensperger’s call to “reimagine” medieval Europe in such a way as to make Rus’ its integral part.
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Pipchenko, Nataliya, and Taras Moskalenko. "PROMOTION OF UKRAINE’S CULTURAL DIPLOMACY IN THE EU." Politologija 86, no. 2 (July 20, 2017): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2017.2.10745.
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The paper provides an overview of existing research on Ukraine’s cultural diplomacy and sets the framework for further research. In other sections, the gathered practical insights about Ukraine’s cultural activity abroad and in the EU can be applied to the development of a new approach to the promotion of national interests and the examination of their impact on the current state of regional cooperation. The main time period covered in this study is the time after 2014, when Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the EU. The paper uses a descriptive and interpretative approach, which is based on the review of previous research, as well as documentary and institutional analysis. It was found that the promotion of Ukrainian cultural products contributes to the deepening of the state’s integration into Europe and the developing of political, economic and civic relations between Ukraine and other countries of the region. The most important purpose of cultural activities approaching Ukraine to Europe is the prudent and consistent strategy of integrating the state in the European information space and the spread of positive information about Ukraine in European media. The research of the promotion of Ukraine’s cultural diplomacy in the EU made it possible to determine that the state’s perception by the European community is formed under the influence of several factors, in particular, national, tourist, social, political as well as economic. The paper draws conclusions about the main components of Ukraine’s cultural diplomacy strategy in the EU, which can be an area for further research. As a result of this, the main components of Ukraine’s cultural diplomacy strategy in the EU may be the explanation of Ukraine’s historic heritage, cultural and religious contacts with the European countries; communication with the international community about the great historic, cultural and religious heritage of Ukraine, unique travel opportunities and security; support of the famous European artists visits to Ukraine; the participation of Ukrainian artists in European art events; the attraction of the audience to using Ukrainian art products; the establishment of a joint Ukrainian-European forum on sensitive historic events to explain their historic background.
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Nosyriev, Oleksandr, and Tetiana Bukina. "SOCIO-CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION OF UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN VALUES." Three Seas Economic Journal 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2021-1-18.
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The article considers the issues of changing accents and cultural transformation in Ukraine, Great Britain and other European countries. In recent years, Ukraine has seen an active revival in the cultural sphere. From publishing to music, from film production to theater, from fashion to curatorial exhibitions – the Ukrainian cultural environment has become bold, diverse and large-scale. Euromaidan has given impetus to a powerful wave of cultural activism: from discussion platforms to spontaneous exhibitions, from urban regeneration projects to volunteer groups seeking to protect dilapidated national heritage sites. The impetus for it was the dynamism of the Ukrainian creative community. And further development became possible thanks to the support of new state cultural institutions. These institutes emerged after Euromaidan, such as the Ukrainian Cultural Foundation, the Ukrainian Book Institute, and the Ukrainian Institute. Institutions with a long history, such as the State Agency of Ukraine for Cinema, have strengthened their positions. The creation of these new institutions marked the departure from the post-Soviet system of cultural management. And the transition to a consistent and comprehensive cultural policy. The main thing is that the creation of a new system of culture in Ukraine has helped to bridge the gap between the state and cultural activists and the creative sector. One of the most important problems of the cultural sector in Ukraine for the last 25 years is funding. This problem is also relevant for the United Kingdom. But when it comes to finding resources for artists and cultural institutions, British policy has a respectable tradition and a number of successful answers. Support for the arts by both the state and business seems to be a matter of course for the British. At the same time, the idea of the self-worth of art is also supported by the idea of its social significance, as well as the perception of art as a primary source of creativity, innovative development, creative industry. The relationship between the European Union and the society of Ukraine is already yielding some results in the context of ensuring the democratic and European development of the state. For the successful implementation of European integration in Ukraine, it is necessary to apply such mechanisms that will ensure coordinated management of social processes of the state in the direction of European integration. The main mechanism is cultural policy, which should be aimed at regulating the regulatory framework. And the application of regulations in practice. This will allow culture to take a leading position on the path to national modernization. Legislation should be a mechanism for achieving goals, and the main thing should remain that the person should be at the center of cultural policy of the state. Given the experience of the United Kingdom, the formation of Ukraine's cultural policy should be based on the idea of the all-encompassing impact of culture on modern society. Accordingly, such a policy, being aimed at the cultural sector, effectively affects all spheres of public life. Consistent support for culture at the financial and fiscal, legislative and executive, national and local levels should, above all, be based on an awareness of the value of culture. Culture enriches people's lives, changes their worldview and inspires creativity. In the social dimension, its impact has the most significant impact on education, health and cohesion.
