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Journal articles on the topic 'European integration – Italy'
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1
La Pergola, Antonio. "Italy and European Integration: A Lawyer's Perspective." Indiana International & Comparative Law Review 4, no. 2 (January 2, 1994): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17505.
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van der Linden, Marcel. "The National Integration of European Working Classes (1871–1914)." International Review of Social History 33, no. 3 (December 1988): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900000883x.
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SummarySeven factors that may have contributed to the national integration of the working classes in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia 1871–1914 are explored: the national process of capital accumulation, the international prestige of the nation, the coming of interregional connections, compulsory education, suffrage, the role of the army, and the introduction of social insurance systems. The (provisional) results of this exploration show a clustering of integration-promoting factors in Britain, Germany and France, which is to a certain extent lacking in Italy and Russia.
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Telo, Mario. "Italy: The Interaction between European Integration and Domestic Politics." Res Publica 38, no. 2 (June 1996): 461–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/rp/048647001996038002461.
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McCann, Dermot. "European integration and explanations of regime change in Italy." Mediterranean Politics 3, no. 2 (September 1998): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399808414655.
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Veneziani, Marcello. "The “case of Italy” on the eve of European integration." International Spectator 33, no. 1 (January 1998): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729808456794.
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Juselius, Katarina. "European integration and monetary transmission mechanisms: the case of Italy." Journal of Applied Econometrics 16, no. 3 (2001): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jae.603.
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Maes, Ivo, and Lucia Quaglia. "Germany and Italy: conflicting policy paradigms towards European monetary integration?" Constitutional Political Economy 17, no. 3 (September 15, 2006): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9001-1.
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Perulli, Paolo. "Dossier per il Campo di Ricerca, Innovazione e Formazione del Nord allargato." STUDI ORGANIZZATIVI, no. 2 (May 2012): 151–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/so2011-002007.
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The paper analyzes the supply of research and innovation of Northern Italy in the context of European standards. Weaknesses are the average small size of firms and the incremental innovation of SMEs; strenghts are the ability to create networks of cooperation among firms in R&D and the good integration among firms, the urban creative class and Universities. Research and innovation have been developed mostly through incubators, science parks, technology centers distributed in many Northern Italy cities and regions. Their structures are largely disconnected and a lack of integration among different research clusters emerges. The next European Union ‘Horizon 2020' framework programmes for R§D ask for a great capacity of Nations to build cooperation and integration among their R§D and innovation structures, as well as to develop cross-countries and transborder strategies and joint initiatives. Italy is lagging behind: only the creation of a Research and Innovation Field integrated at Northern Italy's scale and scope will make Italian Universities and research structures able to compete at European level.
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Vdovychenko, Victoria. "Narrating Integration and Disintegration in Europe: Italy’s View." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.6-24.
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EU’s economic and political challenges open a new page of the European integration history. The Eurozone crisis and challenges presented by Brexit enhanced scholars from various countries to analyze and rethink about the future of the European integration and EU as a whole. The paths of the differentiated integration present a specific interest in this article. This kind of integration is becoming more and more popular among politicians and researchers in their affords to demonstrate a pragmatic approach how to re-start the integration process. This article will outline the issues framed by the differentiated integration in Italy, a founding member of the European Union. Moreover, it presents an attempt to apply the principles of differentiated integration to some of the politics: political and economic governance in the EU. The article poses the question to what extent the political fluidity will be necessary in order for the EU to still remain solid tackling common economic and political challenges. The article presents the opinions of the Italian scholars and politicians referred to the differentiated integration. The first part of it theorizes the concept of differentiated integration and presents an evolution of scholars’ thoughts starting from the mid-90s. The second part of the article reveals the challenges of the EU, the European integration process and the implications on the Italian Republic. It tries to show how Italy manages to overcome the present integration challenges.
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Kyryushko, M. I. "Dialogue between Muslims and Christians as part of the process of integrating Muslims into European society." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1702.
