Journal articles on the topic 'European Parliament – Officials and employees'
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Kulicki, Jacek. "Opodatkowanie podatkiem dochodowym wynagrodzenia i innych świadczeń otrzymywanych przez posłów wybranych w Polsce do Parlamentu Europejskiego oraz świadczeń otrzymywanych przez posłów i senatorów wybranych do parlamentu krajowego." Zeszyty Prawnicze Biura Analiz Sejmowych 3, no. 71 (2021): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/zpbas.2021.50.
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The salary of a Member of European Parliament is taxed on the same terms as salaries of officials and other employees of the European Union. Benefits related to exercising of a MEP mandate are tax free (exempt from EU tax). MEPs’ salaries, parliamentary allowances and other incomes are exempt from Polish income tax. The Polish domestic MPs’ salaries are taxed with a personal income tax as an income from employment. The parliamentary allowance and certain other benefits are exempt from the income tax.
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Alibali, Agron. "Two Landmark Decisions of the Albanian Constitutional Court: The Individual, the Employee, and the State." Review of Central and East European Law 29, no. 2 (2004): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303504774062420.
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AbstractThe present article focuses on two important decisions of the Albanian Constitutional Court that have clarified the right to a fair hearing in circumstances in which removal proceedings against top government officials are at the center of an administrative dispute. In interpreting the Constitution and following its established jurisprudence, the Court held that the right to a fair hearing exists in every administrative proceeding that has a "punishing character". The dispute arising from the removal of Albania's General Prosecutor in the spring of 2002 has provided a rare opportunity to debate important issues of constitutional law and human rights in what was a previously closed and oppressed society. The article outlines the circumstances surrounding the case, highlights related Albanian law and jurisprudence, discusses the role in such cases of the Parliament and President, set forth the pleadings before the Court, and analyzes the Court's rulings. The Court's rulings are also framed in a comparative context against the landmark case of Pellegrin v. France, as decided by the European Court of Human Rights, as well as the doctrine of procedural due process.
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Bestvina Bukvić, Ivana, Kristina Bjelić, and Marija Šain. "USPJEŠNOST PROGRAMA EUROPSKE UNIJE U POTICANJU I FINANCIRANJU KULTURNOG I KREATIVNOG SEKTORA U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ." Pravni vjesnik 36, no. 3-4 (2020): 201–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/pv/10187.
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The cultural and creative sectors are highly ranked by the number of employees at the European Union (EU) level and they represent an economic force that proved its resilience to economic changes due to rapid and easy adaptations to market and innovation trends. In order to achieve the objectives of the Europe 2020 Strategy, in 2013 the Regulation (EU) No 1295/2013 was passed by the European Parliament and the Council to establish the Creative Europe Programme (2014–2020) for support to cultural and creative sectors. However, it was found that the Republic of Croatia lacked systematic monitoring of the cultural and creative sectors (including the IT sector) as they are not sufficiently and well positioned in national policies and strategies. The research has been conducted into the level of success of the EU and its regulatory framework in stimulating cultural and creative sectors in developing countries. The paper analyzes the extent to which the Republic of Croatia adopted and applied the opportunities offered by the European Union programmes in financing the projects in cultural and creative sectors based on the results of the Creative Europe Programme, the Culture Sub-programme. The authors conducted the comparative analysis into the official programme results achieved in the Republic of Croatia, Slovenia and other EU member states. The research results show the position of the Republic of Croatia in relation to other countries, the influence of EU membership length and the level of innovation on the total number of positive applications evaluations in this field.
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Egeberg, Morten, Åse Gornitzka, Jarle Trondal, and Mathias Johannessen. "Parliament staff: unpacking the behaviour of officials in the European Parliament." Journal of European Public Policy 20, no. 4 (September 24, 2012): 495–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2012.718885.
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Hoffmann, Tomasz. "The Status of the European Institutions Officials." Polish Political Science Yearbook 36, no. 1 (March 31, 2007): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2007015.
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The European Union increasingly inuences the member states, their political institutions, business groups, commercial business sector and the citizens. The institutions, politics and legal regulations of the Communities inuence also countries and human beings from outside the Union. is inuence means that each member state of the European Union has its own representative in the European Institutions such as European Parliament, European Commission, the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors
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DINAN, Desmond. "The European Parliament: Moving to the Centre of Historical Interest in the European Union." Journal of European Integration History 27, no. 1 (2021): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-139.
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This article discusses the historiography of the European Parliament (EP) up to and including the advent of direct elections, in 1979. The term historiography is interpreted loosely to include the work not only of historians, but also of political scientists who have studied the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community and the early decades of the European Parliament, as well as practitioners - officials and Members of the European Parliament - who have written about the institution from an academic perspective. The article aims to explore changes over time in how analysts of the EP approached their subject, the contributions that they have made, and current trends in historical research on the EP - an institution that emerged as an important player in European Community governance well before the dawn of direct elections.
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Hammenfors, K. "POS0354-PARE THE POLITICAL WORK FOR BETTER TREATMENT OF MUSCULOSKELETAL DISEASES IN DANISH MUNICIPALITIES." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 81, Suppl 1 (May 23, 2022): 430.1–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.4491.
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BackgroundHistorically most treatment of musculoskeletal diseases in Denmark has taken place in hospitals. Today, treatment is split between different sectors, where the requirements are widely different.Physiotherapists, occupational therapists and dietitians are, to a certain extent, no longer found in the rheumatic sections of the hospitals, but rather expected to take care of rehabilitating treatment in one of the 98 municipalities. With the clinical guidelines, the Health Authorities has indicated which treatment areas the individual groups of patients will benefit from – however, there is lack of provision of these in many of the municipalities across the country.ObjectivesTo secure that treatment guidelines - within the field of musculoskeletal diseases - made by The National Board of Health, are transformed into national quality standards for treatment in the municipalities.MethodsTo ensure that patients get the treatment needed, we have worked with external consultants resulting in two research papers (visible at link) on the subject at hand. One paper mapped how many of the 98 municipalities provides each of four treatment guidelines made by The National Board of Health. The four being – weight loss, education and physical training for hip- and knee osteoarthritis, education and physical training for patients with back conditions and interdisciplinary treatment for people with pain conditions. The other paper uncovered the potential economic gains for the public sector by introducing the treatment guidelines.The Danish Rheumatism Association has used these research papers as a significant driver for a large conference in October 2021 at the Danish Parliament – Christiansborg. Essential national politicians where present and they acknowledged the need for an increased focus on the treatment areas.The results of the reports has also been shared with government officials, an existing commission on labor supply as well as municipalities etc.In connection with the recently held elections in Danish municipalities and regions, we have reached out to the local politicians experiencing a gap in the offerings either directly or through local media which will hopefully result in an uplift of the focus. In addition, we have made debate posts with among others - unions sharing our point of view.ResultsEssential national politicians acknowledged the need for an increased focus on the treatment areas.We hope that both from the municipalities as well as from a national level initiative will be taken to introduce a set of national quality standards within the field of musculoskeletal diseases because of our forceful approach.ConclusionThe increased focus on treatment of musculoskeletal diseases is the result of strong collaboration between The Danish Rheumatism Associations department for Politics and Knowledge, Internal Communications and external partners.We believe that our work can inspire other European NGO’s who has a need to increase their political agenda and awareness. We made a long-term goal, allocated the finances and employees needed and it seems that the structured approach we have taken have increased the focus for our patients in the public debate and will help us achieve the goals.AcknowledgementsThe Danish Rheumatism AssociationDisclosure of InterestsNone declared
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Bartłomiejczyk, Magdalena. "The interpreter’s visibility in the European Parliament." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 19, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.19.2.01bar.