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ZAIATS, T. A. "Values Guidelines for Innovative Development in Ukraine." Demography and social economy, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/dse2021.02.003.
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The article considers the problems of forming and affirming the values of innovative development as new opportunities for development for the state, business and individual households. The need to accelerate the socioeconomic development of the country on an innovative basis through their perception in society as values and means of minimizing the risks of technical and technological backwardness of Ukraine from European countries has led to the relevance of the article. The purpose of the article is to assess the public perception of the values of innovative development of the country, identify barriers to innovation in the country, and identify areas to minimize their impact in the future. The novelty is the results of generalization of the conditions necessary for the transformation of the guidelines of innovative development into values, which are guided by different actors when choosing a model of behavior in the market or in specific life situations. The following research methods are used: system analysis, scientific generalization and comparison, economic and statistical analysis. Against the background of low world rating positions of Ukraine on the innovation index, uneven implementation in various sectors of the economy, funding of science on a residual basis and the decline of its prestige, it is problematic to spread the values of innovation development among management, small and medium sized businesses and individual households. In Ukraine, a positive public perception of innovation, openness to the achievements of science and technology is combined with skepticism about their role in everyday life, the idea of dependence on scientific achievements, which can change the perception of right and wrong in everyone’s life. Institutional distrust in Ukrainian society in a chain reaction increases distrust in the results of innovation, especially research. State support for innovation in the country remains weak. The article identifies the main barriers to the positive perception of innovation by society as values formed due to the inefficiency of state regulation of innovative activities of business structures, the lack of a concept for solving the problems of innovative development in the future, limited consumer strategies. The main models of stimulating innovative development used in world practice are considered from the point of view of influence on these processes, their target landmarks, advantages and disadvantages are singled out. Th rough the eff orts of the state, business and the public, Ukraine should develop a European model of stimulating innovative development, changing the modern format of interaction of subjects to a more productive one on the basis of trust, partnership and responsibility.
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Tambovceva, Tatjana, Jelena Titko, Anna Svirina, Dzintra Atstaja, and Maria Tereshina. "Evaluation of the Consumer Perception of Sharing Economy: Cases of Latvia, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus." Sustainability 13, no. 24 (December 16, 2021): 13911. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132413911.
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The overwhelming goal of large-scale cross-country research is to evaluate consumers’ perception of a sharing economy. The research was limited by the number of respondents, as well as by the countries represented in the survey. Latvia, Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus were mostly represented, and only these responses (757) were analyzed. The study used multilevel modelling of sharing economy elements (dependent variable) in relation to personal characteristics (age, gender, income, industry) nested by the self-assessed level of eco-friendliness (a key predictor for the attitude towards sharing economy). Findings: The key personal characteristics, which influence a person’s intention to be involved in the sharing economy practices, are level of income, education, and also self-perceived ecological friendliness. The sharing economy is not only a topic for investigation among academicians, but also an issue on the agenda of the European Commission, because it is considered as a driver for growth and job creation in the European Union. Despite an increasing interest and many studies, there is a limited number of studies focused on difference in perception of sharing economy depending on personal characteristics of respondents. This indicates the necessity of conducting such surveys, involving participants from different European countries. The given paper could be used as a methodological framework for other European researchers who are interested in the exploration of the topic regarding perception of the sharing economy.
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Petyur, Roman. "Ukraine’s Security Problem: in Search for a solution." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2020.6.2.115-125.