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The presence of a large Muslim community in many European countries (most notably France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain), a growing role in the political processes of the Muslim population of Turkey, Albania, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Kosovo region, the Kosovo region, and the Kosovo region. centers in European capitals, the emergence of international pan-European Muslim organizations attract the attention of researchers. The problem is whether modern Muslims are living in developed European countries as genuine Europeans, are they seeking full integration into European society, or are they looking to find themselves in a kind of new ghetto, delineated by the boundaries of religious and cultural differences.
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International Monetary Fund. "European Financial Integration and Revenue from Seignorage: The Case of Italy." IMF Working Papers 89, no. 41 (1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451976298.001.
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Zaccaria, Benedetto. "Yugoslavia, Italy, and European integration: was Osimo 1975 a Pyrrhic victory?" Cold War History 20, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 503–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1657094.
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Stein, Axel. "Territorial Cohesion in the Context of Interregional and Transnational Cooperation." European Spatial Research and Policy 17, no. 1 (May 24, 2010): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10105-010-0001-9.
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Territorial cohesion can be traced back to the making of the European Spatial Development Perspective. Therefore, the experience gained with the application of this ‘mother document’ (Faludi in Krupa et al., 2008, p. 14) of integrative planning in Europe can contribute to the specification of territorial cohesion.
This paper draws on experience from the Interreg IIIC project ProgreSDEC, covering local and regional authorities from Greece, Italy, and Spain cooperating with each other in interregional and transnational projects. It looks both at the vertical and horizontal dimensions of European integration and explains three aspects of territorial cohesion. Talking about growing awareness, it should be differentiated between awareness relating to European issues – such as the European territorial and institutional environment – to the quality of planning, and to the endogenous ‘territorial capital’. Key terms of European integrative planning are interpreted differently. The paper discusses the reading of ‘polycentricity’, ‘landscape’, and ‘governance’, in particular. Territorial governance can be looked at as an institutional approach to develop integrative planning in the context of territorial cohesion. This notably turns the attention to regions as the focus of integration, in terms of balancing sectoral approaches, bundling spacious networks, and handling the demands from different levels.
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Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.
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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.
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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. "When in Doubt, Use Proxies." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 5 (October 1998): 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.
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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.
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McCann, Dermot. "Globalization, European integration and regulatory reform in Italy: liberalism, protectionism or reconstruction?" Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12, no. 1 (March 2007): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710601132995.
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Carrieri, Luca. "The limited politicization of European integration in Italy: lacking issue clarity and weak voter responses." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.16.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the politicization of European integration in Italy. Has the euro crisis catalyzed a new electoral supply, which may have been matched by voters’ responses? After the crisis, Italian parties have increased their entrepreneurial efforts to prime EU issues into the political debate, trying to win over votes. This pattern may have led to a full politicization of European integration. To study the transformations in party strategies and voting behavior, I analyze the fluctuations in EU issue entrepreneurship and EU issue voting between 2009 and 2014. The findings reveal mixed results: parties have actually developed new strategies on EU issues, but without significantly changing voter preferences along the pro/anti-European dimension.
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Favilli, Chiara. "The Application of the osce Commitments Relating to Migration and Integration in Italy." Security and Human Rights 28, no. 1-4 (April 1, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02801007.
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The osce commitments agreed during several meetings held in the past years address economic, political and social aspects of migration. As far as Italy, while the national legal framework is almost in line with international standards, the adoption of practical measures, their implementation and the promotion of projects prove difficult. Moreover, the increased exposure that Italy faces as a country lying on the external maritime border of the European Union makes it more difficult to manage migration flows via the sea.
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Janssen, Joseph I. H. "Postmaterialism, Cognitive Mobilization and Public Support for European Integration." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (October 1991): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006256.
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This article reviews the trends in public support for European integration in West Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain. The first conclusion is that the picture one gets depends heavily on the indicator one uses to measure support. This finding is probably a consequence of the fact that many people are only dimly aware of the issue. Furthermore, it appears that there are striking cross-national differences in support and in the development of support through time. To explain these differences, as well as the formation of individual attitudes towards integration, Inglehart's theory of the Silent Revolution is used. The theory and its central concepts – postmaterialism and cognitive mobilization – are put on trial at three levels of aggregation. The results are poor. Postmaterialism appears to be unrelated to attitudes towards European integration, while the concept of cognitive mobilization makes sense only at the individual level. The conclusion is therefore that Inglehart's theory is of almost no use in explaining attitudes towards integration and cross-national differences in support.