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This ethnographic study aims to shed light on how the services of simultaneous interpreters working during plenary sessions of the European Parliament are perceived and evaluated by the users, i.e. mainly Members of the European Parliament and other European Union officials. The corpus analysed covers all the plenaries in the eight-year period 2005–2012. The aim was to examine references to interpreters and/or their output made by the speakers. A total of 230 relevant excerpts were identified, varying in length. Thematic analysis established that speakers’ comments addressed to, or concerning, interpreters were associated with six topics. The most frequent was appreciation of interpreters (almost a third of all items), after which doubts regarding interpretations were only marginally ahead of reminders to speakers about the practical constraints imposed by interpreting (each accounting for almost 20%). Three far less frequent items (about 5–10% each) were criticism, difficulty (of interpreting specific items) and apologies. The study discusses representative occurrences of each topic, also providing an overall breakdown of quantitative trends.
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Whitaker, Richard, and Philip Lynch. "Understanding the Formation and Actions of Eurosceptic Groups in the European Parliament: Pragmatism, Principles and Publicity." Government and Opposition 49, no. 2 (November 25, 2013): 232–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.40.
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This article assesses why Eurosceptic national parties form groups in the European Parliament and examines in what ways two of these groups – the European Conservatives and Reformists and Europe of Freedom and Democracy – operate in the European Parliament. It draws on interviews with politicians and group officials, roll-call votes and expert judgement data. We look at the group formation process with a focus on the British Conservatives and UK Independence Party and find that the European Conservatives and Reformists group was created with a mixture of policy-seeking and party-management aims. The UK Independence Party's interest in the Europe of Freedom and Democracy group is largely on the basis of the group's provision of distinct practical advantages, such as resources for political campaigns. We provide evidence that hard Eurosceptic and regionalist niche parties in the European Parliament struggle to agree with each other in roll-call votes on a range of subjects. Finally, we show that the hard and soft Eurosceptic parties studied here go about policy-seeking in different ways in the European Parliament in line with their differing principles on the integration process.
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Judge, David, and Cristina Leston-Bandeira. "The Institutional Representation of Parliament." Political Studies 66, no. 1 (September 22, 2017): 154–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717706901.
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Recent theoretical re-conceptualisations of political representation and contemporary empirical analyses of parliamentary representation have largely neglected the representation of parliaments as institutions. As a consequence, relatively little attention has been focused upon what is being communicated to citizens about parliaments and upon the nature of the parliamentary institutions that citizens are expected to engage with. This is the neglected institutional dimension of parliamentary representation. Using official documents and interview data from 39 key actors in the Scottish, Westminster and European parliaments, we analyse who act as ‘claim-makers’ on behalf of parliaments, the nature of these claims in different political contexts, and the ‘symbolic intent’ and claims associated with the architectural design of parliamentary buildings. We identify a basic paradox of institutional representation in that those who ‘speak for’ (most loudly and most persistently) and ‘act for’ parliaments as institutions are not primarily elected representatives but rather non-elected officials.
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Decker, Frank. "Das Scheitern des Spitzenkandidatensystems und andere populäre Irrtümer über die Demokratisierung der Europäischen Union." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 4 (2019): 870–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-4-870.
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After the 2019 European election, national political actors and party officials in both the European Parliament as well as in the Council once again clashed over the selection of the Commission’s President, a controversy that also received widespread public attention . Disagreements centered on the so-called Spitzenkandidaten - top candidate - system that - contrary to its premiere in 2014 - failed to be implemented . The manner in which this system functions is frequently misunderstood by both political actors and observers . One example is that the appointment process is interpreted through the lens of parliamentary democracy, another is that the overrepresentation of smaller member states within the European Parliament is depicted as a serious violation of democratic principles . Potential starting points for a thorough democratization of the EU, such as the direct election of the Commission President, a common electoral system with joint European parties, and a greater say by voters and the President of the Commission regarding the appointment of commissioners are also discussed . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 870 - 879]
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HOOGHE, LIESBET. "Supranational Activists or Intergovernmental Agents?" Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 4 (June 1999): 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032004002.
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Since the inception of the European Community (EC)/European Union (EU), the European Commission has been the engine of European integration, but studies have failed to account for how office holders in the commission conceive authority in the EU. The author explains variation in supranationalist and intergovernmentalist views among top commission officials using 140 interviews and 106 mail questionnaires undertaken between July 1995 and May 1997. Officials' views are greatly influenced by prior state career and previous political socialization, with former state employees and nationals of large, unitary states leaning to intergovernmentalism and those without former state experience and from federal systems to supranationalism. Partial confirmation of a principal-agent logic is found in that officials in powerful commission services favor supranationalism only if prior socialization predisposes them to such views. Thus, the results support socialization theory, but they are inconclusive for principal-agent arguments.
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Pop, Lavinia Maria, Magdalena Iorga, and Beatrice-Gabriela Ioan. "Dual-quality Food. The Need for a Solid Health Education in Schools." Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Bioethica 65, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2020): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbbioethica.2020.04.
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"In the last two decades, both politicians and health officials have drawn attention to foods with a double standard of quality that are marketed in various European countries. Identifying the same brand that sells a product with the same packaging but with a different composition has provoked various disputes, including in the European Parliament. Imposing quality standards has proven to be one of the solutions. But, until their implementation, a good education of the young generation in terms of food quality, reading labels and promoting healthy products remain some of the effective solutions. Keywords: health, food industry, education, nutrition, ethics, double standard. "
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Cullen, Pauline. "Irish Female Members of the European Parliament: Critical Actors for Women's Interests?" Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (June 22, 2018): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x1800020x.
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The European Parliament (EP) is credited as an important actor in improving the rights of women in Ireland. Lacking a power base in national political parties, Irish feminists and European Union (EU) officials, including members of the EP (MEPs), have worked to secure progress on gender equality. This research explores whether, in the contemporary context, Irish female MEPs remain critical actors for women's interests at the EU level. Findings show that although Irish female MEPs have a limited record of involvement with the EP's main site for gender equality, the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality, they do act in a variety of ways on women's interests. These include mobilization on gendered occupational roles and traditionally gendered areas such as care work, child poverty, and issues constructed as affecting women outside the EU. Irish female MEPs also facilitate forms of supranational lobbying in their support of EU-level advocacy for domestic gendered civil society and campaign groups. However, ideology and party political discipline, the pull toward local and national interests, and an absence of strong feminist agency work to diminish opportunities for female MEPs to act as critical actors and deliver critical acts on women's interests.
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Winzen, Thomas. "Technical or Political? An Exploration of the Work of Officials in the Committees of the European Parliament." Journal of Legislative Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2011): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2011.545177.
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Furåker, Bengt. "European trade union cooperation, union density and employee attitudes to unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 9, 2020): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933118.
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European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.
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Meissner, Katharina. "Democratizing EU External Relations: The European Parliaments Informal Role in SWIFT, ACTA, and TTIP." European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Issue 2 (April 1, 2016): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016017.