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Independent Ukraine will soon turn 30, but the country in the heart of Europe cannot boast a predictable and stable security position. The conflict with Russia after the regime change in 2014 proved, that a prolonged conventional war in Europe is still a probability. In order to install a durable peace, the all-European security arrangement shall have no low-profile security positions of those European countries, which do not enjoy membership in military unions. The Cold-war legacy of perception of security as a divisible notion is a contradiction to the idea of security for Europe. As long as there are divergences in the level of security, there would be a temptation to test the opponent’s readiness and strength on the territory of a weaker country. This is what happened in Georgia in 2008 and has been happening in Ukraine since 2014. In search for a solution, a special attention shall be paid to the issues of status and perception of security. For a small power, which is not a member of a military bloc, it is existential to follow an approach of collective security, not collective defence. Perception of security as indivisible supposes prioritising intensive engagement of the UN and the OSCE. Ukraine as a small power shall also enhance its security position through implementation of decent democratic procedures and true market reforms. These measures have a potential to create global economic linkages through integration of Ukraine’s economy to the global capitalist system not as a supplier of raw materials, but on parity basis.
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Chaban, Natalia, Alister Miskimmon, and Ben O’Loughlin. "Understanding EU crisis diplomacy in the European neighbourhood: strategic narratives and perceptions of the EU in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine." European Security 28, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2019.1648251.
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Latkovska, Tamara, and Lyubov Bila-Tiunova. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-3-91-98.
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The presented work is an attempt to compare the quality of governance in non-EU states in the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe with which the EU Association Agreements have been concluded, and Ukraine, including aspects of the impact of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas). The most important issues are the interpretation of the results, the equality of countries, and the political consequences that may arise after the progression and the rapid pace of the member countries of the DCFTA towards the countries of the Balkan region. The identified countries seek full membership in the EU. Although the EU distinguishes between these countries, it recognizes “European prospects”, that is, membership in the EU, the commitments to adopt or approach EU laws and policies, made by both groups of countries, have much in common. This makes the comparison between the countries of the Balkan region and the member states of the DCFTA a sound and politically significant one. Such comparison is facilitated by numerous sources, qualitative assessments, and official ratings. Figuratively by analytical indicators, the countries can be divided into the first group of leading countries (Serbia and Montenegro) for which in February 2018 the European Commission proposed to consider 2025 as the possible date of accession to the EU. The second group (Albania and Macedonia), for which the date of accession negotiations is conditionally open in 2019. The third group includes Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, for which there are no dates, and Turkey, the negotiations with which are suspended. For comparison, if we take both political and economic indicators of Ukraine, it is approximately equal to the Balkan states of the second group and outstrips the states of the third group. The prospect of EU membership was recognized as the strongest external factor of internal political changes in the countries surrounding the EU. One of the most striking trends is the steady decline in the standards of political governance in all countries, for which the EU expands its membership perspective. One of the main manifestations of poor governance in the broader neighbourhood is the widespread corruption and impunity of officials. Weak rule of law and ineffective law enforcement bodies have become common practice in all different states and have allowed current officials to act impunity during their term of office. The identified results challenge the assumption dominating in political and scientific circles that a credible prospect of EU membership is steadily generating an internal environment conducive to democratic changes. The effectiveness of economic governance was assessed by the indicators of competitiveness of the national economy (Global Competitiveness Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, Human Development Index, Ease of Doing Business Index, Index of Economic Freedom, Index of Globalization, SEDA (Sustainable Economic Development Assessment)); GDP dynamics; the volume of foreign direct investment; economic activity of the population. In practice, the EU applies an increasing number of common economic policy instruments for the Balkans and member countries of the DCFTA, in spite of the political (or rhetorical) differentiation between countries, given the categorization of membership prospects. The convergence of the actual EU policy has taken place. The Association Agreements and the DCFTA have raised the level of political and economic governance in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine at the level of the Balkan countries while the expansion process for the Balkan countries has not advanced.
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Shamrai, V., and I. Sliusarenko. "TRANSFORMATION OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN MODERN CONDITIONS OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW DEVELOPMENT." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Legal Studies, no. 116 (2021): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2195/2021/1.116-13.