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Kelemen, R. Daniel, and Tommaso Pavone. "The Political Geography of Legal Integration." World Politics 70, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 358–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000011.
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How are processes of political development structured across space and time by preexisting institutions? This article develops a spatiotemporal theory of institutional change by analyzing the evolving infrastructural power of the European Union's legal order using geospatial methods. Specifically, the authors theorize that the pattern and pace of the domestic spread of EU law has been shaped by preexisting state institutions—particularly by the degree to which national judiciaries are hierarchically organized. To assess this claim, the article compares patterns of domestic judicial enforcement of EU law across France (a unitary state with a centralized judiciary), Italy (a weaker unitary state with a centralized judiciary), and Germany (a federal state with a decentralized judiciary). Developing a geospatial approach to the study of legal integration and historical institutionalism more broadly, the authors leverage an original geocoded data set of cases referred to the European Court of Justice by national courts to visualize how the subnational penetration of Europe's supranational legal order is conditioned by state institutions.
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Zimmermann, Hubert. "The Euro under Scrutiny: Histories and Theories of European Monetary Integration." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002090.
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Kenneth Dyson, The Politics of the Euro-Zone. Stability or Breakdown? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 311 pp., ISBN 0-199-24164-3. Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone, The Road to Maastricht. Negotiating Economic and Monetary Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 860 pp., ISBN 0-198-28077-7. Peter Henning Loedel, Deutsche Mark Politics: Germany in the European Monetary System (London: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 264 pp., ISBN 1-555-87835-0. Kathleen R. McNamara, The Currency of Ideas: Monetary Politics in the European Union, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 200 pp., ISBN 0-801-43432-7. James I. Walsh, European Monetary Integration and Domestic Politics. Britain, France, and Italy (London: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 182 pp., ISBN 1-555-87823-7. Amy Verdun, European Responses to Globalisation and Financial Market Integration (London: Macmillan, 2000), 260 pp., ISBN 0-333-71708-2.
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Conti, Nicolò. "Party conflict over European integration in Italy: a new dimension of party competition?" Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 8, no. 2 (August 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14613190600787435.
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Hiswi, Putti Ananda. "Democracy In Slovenia: Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 1, no. 1 (July 15, 2020): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.92-116.
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After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other
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Coletto, Diego, and Giovanna Fullin. "Before Landing: How Do New European Emigrants Prepare Their Departure and Imagine Their Destinations?" Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2381.
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In migration studies, the preparation for the departure of people who decide to migrate has seldom been addressed as a distinct topic. This article aims at investigating how European migrants who moved or plan to move to another European country prepare their departure. It analyses stories of migrants who move from Italy, Spain, Romania, and Bulgaria. More specifically, attention is focused on departure preparation in order to investigate what migrants do before they depart and how the free mobility of work is perceived by Europeans and applied to their migration plans. Different from general statements about European integration and belonging or about obstacles to intra-EU mobility, the analysis of what individuals do in order to get ready to leave their country of origin provides a very realistic idea of how people perceive European Union and the mobility within it.
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Voitkāne, Vita. "INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN ITALY." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 3 (May 26, 2017): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2017vol3.2281.
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European member States implement Inclusive Education policies thus contributing to a sustainable, inclusive society, although each country is at a different stage in this process. Italy, one of the first countries to launch integrative learning, has set an example since the 1970s, although the quality of inclusive education is unpredictable due to many issues. Authors Cantoni and Panetta (2006) emphasize that, although the culture of integration in Italy exists, much needs to be done to improve the quality of inclusive education and at present new, innovative projects are exploring strategies to this effect, the results of which will lead to a national reform on Special Needs Education.
The aim of this study is to learn about Italian solutions to inclusive education, the obstacles presented, results achieved and people's attitudes to inclusivity, by carrying out theoretical and empirical research using Action as Research method. A survey was carried out on pupils’ parents and educational staff, the results of which reveal a variety of existing issues around quality assurance in inclusive education. Consequently people's thoughts and attitudes towards inclusive education are divided, however the majority of people are in agreement that Inclusive education is the best solution for everyone concerned, pupils, parents and teachers. This research is in agreement with the the Salamanca Declaration (1994, IX) which states that inclusive education is an evolving process - not the end result.