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Since 1958, the European Parliament (EP) has come a long way from being a talking shop to being a powerful legislative organ. In the European Union’s external relations, the EP’s role was initially very weak, when it was sometimes not even consulted on international agreements. The Lisbon Treaty strengthened the parliamentary role in external relations covering policies where the ordinary legislative procedure applies by ascribing the EP the right to ratification of international agreements. Formally limited to voting on final agreements, the EP has widely expanded its informal role in external relations since the Lisbon Treaty’s entry into force in December 2009. Now, its role goes beyond the provisions as laid out in the Lisbon Treaty and even the role of national parliaments in international agreements. Since the negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the EP has been active at all stages of negotiations – negotiation directives, negotiation rounds, ratification of agreement, and implementation of agreement – which activities reach as far as influencing the agreements’ substance. Analysing with what strategies the EP has achieved this involvement – by providing original data from fifteen semi-structured interviews with EU officials – this article assesses the EP’s informal role in the negotiation of international agreements since the Lisbon Treaty in three in-depth case studies: the SWIFT agreement, the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), and the ongoing TTIP negotiations.
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Field, Mark. "How European Union policy actors use and assess the effectiveness of e-transparency." Public Policy and Administration 34, no. 1 (August 28, 2017): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076717725576.
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To counter the charge that it is an elite-driven political project, the European Union increasingly uses online systems to render its working practices visible to its citizens. This article analyses how the actors involved in European Union policy-making understand the benefits derived from providing information through e-transparency, and examines whether they consider that the e-transparency systems deliver these benefits. Drawing on data from 63 semi-structured interviews with officials, Members of the European Parliament and Brussels-based transparency campaigners, the article shows a wide variation in participants’ views concerning the rationale for e-transparency. It shows that e-transparency is variously seen as the means to address declining citizen trust in the Brussels institutions; as a mechanism through which citizens can participate in European Union processes and as a means of holding its institutions to account. The article argues that these various e-transparency attributes are contradictory, and it advances a framework for information providers to assess how the e-transparency tools can best meet the differing requirements of transparency users.
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Alaimo, Anna. "The New Directive on European Works Councils: Innovations and Omissions." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 2 (June 1, 2010): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010013.
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This article examines Directive 2009/38/EC concerning the establishment of a European Works Council (EWC) or a procedure in Community-scale undertakings and Community-scale groups of undertakings for the purposes of informing and consulting employees, approved by the Parliament and the Council on 6 May 2009. Starting from the revision of the 1994 Directive, this article concentrates on the innovative aspects and ‘omissions’ in the new Directive. The main aims of the new Directive are the determination of the powers of the EWC, now limited to ‘transnational issues’; the definitions of information and consultation; and the specification of preliminary information in the setting up of an EWC – in particular, information concerning the structure of the business (or group) and the number of employees. The most significant ‘omission’ in the new Directive is the lack of any reference to the negotiating activity of the EWC, that as a general rule has given rise to forms of ‘transnational collective bargaining’ and which, in recent years, has been the subject of numerous studies and research initiatives promoted by the European Commission. In conclusion, it is argued that the question of the (uncertain) legitimacy of EWCs as negotiating partners – and of the possible regulation of the forms of ‘transnational collective bargaining’ – remains complex and difficult to resolve.
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Gijsenbergh, Joris. "From Neglect to Protection: Attitudes towards Whistleblowers in the European Institutions (1957–2002)." Politics and Governance 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 281–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i1.3944.
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This article analyses how transparency became a buzzword in the European Union (EU) and its predecessors. In order to do so, it examines how the European Parliament (EP), the European Commission, the Court of Justice, and earlier European institutions responded to whistleblowing, between 1957 and 2002. In 2019, the EP agreed to encourage and protect whistleblowers. However, whistleblowing is far from a recent phenomenon. Historical examples include Louis Worms (1957), Stanley Adams (1973), and Paul van Buitenen (1998). Based on policy documents and parliamentary debates, this article studies the attitudes and reactions within European institutions towards whistleblowing. Their responses to unauthorized disclosures show how their views on openness developed from the beginning of European integration. Such cases sparked debate on whether whistleblowers deserved praise for revealing misconduct, or criticism for breaching corporate and political secrecy. In addition, whistleblowing cases urged politicians and officials to discuss how valuable transparency was, and whether the public deserved to be informed. This article adds a historical perspective to the multidisciplinary literature on whistleblowing. Both its focus on the European Coal and Steel Community, European Economic Community, and EU and its focus on changing attitudes towards transparency provide an important contribution to this multidisciplinary field.
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Mačernytė-Panomariovienė, Ingrinda, and Vilius Mačiulaitis. "Content and Implementation of the Right to Annual Leave: Analysis Based on the Case Study of Lithuania." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2019-0012.
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Abstract Annual leave is granted to employees in order for them to rest and to regain efficiency at work. In accordance with Article 31 (2) of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and Article 7 of the Directive 2003/88/EB of the European Parliament and of the Council regarding certain aspects of work time organization (Working Time Directive), employers must guarantee employees at least 4 [work] weeks of paid annual leave. Furthermore, Article 49 of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania maintains that every employed individual has the right to paid annual leave. The question arises whether this type of constitutional right can be absolute and if, as a result, employees are able to exercise their discretion to decide for themselves how to use this right. Can employers decide to grant or refuse to grant leave based on their own discretion? This article aims to address the content of the right to paid annual leave and its implementation details. In particular, it seeks to verify the extent to which an employee or an employer can affect the implementation of such a right.
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Baldi, Marino. "La legge italiana sulla concorrenza nell’ottica svizzera." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 8, no. 2 (October 1, 1990): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907345072.
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Abstract In general the Swiss cartel law, which is based on the principle of abuse, is considered quite mild.The Italian law, instead, follows the model of the European Community legislation, as do the French and the Spanish laws, which have been revised recently.A comparison between the Swiss and the Italian laws, in spite of the basic differences inspiring their philosophies, may be nonetheless useful, especially if one considers that usually regulations about cartels leave large discretionary powers to the authorities responsible for their implementation.The first Swiss law regulating cartels, which was introduced in 1962, had two main weaknesses: its scope was quite restrict, because it could only apply to horizontal cartels, and competition criteria for the evaluation of market agreements had a minor role. The decisive criterion was derived by an «economic and social budget», by which it was possible to justify whatever limitations to competition on the basis of any possible advantage for any social group.A new and more noteworthy law was introduced in Switzerland in 1985. Though it is also based on the abuse principle, so that behaviour of whatever kind is not prohibited, its scope of application is much larger. In addition to horizontal, the new law deals also with vertical aggreements, with abuse of a dominant position and also with mergers which, however, are a field where possibilities to intervene are very limited.The second and important aspect of the new law refers to the criteria for evaluating whether a specific agreement on competition can be judged positively or not. Though the dominant criterion still refers to the «economic and social consequences», the law also assumes that competition is the best protection for the general welfare. This new criterion was the basis for important decisions dealing with competition, and especially for the elimination of cartels in such sectors as banks and insurance companies.In spite of the more serious attitude toward competition taken by the Swiss legislation, the political climate about competition in Switzerland is still quiet.On a subject as competition policy, which always implies some discretionary margins, it is always necessary to distinguish between the legal rules as such and the outcomes of their implementation. The Swiss competition law, for istance, is a good example of a law which could allow a serious competition policy. However, the Swiss competition policy is not so severe as it could be, for the simple reason that the responsible authorities have a too limited staff, due to the fact that, during the Seventies, the Swiss Parliament decided to stop hiring federal employees. Consequently, now the officials working for the implementation of the Swiss competition policy are seven, exactly as they were in the Sixties, when the legislation on competition was very mild.Shortage of staff arises particular difficulties for a competition system which, as that of the Swiss law, is based on the principle of abuse. This is true in particular for horizontal cartels, not prohibited per se in Switzerland, which requires careful investigations.However, apart from this case of «classic» cartels, the distinction between systems based on prohibition and systems based on abuse should not be too emphasized. Indeed, the other cases of restrictive practices, with few exceptions, are subject to evaluations which do not depart too much from the principle of abuse or, as the Americans call it, the «rule of reason».This is true for the vertical agreements as well as for the abuse of a dominant position.The experience with the Swiss legislation shows that a competition law based on abuse can be the basis for a serious policy, also with regard to horizontal cartels (as it was demonstrated by the elimination of the bank and insurance cartels).However, systems based on abuse require more resources and more time than those based on prohibition, whose application does not normally require to prove that certain kinds of behavior are harmful.A correction toward a more efficient system derives from the European Community legislation, which for Switzerland is more important than national legislation. A great part of the restrictive agreements by the Swiss undertakings has been under the evaluation of the EEC authorities.As far as the Italian law is concerned, it appears that it can neither be considered as entirely «prohibitive», nor as based on abuse only. On a first impression the Italian law follows the prohibition approach, at least for horizontal and vertical cartels, which are banned by art. 2. But the exemptions listed in art. 4 open the way to a large number of cases to be judged one by one, through investigations that may not always be very simple.A more important aspect is that the law does not explain whether the exemptions provided in art. 4 must be considered as legal exceptions or whether their application requires the previous approval by some bodies. The second interpretation would support the prohibition approach, whilst the first would favour the abuse approach.Article 85 of the EEC Treaty arose the same difficulties, solved by regulation 17/62, introducing a duty of notification for restrictive agreements, and establishing the rule that cases not explicitly exempted from the general ban would be prohibited following art. 85, paragraph 3. According to the Italian law, however, notifications are voluntary. The future regulations for the implementation of the Italian law might, hopefully, clarify this very important issue.