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The article deals with theoretical and methodological approaches to the essence of the state sovereignty in modern conditions of legal globalization and European interstate integration from the point of view of searching for effective means of complex legal modernization of society. The author analyzes the legal content of this category, shows its specific features, reveals the importance of the processes of improving the basic elements of social relations and constitutional modernization of society and the state in modern conditions of legal globalization and European interstate integration. The need for further improvement of constitutional and legal regulation of the most important social relations as a key direction of legal modernization of social relations in a modern democratic state based on the fundamental foundations of European constitutionalism is underlined. At the same time, at the doctrinal level, there is no doubt that the Constitution of Ukraine has a certain degree of almost all the well-known features of the world, in particular, the European, constitutions. Summarizing the above, we consider it necessary to highlight the following main formal and legal features of the Constitution of Ukraine, which is the fundamental ground for modern constitutional and legal reform in our state: 1) a special subject accepting (people's character); 2) the fundamental (institutional) nature; 3) stability is coupled with dynamism; 4) reality; 5) formal and legal properties: the Constitution – the Fundamental Law of Ukraine; its highest legal force; Constitution – the legal base of legislation; A special procedure for making and amending; Special content and structure of the Constitution; Direct effect of its norms. This list is not exhaustive, but in our opinion, it is optimal for defining the main tasks and principles of constitutional and legal reform in the current conditions of legal globalization and European interstate integration. Thus, with the improvement of the Constitution of Ukraine as the main source of constitutional law of Ukraine, it is necessary to focus not only on the modernization of certain institutions that regulate it, but also on the strengthening of its legal properties in general. In other words, the leading role of the Constitution in the system of sources of constitutional law of Ukraine is due to its inherent legal properties, ensuring their effectiveness in society and is a priority task of modern constitutional and legal reform. Thus, under the constitutional and legal reform, in today's conditions of legal globalization and European interstate integration, it is necessary to reform of the sphere of constitutional law directly as a leading national branch of law of Ukraine, the formally-legal improvement and improvement of the constitutional legal material at all its system levels, as provisions, institutions, sub-sectors and industry as a whole. It should also be noted that the subject and object of the branch of constitutional law varies in modern conditions under the influence of a whole range of objective factors of legal and political reality, in particular, it refers to the processes of legal globalization and intergovernmental integration, which, in turn, internally causes the emergence of new branches and subnets of national law, strengthening the internationalization of constitutional law and the constitutionality of international and European law, the adaptation of domestic constitutional laws and to basic European legal standards as a prerequisite quality of the constitutional and legal reform in accordance with objectively existing conditions of society. The need for further improvement of the constitutional and legal regulation of the most important social relations as the most important line of public power in the context of the perception of the European legal system by the national legal system of Ukraine
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Antonaccio, Olena, Ekaterina V. Botchkovar, and Lorine A. Hughes. "Ecological Determinants of Situated Choice in Situational Action Theory." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 54, no. 2 (November 30, 2016): 208–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427816678908.
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Objectives: This study extends theoretical arguments from situational action theory (SAT) by focusing on the enduring effects of neighborhood context on individual criminal involvement and presents the first direct multilevel assessment of SAT in non-Western contexts using neighborhood data. Methods: Survey data from a random sample of 1,435 adults in 41 neighborhoods in Russia and Ukraine are used to assess the interplay between individual criminal propensity and moral and deterrent qualities of neighborhood environments in their effects on individual offending. Results: The results demonstrate that variations in neighborhood moral rules directly influence criminal involvement, confirming SAT’s extended argument that this type of neighborhood-level predictor of offending matters and has an enduring effect on misconduct. Furthermore, consistent with SAT’s propositions, principal individual-level predictors such as personal criminal propensity and individual perceptions of neighborhood informal sanctioning exert expected significant effects on criminal involvement. Results for cross-level interaction effects are inconclusive. Conclusions: SAT, a multilevel theory of crime, shows promise in various sociocultural contexts such as Eastern European countries of Russia and Ukraine.
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Kleinschnitger, Katharina. "Asymmetric Perceptions of EU Relations with the near Eastern Neighbours: The Republic of Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus in Comparison." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Special Issue (May 1, 2018): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018012.