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Avara, Hayriye, and Bruno Mascitelli. "‘Do as We Say, Not as We Do’: EU to Turkey on Roma/Gypsy Integration." European Review 22, no. 1 (February 2014): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000690.
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For many centuries, Roma/Gypsy people have been an oppressed and stateless minority. Until 1989 most Roma/Gypsy people resided in the former Central and Eastern European communist countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Roma/Gypsy became one of the communities that were regarded as a scapegoat for post-Communist society's ills. Despite much rhetoric to the contrary, Roma/Gypsy communities were not welcomed in the West and much of the persecution they endured in the East they saw repeated in the West. The European Union (EU) has sought to place Human Rights as a focal point of its approach in all matters including the issue of Roma/Gypsy communities. Since 2007, Romania and Bulgaria, two states with large numbers of Roma/Gypsy, have become members of the EU. In the last few years France (and Italy) have been cautioned on their expulsion of Roma/Gypsy people. Not only have these actions contravened the European Union charter on Human Rights, but just as seriously, France and Italy have actually expelled citizens who are members of another European Member State because they were Roma/Gypsies. Turkey, on the other hand, as the home of one of the oldest and largest Roma/Gypsy settlements, had for long periods of time subjected Roma/Gypsy people to a life of social and economic disadvantage. Recently this has changed, ironically as part of Turkey's EU accession process. The aim of this article is to explore and compare the actions of European member States (France and Italy primarily) on the question of Roma/Gypsy integration with their integration in future EU accession states such as Turkey. The EU's moral high ground with regard to minorities seems to be ruined by the deplorable behaviour of some of its member states on the question of Roma/Gypsies while Turkey, which has an uneven record on human rights violations, has shown greater, although contradictory concern for the fate of the Roma/Gypsies.
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Sani, Serena, and Luca Refrigeri. "A LEGAL REVIEW OF ITALIAN MODEL OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 11, no. 2 (April 4, 2018): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v11i2.3222.
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The aim of this work is to repeat in another european scientific context an overview of intercultural education in Italian school starting from the legal perspectives. Unlike Italy, in many European countries, since the middle of the 900, the issue of interculturality, in field of education, has become a real emergency. In this perspective, the Council of Europe and UNESCO, in the Eighties of the last century, have focused their attention on this issue by adopting various pronouncements and recommendations. In Italy, however, the National Council of Education (CNPI) has ruled in favor of intercultural education much later – by means of different standards and ministerial circulars that have treated this issue explicitly – and only recently has defined a national model of intercultural integration in the school. The Molise, as region with special characteristics, is trying to find its own model of integration through a research called Plism entrusted by the Region at the University of Molise.
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Avilova, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, N. Toganova, and O. Trofimova. "The European Parliament Elections 2014." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-5-20.
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The article is devoted to the European Parliament elections held in May 2014. Their results are analyzed on two levels – national and pan-European. On the national one the authors provide case studies of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Poland, Italy and Greece. The impact of economic crisis and later the severe public debt crisis in Eurozone countries on the EU Parliament elections is estimated. Another factor examined in the study is the public awareness of the EU’s institutions in everyday life. The authors point out the contradiction between the public opinion on these institutions and the ongoing process of further integration due to the crises in such fields as finances and government expenditures. The latest process is viewed by the experts as a positive one, but the lack of public understanding resulted in abstention, protest voting and the rise of right-wing and populist parties. The national case studies showed that the situation varied from country to country. In some of them the pan-European agenda has played a greater role, in others it influenced the elections, but in the end they were mainly a referendum on the national government performance. The case of the UK illustrated the first tendency, but partly also the second one: the elections not only put the question about the country’s role in the EU, but also reflected the citizens’ discontent in mainstream politics. France, Greece and partly Italy showed that the voters disapprove the EU politics, especially concerning such fields as immigration and economic and debt crisis. The Polish case demonstrates that the lack of information on the EU’s institutions can jeopardize the positions of centrist parties even in a very pro-European country. The election results in FRG confirm that the Germans are trying to identify their country’s role in the European institutions and find the right attitude toward its growing responsibility for the integration process.