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Hudig, Dirk. "The Problem of Low and Uncertain Risks: Balancing Risks and Benefits." European Journal of Risk Regulation 3, no. 2 (June 2012): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00001999.
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Both the Lisbon Treaty and the new Inter-Institutional Agreement strengthen the role of the European Parliament (EP) as co-legislator. At the same time, European Union (EU) officials increasingly recognise the need for broader acceptance of the principles and agreements of the Better (Smart) Regulation strategy, as proposed in an October 2010 Commission Communication. There is a need to make high quality risk management decisions in a more risk averse environment and a changed policy framework. Indeed, principles supporting better regulation have become more widely adopted by all EU institutions, notably with the Impact Assessment Board (IAB) of the European Commission, which now screens all new proposals. Due to the broad diffusion of these principles, risk assessment techniques have become more widely understood. This trend is particularly salient in four areas of application: (1) the on-going debate between regulating by hazard and regulating by risk; (2) a better understanding of the nature of risk/risk trade-offs, (3) use of benefit/risk assessment, and (4) the Commission Communication regarding the precautionary principle.
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Dura, Sophie. "The EU in the Central Mediterranean: Impact and Implications of the Comprehensive Approach." European Journal of Migration and Law 20, no. 2 (May 30, 2018): 205–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340024.
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Abstract The implications of the comprehensive approach to the EU refugee crisis are becoming apparent in the current actions of different players in the central Mediterranean, where a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military operation is present alongside Frontex’s joint operation Triton. Both cooperate closely with Libyan border authorities and the European Migrant Smuggling Centre of Europol. But this not only poses humanitarian problems as to how the EU should cooperate on these matters with Libyan officials, it also leads to a confusing meddling of different EU actors from distinct policy areas in matters of crucial importance to the Union. Against this background, the article delineates the competences and powers of the different actors. Another issue is the role of the European Parliament in the situation: it has little influence in the CSDP but strong links to the agencies. In this context the article will discuss the influence of the cooperation on parliamentary accountability.
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Wodak, Ruth, Michał Krzyżanowski, and Bernhard Forchtner. "The interplay of language ideologies and contextual cues in multilingual interactions: Language choice and code-switching in European Union institutions." Language in Society 41, no. 2 (March 23, 2012): 157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404512000036.
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AbstractThis article analyzes multilingual practices in interactions inside European Union (EU) institutions. On the basis of our fieldwork conducted in EU organizational spaces throughout 2009, we explore different types of communication in order to illustrate how Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and officials at the European Commission practice and perform multilingualism in their everyday work. In our theoretical and methodological framework, we draw on existent sociolinguistic ethnographical research into organizations and interactions, and integrate a multilevel (macro) contextual and sequential (micro) analysis of manifold data (observations, field notes, recordings of official and semi-official meetings, interviews, etc.). In this way, a continuum of context-dependent multilingual practices becomes apparent, which are characterized by different patterns of language choice and which serve a range of both manifest and latent functions. By applying the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), the intricacies of the increasingly complex phenomenon of multilingualism in transnational-organizational spaces, which are frequently characterized by diverse power-related and other asymmetries of communication, can be adequately coped with. (Code-switching, multilingualism, power, institutional spaces, European Union, ethnography, discourse-historical approach, critical discourse studies)*
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Resnick, Elana. "Discarded Europe." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2015.240109.
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How are time and materiality felt in periods of expectation, when change is awaited but never comes, at least not in the way anticipated? Disappointment may set in, but in the expanding European context in which I conducted research, something else occurs: sensory experiences of time and materiality intermingle and shape each other. These experiences of temporal-material relations, in a context of historical disorientation, are the basis of a new European temporality. My ethnographic research on waste management in Bulgaria, conducted between 2010 and 2013, with informal garbage collectors, city street sweepers, waste company officials, Sofia citizens, municipal representatives and ministry employees, provides the empirical foundation for this piece.
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Neuhold, Christine, and Anna-Lena Högenauer. "An information network of officials? Dissecting the role and nature of the network of parliamentary representatives in the European Parliament." Journal of Legislative Studies 22, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2016.1163884.
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Pisarev, Ivan Ivanovich. "“Europeanization” of Think Tanks in the EU Interest Group Politics." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-49-63.
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The article reveals the characteristics of think tanks as actors of the interest group politics in the European Union (EU). In this policy, they inspire public debate, conduct research, encourage new legislation and more effective public administration. A large number of European think tanks is engaged in interest group politics both at the national and supranational level of the EU governance, encouraging integration processes among the EU countries and Europeanization, which is the subject of analysis of this study. The strengthening of the role and importance of interest groups in EU policy is largely due to the increased power of the Unions institutions, since the introduction of new legislation and regulation common to all EU countries leads to the feedback from various groups that represent both public and private interests. Obviously, these groups, when interacting with the power institutions of the EU, strive for the most effective protection of their interests. For this purpose their representatives hold meetings with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament, as well as other structures of the Union. This interaction, aiming at promoting their interests by means of lobbying and advocacy, has been regulated since 2011 by the Transparency Register, jointly created by the European Commission and the European Parliament. The purpose of this study is to analyze the quantitative performance of think tanks in the EU and to develop on its basis the Ranking of EU countries, according to the level of Europeanization of the think tanks representing them. From the research methods perspective, the study is based on the matching of statistical data from the Transparency Register and the Global Go To Think Tank Index, which serves the basis for this Ranking. The study of the ranking makes it possible to identify groups of countries with a high, medium and low level of Europeanization of think tanks in all EU countries as of January 31, 2019. The results revealed on the basis of the analysis demonstrate the heterogeneous nature of the Europeanization process of think tanks in different EU countries.
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Gachechiladze, Revaz, and Giorgi Gogsadze. "2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia: Results and geographical peculiarities." European Spatial Research and Policy 28, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.28.2.12.