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The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) aims to develop ‘privileged relations’ with the eastern and southern ‘neighbours’ of the enlarged EU. What exactly these privileged relations entail is still not clear, and the tailored Action Plans do little to clarify this point. Twelve years after launching the ENP, it is time to take stock of the relations between the EU and its target countries. ‘One size fits all’ is old news. Focusing on the eastern dimension of the ENP, this contribution examines Germany’s internal perception of individual EU relations with the ‘near’ neighbours of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The central questions are as follows: How are the relations between the EU and the eastern EaP countries, Belarus, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, framed by leading German press outlets and what (changing) images are communicated when it focuses on individual EU relations with the neighbours to the East? Finally, what do these frames and images mean for the EU’s outlook towards the eastern neighbours?
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Khvan, R. M. "INTERNATIONAL LEGAL FUNDAMENTALS OF MUNICIPAL REFORM IN UKRAINE." Соціальний Калейдоскоп 2, no. 5 (February 10, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47567/bomivit.2-5.2021.02.
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The article examines the formation and development of local self-government of the Ukrainian state and their compliance with European legal standards of local democracy. It was revealed that at present the development of the Ukrainian state is impossible without the functioning of an effective institution of local self-government as an integral element of civil society and the rule of law. It has been established that the completion of the long- term reform of local self-government, taking into account the European legal standards of local self-government, will make it possible to speak about the establishment of a real civil society and a rule of law in Ukraine.
It is noted that recently the constitutional principles of local self-government have begun to lag behind the real state of existence and functioning of this subsystem of public power. And this, in turn, leads to the inhibition of its further progressive development and improvement. Moreover, the current post-Soviet model of local self-government in Ukraine is characterized by internal contradictions: on the one hand, a combination of organizational and legal forms inherited from Soviet times with models formed during modern Ukrainian statehood; on the other hand, the latest models of public administration at the territorial level unsystematically combine borrowing from several, sometimes directly opposite, Western models of administrative structure.
It is noted that the perception of foreign experience, especially in the field of rule- making and rule-making, is quite a difficult task, because here it is necessary to introduce into the legal system of one state, through appropriate borrowing mechanisms, the legal norms of another state. of these, will lead to legal and administrative conflicts. It is noted that the use of European legal standards for building local self-government in Ukraine should become the basis and standard for the practical implementation of a systemic set of reforms in the management system at the local and regional level.
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Vdovychenko, Victoria. "Following Continuity and Change: Italy’s View on European Neighborhood Policy Towards Ukraine." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 186–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.186.
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Current EU economic and security challenges on the territory of the EU’s ‘ring of friends’ open a new page of its history influencing European security and stability framework of development. Therefore, it’s crucial to understand circumstances that favored to the catalyst progress of unstable neighborhoods. The article presents an analysis of the Italy’s position towards European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern dimension of this policy – Eastern Partnership. A special interest is focus on its view towards Ukraine, being a reality-check for the European Union officials after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the hybrid war of Russia. This article is presenting the ideas that ENP was created by the EU as an instrument for the democratization which couldn’t prevent conflicts in the geopolitically diverse regions. Italy, being one of the founding members of the European Union, was reluctant advocate a balanced approach towards the neighborhood regions. It merely focused on the Southern dimension of the ENP, almost taking apart Eastern Partnership. In the first part, the article demonstrates the development process of the ENP with a special attention that it coincided with the EU 5th enlargement preparation. This dualism influenced on the ENP tailoring and subsequent implementation. The second part focuses on the of the Italy’s opinion development from ENP launch till 2009 when its Eastern dimension – Eastern Partnership – was introduced. The third part analyzes Italy’s perception of Eastern Partnership and its attempts to reschedule EU’s attention to the South flank of the ENP in the post-Crimea annexation period.
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Novoskoltseva, Liudmila. "Geopolitical Challenges of Modern Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.39-46.
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One of the most important and decisive phenomena of our time is globalization as a complex and ambiguous process that does not diminish but increases and deepens the economic differentiation of countries and peoples, forms contradictions in political, social and cultural development, and therefore finding a common denominator is becoming increasingly difficult. The essence of globalization as a social process lies in the growing interconnection and interdependence of national economies, national political and social systems, national cultures, and human interaction with the environment.