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Bifulco, Luca. "Neoliberal Discourse in Italy and European Integration: The Jobs Act and the Pensions Reform." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 3 (June 30, 2017): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.4-3-4.
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Montanari, Marco. "Between European integration and regional autonomy: the case of Italy from an economic perspective." Constitutional Political Economy 17, no. 4 (October 18, 2006): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-006-9007-8.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Gylka, K. "Prospects for European Integration of the Republic of Moldova and the Constitutional Component." Scientific Research and Development. Economics of the Firm 10, no. 2 (August 6, 2021): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2306-627x-2021-10-2-84-89.
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The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The population is 508 million people, 24 official and working languages and about 150 regional and minority languages. The origins of the European Union come from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), consisting of six states in 1951 - Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. These countries came together to put an end to the wars that devastated the European continent, and they agreed to share control over the natural resources needed for war (coal and steel). The founding members of ECSC have determined that this European project will not only be developed in order to share resources or to prevent various conflicts in the region. Thus, the Rome Treaty of 1957 created the European Economic Community (EEC), which strengthened the political and economic relations between the six founding states. The relevance of the topic stems from their desire of peoples and countries to live better. The purpose of the study is to identify the internal and external development mechanisms of European countries and, on this basis, to formulate a model of economic, legislative and social development for individual countries. The results of the study provide a practical guideline for determining the vector of the direction of efforts of political, economic, legislative, humanitarian, etc.
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Berkhout, Joost, Marcel Hanegraaff, and Patrick Statsch. "Interest Groups in Multi-Level Contexts: European Integration as Cross-Cutting Issue in Party-Interest Group Contacts." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2516.
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Policy-specific actor-constellations consisting of party- and group-representatives commonly drive the effective establishment of new policy programmes or changes in existing policies. In the EU multi-level system, the creation of such constellations is complicated because it practically requires consensus on two dimensions: the European public policy at stake and the issue of European integration. This means that, for interest groups with interests in particular policy domains, and with limited interest in the actual issue of European integration, non-Eurosceptic parties must be their main ally in their policy battles. We hypothesise that interest groups with relevant European domain-specific interests will ally with non-Eurosceptic parties, whereas interest groups whose interests are hardly affected by the European policy process will have party-political allies across the full range of positions on European integration. We assess this argument on the basis of an elite-survey of interest group leaders and study group-party dyads in several European countries (i.e., Belgium, Lithuania, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, and Slovenia) in a large number of policy domains. Our dependent variable is the group-party dyad and the main independent variables are the European policy interests of the group and the level of Euroscepticism of the party. We broadly find support for our hypotheses. The findings of our study speak to the debate concerning the implications of the politicisation of European integration and, more specifically, the way in which party-political polarisation of Europe may divide domestic interest group systems and potentially drive group and party systems apart.
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Piluso, Giandomenico. "Reshaping the external constraint. Franco Modigliani, Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa and the EMS, 1977-1993." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (March 2021): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2020-002006.
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During a decade of stagflation in the 1970s, a sea of changes on the interna-tional stage led to major macroeconomic imbalances that gave central bankers a different role in relation to governments and policy-makers. In Europe, this coin-cided with the relaunching of the project for European integration. The Italian case shows how governments and central bankers interacted in shaping adjustment strategies. The Bank of Italy had a pivotal role in shaping the country's economic policies, relying on its capacity for economic analysis. The adjustment strategy formulated in the "Pandolfi Plan" of 1978 was conceived largely by an economist at the Bank of Italy, Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa. Further developing analyses conducted jointly with Franco Modigliani the previous year, the plan focused on the macroeconomic effects of high labour costs in the wake of a full ("100% and plus") wage indexing and rising government deficits. The policy proposal revolved around a few targets, namely investments and economic growth, and an explicit principle of fairness in the labour market. The Pandolfi Plan pledged to Italy's en-during participation in the European integration process by combining economic development with adhesion to the "European choice", which meant joining the European Monetary System (EMS). The European agreements governing EMS membership replaced the standard external economic constraints, i.e. the balance of payments and exchange rate, with a new kind of semi-legal external constraint ingrained in the governance structure of the European Community. The nature of this new semi-legal external constraint as a fiscal discipline mechanism eventually emerged more clearly with the Maastricht Treaty.