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The article aims to show the main political-geographic trends of the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. The political systems of the post-Soviet counties are still imperfect and fragile. Although international observers recognised the vote results in Georgia as legitimate, many opposition parties boycotted the parliament for almost six months. It took several western officials to engage in regulating the post-election crisis. The work focuses on analysing turnout and voting patterns pointing to the changes that occurred in the last decade. A geographical study of elections enables one to identify the merits and drawbacks of the electoral process from the regional standpoint. The findings of the work underline the complexity of the election outcomes. While certain legal and political changes bring Georgia closer to European democracies, the country still lags in terms of several electoral/geographical features.
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Rushkovskyi, Mykhailo, and Dmytro Rasshyvalov. "EUROPEAN REMIT REGULATION AS THE LATEST DETERMINANT OF CORPORATE RISK MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES IN ENERGY SECTOR." Green, Blue & Digital Economy Journal 3, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5169/2022-1-7.
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The purpose of the paper is to summarize and present the fundamental trends of the past few decades related to the financial crisis of 2008 and growing integration of European sovereign economies, including the integration of energy markets, that led to development of regulation of relationships and preventing manipulation in such markets. This regulation has become a powerful new determinant for the European multinational enterprises of the energy sector (MNE) when developing their own risk management strategies. Methodology. The analysis is based on the recent studies of the pan-European power exchange company Nord Pool Group, international organization Energy Community and relevant regulations and recommendations of the European Parliament and of the Council and European Union Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators. Results of the analysis showed the growing demand for transparency and stability in the European wholesale energy markets. This demand was reflected in the EU Regulation 1227/2011 on Wholesale Energy Market Integrity and Transparency (REMIT) that was adopted by the European Parliament and the Council of the EU in 2011. While REMIT Regulation, on one hand, provides reliable and equal conditions for MNE, on the other hand, it increases the risk and burden of REMIT compliance obligations for such MNE. The consequences of misconduct can potentially be serious – both high fines and personal liability of MNE employees. Today the European multinational enterprises of the energy sector must develop the respective risk management strategies to ensure effective governance of this type of risks. Practical implications. MNE participants of the EU energy market should develop efficient risk management strategies to comply with REMIT requirements, in addition to existing commitments on the transparency of the Third Package. The REMIT compliance risk management strategies will support MNE market participants in complying with rules and policies, creating a secure structure for employees of such enterprises and promoting fair and equal conditions for trade, trusting the energy market. Furthermore, proper REMIT compliance risk management strategy will help to avoid or minimize the risk of fines and other regulatory sanctions and potential civil lawsuits. It will also help to avoid or minimize the risk of reputation loss, such as negative media reviews or poor customer experience. Value/originality. The conducted analysis provides deep understanding of the main drivers of the European wholesale energy markets regulations that create a compelling determinant for the risk management strategies of multinational enterprises of the energy sector. Ukraine has committed itself to the Energy Community to implement the REMIT Regulation in its regulatory field, which increases the relevance of developing appropriate multinational enterprises risk management strategies within the country.
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Yakymchuk, Maryna. "Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.008.
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In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.
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Bednarowicz, Bartłomiej. "Delivering on the European Pillar of Social Rights: The New Directive on Transparent and Predictable Working Conditions in the European Union." Industrial Law Journal 48, no. 4 (November 20, 2019): 604–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwz021.
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Abstract Chapter II of the European Pillar of Social Rights envisages fair working conditions that are further spelled out in two principles on secure and adaptable employment (Principle 5) and information about employment conditions and protection in dismissals (Principle 7). In order to deliver on this framework, in December 2017 the European Commission presented an ambitious and far-reaching proposal for a Directive on transparent and predictable working conditions in the European Union that would repeal Directive 91/533/EC on an employer’s obligation to inform employees of the conditions applicable to the contract or employment relationship. The proposal, after a series of uneasy negotiations in the Parliament and the Council, and with substantial modifications, was subsequently adopted in June 2019. Against this background, the main aim of this note is to analyse the new Directive (EU) 2019/1152. This piece focuses firstly on the Directive’s nuanced hybrid personal ambit of application. Secondly, it examines its material scope of application and sheds some light on the new set of rights and entitlements available to workers, including novel enforcement mechanisms. Finally, the note provides a critical assessment of the Directive with the aim of unveiling its potential to boost workers’ rights in the European Union, in particular those engaged in non-standard forms of employment, who are especially prone to experiencing precarious working conditions, such as on-demand and platform workers.
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Dibra, Migen. "Employee Participation Rights During Company Restructuring: Lessons Learned from the “Capability for Voice” in British Law." Revue générale de droit 51, no. 1 (September 21, 2021): 245–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1081842ar.
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In the current economic context, marked by a growing number of company restructuring processes as well as a rising unemployment rate, it seems important to address the employee’s issue of job security as well as the need to reduce the negative impacts that some restructuring processes have on businesses and employees. One solution in this regard is to ensure that employees are heard during the restructuring process. Since the Quebec and the federal Canadian legal frameworks on the subject offer insufficient protections, the author’s goal is to find solutions in order to strengthen the existing frameworks as well as to suggest different ways of adopting other legal information and consultation procedures applicable to company restructuring in general. To this end, the author is interested in whether a process of information and consultation of employees in restructuring matters, similar to what exists in the European Union, is possible in Canada, in light of the British experience. In fact, the United Kingdom’s case is particularly interesting for Canada, because this country originally applied a collective laissez-faire approach to employee participation rights during company restructuring which was similar to the North American one. It was only because of mandatory directives of the European Union on the subject that the United Kingdom has set up information and consultation procedures recognized by law. In order to perform this study, we have used the method of comparative law and as a theoretical framework we have applied the capability for voice, developed by Amartya Sen, which provides a method for assessing the impact and relevance of Parliament acts that recognize extended participation rights to employees in regard to a company’s economic decisions. In doing so, we assess the extent that the British statutory instruments, related to the subject matter under study, meet the conditions of the capability for voice, which are prerequisites to pass from the involvement stage of the employees in company decisions to their real influence on such issues.
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Romanova, T., and G. Kotsur. "From Political Liberalization to Geopolitical Turn (Evolution of the EU’S Discourse, and the Link between the Normative and the Material)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 8 (2022): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-8-25-33.
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The article explores the geopolitical turn in the European Union’s policy, realized through two new and synonymous concepts in the EU’s official discourse – those of strategic sovereignty and strategic autonomy. The author demonstrates that these concepts do not imply a radical turn to pragmatism and materiality. Rather it is exposed that Brussels’ neoliberal paradigm has always presupposed the link between neoliberal normativity (liberal democracy of the Western type) and materiality (which incorporates prosperity through market economy, and security). The article defines several periods in the EU reconfiguring this link, each associated with a new concept (first democratization, then modernization, then resilience and, finally, strategic sovereignty/autonomy). Empirically, the study is based on speeches of the top EU officials, as well as on debates and documents of the European Parliament. Discourse analysis is used to define the link between normativity and materiality that evolves yet preserving its structure. It is demonstrated how the concepts of strategic sovereignty/autonomy incorporate virtually everything from peace, security and democracy to climate and innovation. The research most particularly focuses on the place that Brussels’ discourse allocates to Russia, which vividly reflects the specificity of the link between normativity and materiality in each period. More specifically, Russia evolves in the European Union’s discourse from being a country of modernization and democratic transition to a threat to the EU’s resilience and then strategic sovereignty, thus turning from an insider to the outsider in the symbolic space that the European Union establishes through the link between normativity and materiality.