At the beginning of the 21st century, globalization as a new reality was at the center of attention of academics and politicians. As the experts point out, the modern world is characterized by deepening economic and political interdependence and mutual influence, the expansion of international integration, the creation of regional integration associations, the inclusion of the interaction of new markets and actors, and the use of new rules and instruments in this process on a global scale.
Globalization is prepared by the whole course of historical development and naturally continues the process of internationalization. Internationalization and globalization are closely interconnected, interact and rival, generating hybrid forms. However, globalization is qualitatively different from the process of internationalization. The distinctive feature of globalization is that the scale and depth of awareness of the world as a single space grows, while internal events in one or another country have the same effect on other peoples and states as foreign policy shares. The basis of the characteristic features of globalization in the economic sphere is the expansion of trade and its liberalization, the internationalization of the turnover of capital and the removal of obstacles to its movement, profound changes in the financial sphere, which more than other forms of cooperation are experiencing the consequences of the e-revolution, the deployment of transnational corporations (TNCs) and their growing expansion, dominant orientation of demand for the world market, the formation of international financial institutions.
The processes of shaping the European security policy and the functioning of a common European foreign policy contribute to the transformation of the perception of the concept of neutrality by neutral states, as well as other EU member states that are simultaneously NATO members. Recognizing its geopolitical priorities and developing a foreign policy strategy, Ukraine needs to take into account the transformation of the concept of neutrality.
Key words: Ukraine, geopolitical challenges, globalization, integration, national interests
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Strebkova, Julia. "GARRANTEENG THE SAFETY OF WOMEN AND GIRLS UNDER CONDITIONS OF ARMED CONFLICT." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.18.
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It has been shown that in recent years in Ukraine the pressure of religious organizations on the legislative and executive authorities has increased and information campaigns and projects of anti-gender and anti-Ukrainian trends have been implemented. The author analyzed how in the regions staying under Russian informational pressure the religious fundamentalism shows the potential of development develop into religious extremism. It has been demonstrated that in Ukraine the gender aspects of security are not well-developed and are heavily influenced by religion. It has been shown that the lack of high-quality gender analytics significantly complicates the forecasting of social processes. The article deals with the question how religious fundamentalism manipulates women's security issues in favor of religious interests. It is noted that the pressure of pro-religious anti-gender movements on the authorities in Ukraine can lead to negative consequences, and that the establishment of a state policy based on religious perceptions of the world can threaten the country's internal security. It was concluded that in times of conflict, religious extremism does not recognize the rule of human rights and proclaims the primacy of religious customs over women's human rights. It is proved that, considering direct conflict with Russia, the spread of religious fundamentalism in Ukraine and the spread of structural gender violence will be relevant and require the immediate development of gender and biopolitical aspects of security. It was concluded that for the progressive democratic development of Ukraine, as well as safe living conditions and the well-being of its citizens, the security services should turn to gender analytics. It has been proven that, in order to protect their interests, religious leaders can initiate a departure from state-guaranteed compliance with international agreements on gender equality in all spheres of life. In this regard, Ukraine's implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1325 on Women, Peace, Security and the similar resolutions as well as Recommendations of the UN Committee on the Status of Women for Countries that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, other UN instruments is important for Ukraine. Also important are the country's European commitments in the field of gender equality. In particular, the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) needs to be ratified.
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Rosca, Alla, Vera Axyonova, Sergiy Gerasymchuk, and Kornely Kakachia. "The European Union as a Transformative Power, a Donor or a Security Provider?: The View from the Eastern Partnership Countries." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Special Issue (May 1, 2018): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018009.
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Since the launch of the European Union’s (EU’s) Eastern Partnership initiative in 2009, it has attracted considerable scholarly attention. Yet, so far it has been largely analysed from a very EU-centred perspective, looking into how policies are developed by the EU and what are their effects in the ‘target countries’. Rarely has the table been turned around, asking how the EU and its initiatives are viewed in these countries. This article intends to fill this gap by examining perceptions of the EU among think tanks, i.e. civil society actors seeking influence on foreign policy formation in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova. The study maps and evaluates discursive frames used by representatives of think tanks. Methodologically, the research employs content analysis of think tank publications, covering a period of two and a half years – between November 2013 and May 2016.