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De Bonis, Valeria. "Il dibattito sul federalismo fiscale in Italia tra la riforma tributaria degli anni Settanta e la riforma amministrativa degli anni Novanta." ECONOMIA PUBBLICA, no. 1 (December 2012): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ep2010-001003.
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This paper analyses the scientific and institutional debate on fiscal federalism that took place in Italy in the period between the early Seventies and the early Nineties, when the traditional approach was confronted with the new public choice one, in the context of the changing views on the role of the state. The issue is studied within the set of constraints and opportunities deriving from the European integration process. The proposals put forth in the early Nineties exemplify the emerging model of fiscal federalism both for Europe and for Italy.
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Cornelisse, Galina. "Whats wrong with Schengen? Border disputes and the nature of integration in the area without internal borders." Common Market Law Review 51, Issue 3 (June 1, 2014): 741–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2014060.
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Border disputes thrived in the Schengen system over the last few years. There was litigation before the ECJ on differentiated integration; there were institutional skirmishes between Parliament and Council; and there were real border disputes between France and Italy in the wake of the Arab Spring. This article uses Schengen's crises in order to elaborate upon a number of flaws and inconsistencies in the acquis, most of which can be traced back to the way in which national and European competences have been delimited in this area. The demarcations in turn betray the contradictory driving forces for Schengen integration. The article concludes that integration in a field so riddled with national sensitivities and supranational symbolism cannot follow a linear, comprehensive and predictable path, which may be problematic in that the European judicial system currently lacks instruments that can contribute towards greater coherence and consistency. As such, Schengen's crises may also tell us something about the shortcomings of traditional legal theories on integration.
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Mangione, Gariella. "The European Dimension to the Constitution of the Republic of Italy." Comparative Law Review 28 (December 13, 2022): 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/clr.2022.014.
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Italy was one of the countries that signed the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which created the European Economic Community. Despite initial resistance and the numerous difficulties encountered during subsequent years, the choice to commit to Europe was widely shared, becoming irreversibly embedded in the national consciousness. However, whilst other legal systems chose at various stages of their European journey to amend their constitutions by incorporating a European clause, this never happened in Italy. Italy did not change its Constitution as a result of joining the European Economic Community, and has not done so subsequently after becoming part of the European Union with the Maastricht Treaty, following the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon, nor indeed at any subsequent stage in the process of European integration. It was only in 2001, with the reform of Title V of the Constitution involving changes in the allocation of powers between the state, the regions, and the local authorities, that the expression “Community law” was incorporated into the Constitution. Given the absence of a European clause, the relationship between the Italian Constitution and Europe has been shaped by the Constitutional Court. First and foremost, it interpreted Article 11 of the Constitution, which lays down a generic clause intended to enable the exercise of sovereign powers by international organizations, in such a manner as to bring the European project within its scope. The Constitutional Court developed its case law in its subsequent decisions, even though progress was at times hardfought, and in some cases marked by contradictions; Italy’s cohabitation with Europe was undoubtedly welcome, but this did not mean that it was painless.
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van Kessel, Stijn, Nicola Chelotti, Helen Drake, Juan Roch, and Patricia Rodi. "Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to the UK’s Brexit vote." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886213.
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Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
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Thorpe, Wayne. "The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001011.
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This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.
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De Noronha, Teresa, and Eric Vaz. "Why a multidisciplinary agenda for Southern Europe?" REGION 6, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): E1—E5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i4.280.