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Bólya, Boglárka, Bence Ákos Gát, Olivér Márk Kilényi, Lilla Nóra Kiss, Helga Marik, Anna Vajas, and László Dornfeld. "Summary of the ‘Dialogue on the Future of Europe: Building a Digital European Union’ Conference Organised by the Ministry of Justice and the Ferenc Mádl Institute of Comparative Law as Part of the ‘Conference on the Future of Europe’ Series." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 2, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2021.2.259-270.
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On June 21, 2021, the Hungarian Ministry of Justice (Deputy State Secretariat for EU Relations) and the Ferenc Mádl Institute of Comparative Law (MFI) organised a high-profile international conference entitled ‘Dialogue on the Future of Europe: Building a Digital European Union’ as part of a series in which two previous conferences were held on June 25 and September 21, 2020. By organising these events, Hungary is among the first Member States to launch a dialogue as part of a series of discussions on the future of Europe. As a proactive actor, Hungary has contributed to the ongoing exchange of views offering a comprehensive assessment of and approach to the digital developments and perspectives of the European Union. The June 21, 2021 conference – composed of three thematic panel discussions – focused on the future of digitalisation and competitiveness in the European Union. Highly accomplished national speakers such as Hungarian Minister of Justice Judit Varga and Hungarian Member of Parliament and President of the Economic Committee Erik Bánki and international speakers such as Commissioner Mariya Gabriel and State Secretary Ana Paula Zacarias gave presentations outlining their visions. This article summarizes those presentations. In addition to public officials and economic actors, academic experts and researchers on digital transition also gave presentations at the conference. The conclusions drawn from their exchanges of views seek to contribute to the creation of sensible decisions leading towards a digital future, while also raising public awareness regarding digitalisation, a realm of growing influence on policymaking.
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Lavía, Cristina, Beatriz Otero, Eneka Albizu, and Mikel Olazaran. "Exploring the Intensity of Relationships with Vocational Education Centres: A Typology of Spanish SMEs." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 18, 2021): 9287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169287.
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Even though the availability of skilled labour and technological know-how is critical to the sustainability of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), the relationships between industry and the vocational education system have received little attention in the recent literature regarding social aspects of innovation. The objective of this paper is to analyse the intensity of relationships between industrial SMEs and vocational education and training (VET) centres from the firms’ perspective. The study is based on a survey carried out with a sample of 1388 Spanish industrial SMEs with vocational education graduates among their employees. Multivariate hierarchical segmentation techniques were used in order to identify the main explanatory variables. As a result, we obtained a typology (“tree”) of eight organizational profiles associated to different intensity levels (from higher to lower) of relationships between firms and schools. The results show that most industrial SMEs maintain relations with vocational education centres, reflecting the importance of the latter for the companies. The organisational type having the highest level of relations refers to SMEs with experience in external cooperation (cooperation with other actors in innovation projects) which have vocational education employees (graduates) in technical areas and which are bigger in size. Likewise, the results suggest that fruitful collaboration between SMEs and vocational education centres depends on the existence of an established culture of innovation among the smaller firms. This work sheds light on economic and social sustainability. Its results and discussion are linked to the objectives of United Nations sustainable development goals and the recent communication from the European Commission to the European Parliament entitled “European skills agenda for sustainable competitiveness, social fairness, and resilience”.
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Nikolova, Evgeniya, Mariya Monova-Zheleva, and Yanislav Zhelev. "Personal Data Processing in a Digital Educational Environment." Mathematics and Informatics LXV, no. 4 (August 30, 2022): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/math2022-4-4-per.
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New technologies provide innovative spaces for cooperation and communication between employers and employees, citizens and structures, educators, and learners. Data protection issues have always been key to education providers, but the proliferation of online learning forms and formats poses new and unique challenges in this regard. When introducing a new technology that involves the collection of sensitive data, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union requires the identification and mitigation of all risks that could lead to the misuse of personal data. The article discusses some critical points regarding the application of GDPR in online learning. The goal of this article is to investigate the vulnerabilities to personal data security during online learning and to identify methods that schools and universities may apply to ensure that personal data are kept private while students utilize online platforms to learn. For the purposes of the research, the published privacy, and data protection policies of all Bulgarian universities as well as papers on how universities could adapt to the new EU General Data Protection Regulation were revised and analysed. Best practices of some foreign universities in this regard were studied as well.
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Nowacka, Urszula. "Entrepreneurship as a Key Competence - Implications for the Education Process in Poland." SOCIETY, INTEGRATION, EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 1 (May 16, 2015): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2015vol1.324.
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<p><em>The ever escalating pace of civilizational changes in the social and economic fields, as well as in science and technology triggers a change of employers’ expectations with respect to employees’ competences. Thus, a need has arisen for enterprising and creative employees with the ability of critical and at the same time, creative thinking, with high interpersonal competence, who can obtain and effectively process information and based on that make decisions, and who are real team players, understanding the need for lifelong learning. Such competences have a significant impact on an independent, responsible and auspicious life. The changes led the European Parliament and the Council to adopt a key competence framework to which entrepreneurship and initiative have been, among other competences, classified.</em></p><p><em>The aim of the article is to define conditions related to creation of entrepreneurship as a key competence in the process of education in Poland, both among students of upper-secondary schools and tertiary education students. The article uses the findings of research conducted in Poland regarding evaluation of acquired key competences and identification of competences and qualifications sought by employers. </em></p><p> </p>
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Teichmann, Fabian Maximilian Johannes. "Incentive systems in anti-bribery whistleblowing." Journal of Financial Crime 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 519–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-04-2018-0041.
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Purpose While existing literature focusses on the causes and negative consequences of corruption, this paper illustrates the potential use of whistleblowing incentives to combat bribery in multinational corporations. The purpose of the present study is to highlight that anti-bribery mechanisms, which have already been successfully applied in the public sector, may also be deployed in multinational organisations. Design/methodology/approach A two-step qualitative research process was used. Informal interviews were conducted with 35 corrupt public officials, followed by formal interviews with 35 compliance experts and law enforcement officers. During the interviews, the advantages and disadvantages of whistleblowing incentives in multinational corporations were discussed. The interviewees’ responses were subjected to content analysis. Findings The principal finding was that rewarding employees with significant monetary bonuses may help to increase anti-bribery whistleblowing. However, such bonus payments should be made in only major cases of bribery to safeguard multinational corporations, company cultures and trust among employees. Research limitations/implications The findings convey the perspectives of the 70 interviewees based in Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein and Switzerland. Practical implications The paper offers suggestions to multinational corporations on how to effectively combat corruption and other forms of white-collar crime. Originality/value While the empirical findings are based on a European sample, the results may be applied globally.
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Schüttemeyer, Suzanne S., and Anastasia Pyschny. "Kandidatenaufstellung zur Bundestagswahl 2017. Untersuchungen zu personellen und partizipatorischen Grundlagen demokratischer Ordnung." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 1 (2020): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-1-189.
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The political parties represented in the Bundestag have about 300 .000 active members, from whom all elected officials, from local councils to the European Parliament, are recruited . Due to the ongoing membership decline in parties the pool of eligible candidates is also reduced . In spite of this worrying development and the outstanding importance of the parties’ recruitment function for the stability and functioning of the political system, for the last five decades the candidate selection processes for the German Bundestag have neither been analyzed extensively nor systematically . Hence, the Institute of Parliamentary Research (IParl) addressed this research gap and studied the candidate selection before the German parliamentary elections of 2017 by asking who selects whom in which way and for what reasons in the constituency or for the party lists as candidate for the German Bundestag . The results underline the worrying situation: Not only the personal but also the participatory basis of democracy has been shrinking over time . Although the parties hold membership conventions more often, in 15 years the participation of the electorate from CDU, CSU and SPD declined by 46 percent . Thus, inclusive participation offers are not a universal remedy . Rather, the parties have to make sure that such offers are really used comprehensively .