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Коstenkо, Аnastasiia М., and Оksana М. Kuzmenko. "Ecological consciousness as a factor influencing the sustainable development of European countries." Journal of Geology, Geography and Geoecology 30, no. 2 (July 18, 2021): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/112125.
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he article is devoted to the study of the influence of ecological public con- sciousness on the state of perception of ecological problems in European countries and Ukraine. Ecological consciousness is considered as a latent determinant of modern tendencies of realization of the concept of sustainable development in the context of greening of the international economic system. It is noted that in conditions of social uncertainty, people have the effect of «ecological alienation» as a characteristic of the state of perception of environmental problems in the minds of members of modern society. Although the issues of rational use of economic resources, finding ways to green the international economy, preventing man-made risks and the global envi- ronmental crisis are the focus of European governments, an effective solution to these issues is not possible without the reliable support of society. After all, the effectiveness of the environmental policy of each state depends on the trends of perception of environmental problems by its citizens. Issues of environmental consciousness are more related to ethical categories, as they have a significant impact on the formation of civic attitudes of the individual regarding the perception of the importance of certain aspects of society. That is why the analysis of the state of ecological consciousness of the inhabitants of European countries and Ukraine was studied according to the results of the 7th wave, 2017-2020 of the comparative study “World Values Survey” (WVS) using comparative and typological analysis. The World Values Survey is the largest non-profit international survey of human beliefs and values, which contributes to the monitoring of the Sustainable Development Goals and the goals set by the UN program for the period after 2015. From the presented data set, the basic empirical components were identified, which, according to the authors, illustrate the European context of the greening of con- sciousness - the attitude to technologization; the priority of the ecological state of the country over the economic development of soci- ety; the state of trust in environmental protection organizations and the level of active civil position on environmental protection. On the basis of the secondary analysis of data, the key modern tendencies of formation of ecological consciousness in the countries of Europe and Ukraine are substantiated: tendency to ecological thinking; formation of ecological culture; economic rationality. The conclusion is made about the expediency of monitoring and forecasting the state of ecological public consciousness as one of the factors regulating global socio-economic processes in European countries and Ukraine. According to the authors, the environmental consciousness of members of society determines the degree of permissible range of orientation of a country to implement environmentally friendly goals of sustainable development. The study of the variability of the dominance of the trends of ecological consciousness mentioned in the article in certain socio-demographic communities allows to create an effective system of social guarantees in providing conditions for effective socio-economic development and maintaining an ecologically healthy living environment, both in Europe as a whole and in individual countries, in particular.
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Orzechowski, Marcin, and Janusz Jartyś. "Respecting European Standards Concerning Human Rights of LGBT People in the Russian Federation and Ukraine. A Comparative Analysis." Reality of Politics 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201605.
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The LGBT rights are lately one of the aspects of a social and political discourse both in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. In these countries of a common historical heritage there are some analogies in the perspective on human rights and their realization. It may be also noted that the LGBT rights have become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the LGBT rights are respected in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in both countries.
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Vovk, Dmytro. "Religious Freedom Against the Background of the Ukrainian-Russian War: Some Legal Aspects." Religious Freedom 1, no. 19 (August 30, 2016): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2016.19.1.946.
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This essay deals with various issues of religious freedom and state-church relations that arose during and in connection with the Revolution of Dignity and the military and political conflict between Ukraine and Russia. I do not propose any completed answers, but I rather formulate the question which answers need, based on the fact that one of the reasons that led to both EuroMaydan and the annexation of the Crimea and the war on the Donbass is the European choice of Ukraine. This choice does not only mean the institutional integration of Ukraine into certain European structures. First of all, it predetermines the perception by the Ukrainian society and the state of a certain set of legal values (the rule of law, democracy, respect for human rights, etc.) and related values and principles that must be embodied in domestic law and order. It should also be emphasized that the following considerations are considerations of a lawyer. I do not have sufficient qualifications for religious or political analysis, and I propose only a look at the religious freedom and relations between the state and the church, which focuses on the above legal values.