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Since the process of southern Europe's integration in the European Union, the Mediterranean region has seen a more considerable gap between central and northern European countries and its southern European counterpart. Thus, in a European context of social cohesion, it becomes necessary to better understand Southern Europe, without escaping to the so required perception of the complexity of Mediterranean culture. As a significant player along history, Southern Europe established a platform of diversity and freedom consistently, bringing peace between different historic-cultural traditions. Moreover, the southern frontier of Europe to Africa and Asia has become a crucial determinant in the current times of change where ruptures in the political systems are also defining new patterns of regional migration. Meanwhile, the integration of Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Greece in the European Union reinforced an essential search for stability, altering to some extent the political and economic predispositions of these countries. This has been followed by somewhat rigid institutions, that remain, to a certain extent, an obstacle to sustainable development, and justify a broader assessment of the potential of policy and governance intervention. A Mediterranean region where a context of stagnation or increasing poverty and migration is leading most impoverished areas to a deleterious deprivation of human resources and capital. In such cases towards conflict, Southern European countries may represent a bridging alternative and an exemplar representation of democracy. A co-joint positive Mediterranean agenda is necessary, where migration patterns become a substantial factor in the future of all the frontier countries: Italy and Greece, Spain, and Portugal. This special issue collects recent insights in socio-economic developments in Mediterranean countries in order to further a future agenda for Southern Europe.
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Betta, Lorenzo, Barbara Dattilo, Enrico di Bella, Giovanni Finocchiaro, and Silvia Iaccarino. "Tourism and Road Transport Emissions in Italy." Sustainability 13, no. 22 (November 17, 2021): 12712. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132212712.
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Tourism is of great importance to European economies, but environmental degradation could reduce the attractiveness of many European destinations considerably. This is even more evident if the future of tourism is depicted in the UN’s Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development. However, official statistics on the environmental impact of tourism provide only partial information, and almost always with an “accounting scheme” approach, such as occasional and experimental experiences on integrated economic and environmental accounts of tourism. It is necessary to enrich the activity of monitoring and measuring the impact of tourism on the environment and implement policies aimed at increasing the sustainability of the sector. This work intends to contribute to extending information about the theme, providing a new approach based on the integration of official data to study the relationship between tourism and the environment. In detail, the objective of the work is to estimate the level of emissions—in terms of the primary air pollutants—produced by tourists travelling in Italy by road transport in the period 2015–2019. Even if much has to be done to improve the knowledge on the tourism–environment nexus, this paper represents a first relevant step towards an approach that can be easily implemented in all EU countries.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.
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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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Iksanov, Ilya S. "The Constitutional and Legal Regulation of Migration in the Italian Republic." Russian judge 11 (November 19, 2020): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3791-2020-11-46-50.
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Italy became a country of immigration quite late. external factors influenced the formation of Italy’s migration policy: the expansion of regional integration within the European community and accession to international conventions. The legislation on citizenship reacted to these changes. In particular, access to citizenship was made more difficult for foreigners from countries that were not part of the European community, and it was easier for descendants of emigrants who lived abroad to acquire citizenship. Italy has one of the most modern laws on the status of foreigners, which regulates all aspects of the legal status of these persons, as well as their social adaptation, and provides for the necessary measures to prevent discrimination and xenophobia. The provisions of this act may change in the event of a change in the government coalition, but the basic approaches are unchanged: citizens of other States are considered as part of the population of Italy; foreigners who reside in the country legally are equal to its citizens; illegal migrants are legally guaranteed a certain minimum of rights and freedoms.
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Bertoldi, Paolo, Silvia Rezessy, and Diana Ürge-Vorsatz. "Tradable Certificates for Energy Savings: Opportunities, Challenges, and Prospects for Integration with other Market Instruments in the Energy Sector." Energy & Environment 16, no. 6 (November 2005): 959–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830505775221498.
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Policy portfolios that include tradable green certificates have been introduced in several European countries to foster market-driven penetration of renewable energy sources. Another widely analysed type of market-based instrument in the energy sector is the tradable emission allowance. Recently tradable certificates for energy savings as a tool to stimulate energy efficiency investments and deliver energy savings have attracted the attention of policy makers. While such schemes have been introduced in different forms in Italy and the Great Britain and considered in other European countries, there is an ongoing debate over their effectiveness and applicability. The paper describes the concept and main elements of schemes that involve tradable certificates for energy savings (TCES) and how these have been put into practice in Italy and the Great Britain. It then compares TCES schemes with energy taxation and mandatory demand-side management (DSM) programs using a set of four criteria. Integration with green certificates and CO2 emissions trading schemes is examined and some possibilities for practical implementation are outlined.