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Habro, Irina, and Mykhailo Solomko. "Development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.01.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union. Today environmental diplomacy has become an important way for states to promote their course of environmental diplomacy, to protect their environmental rights and interests, to promote their own economic and environmental development. The most striking example of the application of green diplomacy on a regional and global scale is the environmental policy implemented by EU member states. Within the EU there is a huge number of environmental programs for the development of renewable energy sources, protection of flora and fauna, as well as combating pollution of water and land resources. To implement its own environmental diplomacy, the EU has adopted a number of important regulations, which are analyzed in the article. The most thorough legal act in the field of environmental diplomacy was Council Directive 85/337 / EEC of 1985 on the assessment of the effects of public and private projects on the environment. This directive reflects the EU’s desire to draw the attention of government agencies and the public to environmental issues and to encourage their collective solution. EU environmental diplomacy is carried out through diplomatic missions, missions, delegations, as well as at the individual level. It involves European politicians and officials who are able to influence international public opinion, employees of foreign ministries and diplomatic missions. The EU also involves third countries as partners to discuss the most pressing environmental issues and their future solutions: climate change, biodiversity conservation, soil depletion, forest and water resources, and renewable energy. Environmental protection is one of the priority areas for European integration. States wishing to join the EU must meet its environmental standards and implement key principles of environmental legislation. It is noted that the EU countries are trying to transfer the economy to clean technologies and diplomatically encourage others to take measures to improve the environmental situation.
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Vasylieva, Tetiana, Beata Gavurova, Tetiana Dotsenko, Svitlana Bilan, Marcin Strzelec, and Samer Khouri. "The Behavioral and Social Dimension of the Public Health System of European Countries: Descriptive, Canonical, and Factor Analysis." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 5 (March 1, 2023): 4419. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20054419.
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Background: The state and prospects of the healthcare industry of a country are among its top priorities because the quality of life and health of its citizens are indicators of its success and competitiveness. The aim of this study is to conduct a theoretical analysis and qualitative and quantitative assessments of indicators by developing an integral indicator in the context of behavioral, social, demographic, and economic factors that characterize the level of healthcare system development in European countries using multivariate statistical modeling methods. Methods: The study was implemented using Statistica 10 and Statistica Portable statistical packages. The statistical base of the study was formed using descriptive analysis; a group of 10 European countries was identified using a cluster analysis based on the application of an iterative divisive k-means method. The degree and significance of the interrelations between the components characterizing the studied groups of indicators were determined using canonical correlations by conducting a canonical analysis. Factor modeling is conducted by applying the analysis of the main components to determine the relevant indicators for assessing the level of healthcare system development to build integral indicators of the level of healthcare system development in European countries. Results: The need to improve the level of healthcare system development in European countries was confirmed. Shortcomings and possible reserves for potential improvement of the healthcare system were identified. Conclusions: The results can help public authorities, officials and employees of the healthcare sector organize and conduct effective, timely, high-quality regulation and adjustment of the regulatory and legislative framework to improve healthcare system development.
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Becquart-Leclercq, Jeanne. "Multiple Officeholding in Local and National Elective Positions." Tocqueville Review 9, no. 1 (January 1988): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.9.1.221.
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Combining a national electoral position with one or several local electoral positions is frequent among elected national officials in France, while it is legally prohibited or the object of cultural taboo in other European countries and the United States. This element of the French political system, for example being simultaneously a mayor, a regional councillor and a member of parliament, is referred to in this paper as “multiple officeholding” (cumul des mandats). It is an important part of the relationship betw-een those who govern and those who are governed, of the integration between the center and the periphery, and the quality of democratic representation. The thesis developed here is that multiple officeholding leads to distortion in territorial political representation. From a theoretical point of view, multiple officeholding constitutes the framework of an ideal-typical organization of powers, called here the “oligarchic overlapping model,” as contrasted against a model in which the power is more diffused and fragmented. For example, in the first model, there is little circulation of elites from and to the civilian society, but there is some circulation within the elite from and to various levels of government; In the latter one, each level of government has its own system for recruitment of political leaders, which means more circulation between elites and society
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Becquart-Leclercq, Jeanne. "Multiple Officeholding in Local and National Elective Positions." Tocqueville Review 9 (January 1988): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.9.221.
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Combining a national electoral position with one or several local electoral positions is frequent among elected national officials in France, while it is legally prohibited or the object of cultural taboo in other European countries and the United States. This element of the French political system, for example being simultaneously a mayor, a regional councillor and a member of parliament, is referred to in this paper as “multiple officeholding” (cumul des mandats). It is an important part of the relationship betw-een those who govern and those who are governed, of the integration between the center and the periphery, and the quality of democratic representation. The thesis developed here is that multiple officeholding leads to distortion in territorial political representation. From a theoretical point of view, multiple officeholding constitutes the framework of an ideal-typical organization of powers, called here the “oligarchic overlapping model,” as contrasted against a model in which the power is more diffused and fragmented. For example, in the first model, there is little circulation of elites from and to the civilian society, but there is some circulation within the elite from and to various levels of government; In the latter one, each level of government has its own system for recruitment of political leaders, which means more circulation between elites and society
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Cooper, Ian. "A New Form of Democratic Oversight in the EU: The Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group for Europol." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 184–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0036.
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Abstract In 2017, a new Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group (JPSG) was created to enable members of the national parliaments of the EU and the European Parliament to exercise joint oversight of the EU agency for police cooperation (Europol). This paper chronicles and explains the lengthy legal and political process leading up to the first meeting of the Europol JPSG in October 2017, and the establishment of its Rules of Procedure at its second meeting in March 2018. In addition, the Europol JPSG is compared to the three EU inter-parliamentary conferences (IPCs) which meet twice-yearly to discuss EU affairs, foreign policy and economic governance. While there are many similarities, the JPSG differs from these others in that it has an explicit mandate to scrutinize, and the target of its scrutiny is a specific EU agency rather than a whole policy field. The JPSG is also distinctive in a number of key respects, including a stronger legal basis, more restrictive membership and participation rules, greater continuity of membership, stronger access to EU officials and documents, a seat on the Europol Management Board and an explicit right to ask oral and written questions. Taken together, these attributes indicate that the JPSG is designed to be an oversight body, rather than merely a discussion forum. Finally, the paper considers the likely future UK role in relation to the Europol JPSG after Brexit.
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Milu, Nicoleta-Daniela. "INVOLVEMENT OF ACCOUNTING PROFESSION IN QUALITY OF NON-FINANCIAL REPORTING." Oradea Journal of Business and Economics 4, special (May 2019): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.47535/1991ojbe072.
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This paper presents issues related to non-financial reporting, focusing on sustainability reports. In recent years, corporate social responsibility (CSR) has been asserted as a new form of business governance, CSR being recognized in a global context. Companies have a significant impact on social development in the areas where they operate. Therefore, these companies have a responsibility that extends beyond a simple algorithm that refers to profit. There are a multitude of companies that are profitable in financial terms but have activities that harm their own employees and the community. There are major differences in CSR approach; these differences appear in the literature, where authors perceive differently the responsibilities of a company towards society, but also the way EU member countries implement the Directive 2014/95/EU of the European Parliament and the Council in the national legislation. CSR reporting shows how companies choose to behave in relationships with suppliers, employees, customers, investments, the environment, the company, and people who influence their financial results. Non-financial reporting is related to corporate social responsibility policy, but also to management of the risk and business strategy. By reporting CSR, investors, customers, employees and the company can make a pertinent comparison between companies performance. Approximately half of the EU countries have chosen to include the provisions of the Directive in the accounting legislation and the other countries have chosen to include provisions in other categories of legislation, which shows that not all EU countries attach great importance to the accounting profession in terms of reporting responsibility kind. Most EU countries choose to submit CSR information in a management report or a separate non-financial report, but there are a few countries that choose to report CSR activities in the annual report.