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Zourrig, Haithem, Jeongsoo Park, Kamel El Hedhli, and Mengxia Zhang. "The effect of cultural tightness–looseness on fraud perception in insurance services." International Journal of Quality and Service Sciences 10, no. 2 (June 18, 2018): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijqss-02-2017-0016.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate how cultural tightness may influence consumers’ attitudes toward insurance services and occurrence of insurance fraud. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on Gelfand et al.’s (2011) theory of tight and loose cultures, the authors theorize that perceived wrongness of insurance fraud, fraud occurrence and perceived risk of being caught depend on the cultural tightness. Using field data from a global European social survey (ESS), the authors investigate these differences across two fairly different European countries – Norway (i.e. tight culture) and Ukraine (i.e. loose culture). Findings Consumers from tight culture report less tolerance for insurance fraud (inflating insurance claim) are less likely to commit an insurance fraud, and they perceive higher level of risk of being caught than their counterparts from loose culture (Ukraine). Practical implications Understanding cultural variability in attitude toward insurance fraud, the occurrence of insurance fraud and the sensitivity to the risk of being caught could enrich the authors knowledge about how to prevent insurance fraud. Social implications Consumer protection agencies, consumer educators and policymakers could all benefit from understanding cultural variability in attitude toward fraud. This will potentially help to design effective learning and education programs to sensitize customers to the illegal and unethical aspects of fraudulent behaviors. Originality/value Insurance fraud is a universal issue and exists in many European countries, yet no previous work has investigated the effect of cultural tightness–looseness on fraud perception.
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Smith, Nicholas Ross. "The Underpinning Realpolitik of the EUs Policies towards Ukraine: An Analysis of Interests and Norms in the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement." European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Issue 4 (December 1, 2014): 581–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014044.
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Owing to the EU's power position within the European regional setting, this article argues that the EU's offer of an Association Agreement to Ukraine was first and foremost driven by self-interest. In gauging the opinions of EU officials in conjunction with the examination of official policy documents, an argument is made that the EU's material, regime promotion, and security interests were all dominant factors in the EU's foreign policy decision. However, the EU's self-perception as a normative power played an influential mediating role in this decision. While norms have an impact, they are subordinate to the EU's self-interest in the context of Ukraine.
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Ognieva, T. K. "OBJECTIVING OF HUMANISTIC IDEAS IN THE CULTURE OF UKRAINE IN XVII CENTURY." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2 (3) (2018): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2018.2(3).05.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of culturological processes in the period of formation of the first national revival of Ukraine in the XVII century. Unlike previous historical periods, a human being and nature become the object of artistic and aesthetic research; the desire for artistic transformation of the real world becomes the stimulus of literature and art development. The need for knowledge, the development of positions, forms and methods of liberation of human mind from a dogmatic-religious outlook is manifested in the secularization of Ukrainian culture in the seventeenth century. West European Renaissance made a significant impact on the change of world-view conception in Ukrainian culture. On the territory of Ukraine various, sometimes opposing, influences were mixed – those from Byzantium and Western European countries; therefore, national culture was formed at the crossroads of Eastern and European cultures. We can trace two main directions in which Ukrainian Renaissance was moving: firstly, transformation of Greek-Byzantine Slavic spiritual traditions in the circumstances of Catholic counterreformation and the formation of the church union, and the second – the perception and transformation of European humanism in the Renaissance period. The period that came after the Middle Ages comprehensively disclosed a human being both in social and aesthetical artistic aspect, and the movement of humanistic ideas in Western and Eastern Europe has led to a deeper interest in human personality. Ukraine did not erode this process, and gradually formed a new human ideal, based on individual culture, spiritual freedom, and redefined the purpose of man in the world. The complex political and socioeconomic conditions of the seventeenth century in Ukraine required special, progressive at that time, characteristics of the development of culturological tendencies. The broad cultural national movement, whose roots were in the resistance to Polish – gentry oppression and the struggle against the Catholic church, brought about flourishing of book printing, the spread of education and scientific knowledge and the rise of anthropocentric worldview in art and literature. An important aspect of Renaissance thinking is the desire to thoroughly explore the real surrounding world, which brings the path to science and education. It is these discoveries of the Ukrainian Renaissance worldview that are gaining momentum in the spiritual culture of Ukraine in the seventeenth century.