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Plekh, Olesya A. "Staffing provincial prisons in the first half of the 19th century (based on the materials of Northern European Russia)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 1 (2022): 86–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-1-2.
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The article is devoted to the problems of staffing provincial penitentiary institutions in the first half of the 19th century. The study was based on the legislation that established the procedure for assigning to the positions and the data on the condition of penitentiary institutions in Northern European Russia. The results obtained led to the conclusion that the staffing problems were solved as the penitentiary system developed and were directly dependent on the condition of the places of detention. In the first quarter of the 19th century, when the formation of the network of penal and correctional institutions was a costly and lengthy process involving the construction of buildings for them, prison superintendents were appointed only as an exception; formally, the prisoners were under the custody of the mayors, but in reality they were under the supervision of the sentries from the internal guard. The legislation of the second quarter of the 19th century paid attention to the legal status of superintendents and warders, their powers, duties, and conditions of service for the first time, gradually elaborating the requirements for candidates for these positions. Preference was given to the retired military men: to the officials holding a rank, for the vacancies of superintendents; to lower ranks from the internal guard who had retired because of wounds, for the vacancies of warders. Although from the end of the 1830s the posts of superintendents were filled on a regular basis, not every prison castle had a full complement of employees. Throughout the period under study, prison employees were not included in the staffing tables of local institutions and were regulated individually on the initiative from below. In these conditions, in its reports, the governorate administration proceeded from the needs and current tasks, without seeking to inflate the prison staff and thereby increase the tax burden on the population, since the costs of maintaining penitentiary institutions, including salaries for employees, were covered by town communities and in the event of lack of funds, by general zemstvo dues. In the 1840s, staffing issues were overshadowed by a more significant problem: in many towns, the old wooden prisons had to be replaced with new stone buildings that would correspond to the “model” project designs and requirements for the maintenance of prisoners.
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Jesch, Thomas, Hartmut Renz, Stephen Culhane, Simon Firth, David Sausen, Willys Schneider, and George Williams. "Fortress Europe? UCITS V and the US Fund Manager." Journal of Investment Compliance 15, no. 2 (June 3, 2014): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/joic-05-2014-0023.
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Purpose – To discuss the new UCITS V Directive, recently agreed upon by the European Parliament and Council, which will include safeguards to protect client assets in the event of a depositary’s insolvency and also address remuneration practices that are thought to encourage excessive risk-taking. Design/methodology/approach – Summarizes UCITS-V, discusses whether the new remuneration rules are sound, addresses the concern that the UCITS V remuneration restrictions could make it difficult for USA-affiliated advisers and managers to manage UCITS, summarizes next steps and further procedures. Findings – From an institutional point of view, deferred remuneration systems will require credit institutions, as well as investment firms and custodians, to ensure sound and sustainable business models that also protect the public. This will be accomplished in part by establishing incentives and compliance systems that foster a risk-aware approach and an awareness by employees that they will profit only if the fund investors or the relevant credit institutions do. UCITS offering materials will need to be evaluated to see if current advisory structures can be maintained while retaining the desired business profile of the fund. Originality/value – Practical explanation by experienced lawyers.
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Blštáková, Jana, Zuzana Joniaková, Nadežda Jankelová, Katarína Stachová, and Zdenko Stacho. "Reflection of Digitalization on Business Values: The Results of Examining Values of People Management in a Digital Age." Sustainability 12, no. 12 (June 25, 2020): 5202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12125202.
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The European Union (European Parliament) understands industry 4.0 as a term for an environment of fast transformations of production systems and products. The basic characteristic of the change in the methods of creating added value in the conditions of the fourth industrial revolution is digitalization. Digitalization changes people management in two stages. The first stage is the adaptation of systems to the integration of physical inputs into digital systems, and the second stage is the redefinition of values for the internal and external customer. The purpose of this paper is to examine the content of the first digitalization stage and its impact on the transformation of values of corporate people management in the second stage of digitalization. The study published in this paper points out the level of digitalization applied towards the internal and external customer. The research results verify relations in the portfolio of corporate value and prove their present implementation of digitalization and its and importance for the future sustainability of the business. The study confirmed the independence of the levels of corporate digitalization and companies’ value portfolios. Furthermore, the study proved the universal nature of corporate value orientation, irrespective of the size, business focus or performance of the people management system. Meaningfulness, communication and cooperation dominate in terms of importance for business sustainability. The results of the study in Slovakia support the opinions of published foreign research, which emphasize the importance of introducing technological innovations aimed at employees to a much greater extent.
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Stankiewicz, Wojciech Marcin. "Ustawodawstwo Unii Europejskiej wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych - casus romski." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 44 (December 15, 2014): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.007.
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The legislation of the European Union towards national and ethnic minorities - the case of RomaThe European Union is still in the stage of creating the system of protection of national and ethnic minorities. Attempts of the European Parliament to improve the situation in the European Union need research and reflection. Social integration is the most important plane guaranteeing European integration, which is the basis for the future functioning of the European Union. The European community, which will be characterized by a common identity, will not be made up of individual countries but nations retaining their own diversity. Despite many efforts of the European Union the situation of the Roma minority has not dramatically improved. The main reasons are insufficient actions by the European Union, corruption of officials, and lack of interest for the Roma community among the Member States. So far, the measures taken have not produced desired results, so it’s necessary to devote more attention to this issue. The European Union needs strong support from other EU institutions and civil society. The main problem that affects the Roma community is long and difficult road to integration and acceptance by the other citizens of the European Union. A common phenomenon is the reluctance to strangers who are victims of discrimination. Strongly rooted stereotypes, lack of tolerance for other cultures proves that even the best-designed programs, as well as initiatives from the European Union are not sufficient. First of all, there is a need for commitment and unforced intercultural education from both the Roma and the rest of society, which will lead to mutual respect for differences. The phenomenon of social exclusion of the Roma minority is often related to their lifestyle, habits and patterns different from the rest of the society. Help which is offered by the European Union and the Member States is generally perceived as an attempt to breach the culture of the Roma minority and replace it with another. That is why the European Union should develop a range of mechanisms and measures that may be accepted by the Roma. Ustawodawstwo Unii Europejskiej wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych - casus romskiUnia Europejska znajduje się dopiero na etapie tworzenia systemu ochrony mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, jednak niezbędne będzie podjęcie wielu starań, debat oraz działań, w które koniecznie zaangażowane muszą być wszystkie państwa członkowskie. Próby podejmowane przez Parlament Europejski w celu poprawy sytuacji mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Unii Europejskiej mogą być odpowiednim impulsem do wstępnych refleksji. Pomimo wielu starań Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystania funduszy unijnych sytuacja mniejszości romskiej nie uległa dużej poprawie. Głównymi przyczynami są niedostateczne działania ze strony Unii Europejskiej, korupcja urzędników, a także brak zainteresowania społecznością romską państw członkowskich. Dotychczas podjęte działania nie przyniosły zamierzonych rezultatów, dlatego konieczne jest poświęcenie większej uwagi tej kwestii. Unia Europejska potrzebuje mocnego wsparcia innych instytucji unijnych oraz społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.