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Popivanov, Boris, and Siyka Kovacheva. "Patterns of Social Integration Strategies: Mobilising ‘Strong’ and ‘Weak’ Ties of the New European Migrants." Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2286.
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The European mobility processes raise the issue of the integration strategies of new European migrants in their host societies. Taking stock of 154 in-depth interviews with migrants in the UK, Germany, Italy and Spain, we examine the social ties which they mobilise in order to adapt in a different social environment. The division between ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ ties established in the literature is particularly useful to assess migrants’ experiences in appropriation and transformation of social capital and the variety of their pathways in the labour market. Then we critically study the relative weight of social ties and skill levels in their choice of integration strategies. At the end, four types of strategies corresponding to the types of migrants’ interactions with the home and host contexts are outlined.
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Alaminos, Antonio, Clemente Penalva, Luca Raffini, and Óscar Santacreu. "Cognitive mobilisation and the dynamics of political participation among EU movers." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 13, no. 2 (December 23, 2018): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2018.13.2.01.
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Non-conventional participation has dramatically spread because of cultural and social change, favouring a deinstitutionalisation of politics. To verify if there is a link between this spread of non-conventional participation and the mobility of Europeans living in other European countries, we have explored the data gathered by the MOVEACT European project, including data on the political behaviour of “old Europeans” (British and Germans), and “new” Europeans” (Poles and Romanians), resident in Greece, France, Italy and Spain. Our analysis has confirmed that a plurality of variables affect the relation between movers and non-conventional participation. There are three relevant dimensions to explain the unconventional political participation of EU movers: social integration, situational context and individual characteristics. On the other hand, the key aspect to understand the non-conventional participation of EU movers is the degree of Cognitive Political Mobilisation, together with other factors such as membership of associations, family socialisation, expectations of living in the country of residence in the future or the political culture in the country of origin.
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Majstrović, Goran, Dražen Jakšić, Martina Mikulić, Davor Bajs, William Polen, and Albert Doub. "Impact of Adriatic submarine HVDC cables to South East European Electricity Market Perspectives." Journal of Energy - Energija 67, no. 3 (June 2, 2022): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37798/201867373.
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The ultimate goal in today’s electricity business in Europe is market integration on pan-European level that will introduce transparency and competition between market players, incentives to clean energy development, as well as high quality of supply to the end-customers. To achieve these goals, in South-East Europe (SEE) there are number of barriers and uncertainties, one of which is linked with the possible new undersea HVDC connections between SEE and Italy. With the support of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and coordination of the United States Energy Association (USEA), within the framework of the Southeast Europe Transmission System Planning Project (SECI), a detailed analysis has been accomplished on the impact of one or more undersea HVDC cables between Italy and SEE on power system operation and electricity market development [1]. Special emphasis to this analysis is given by the fact that SECI has been one of the longest running projects in the region. It started in 2001 with active participation of all regional TSOs, including continuous updating of power system and electricity market models and its harmonization of constant changes in power system planning. It is of utmost importance in the environment of constant changes of national power system development plans and needed further steps for full market opening and integration in the region. SEE power systems and market1 were modelled using the most relevant power system and market simulation and optimization softwares. Both system and market comprehensive models have been verified by all SEE TSOs. Study analyses were divided in two parts: 1) market analysis and 2) network analysis. The market study investigated expected generation pattern, power exchanges and wholesale prices in SEE, taking into account regional market synergy, the new links with Italy, and high level of RES integration. Bulgaria and Romania are currently the main exporters in SEE. Significant power exchanges in the North-South/Southeast direction are related to the fact that the GR, MK, ME, HR and AL are mainly importing, plus the influence of Italy importing over new potential HVDC cable(s). Network analysis dealt with power flows, network bottlenecks and voltage profiles in given market scenarios. Finally, the results of this comprehensive market simulation comprised of the following:
Countries electricity balance (production, consumption and exchanges)
Electricity prices for each country
Cross-border power exchanges (MWh/h) for each border in the region on hourly basis
HVDC link loadings (MWh/h) for each HVDC submarine cable on hourly basis
Location and frequency of market congestions in SEE (NTCs full between areas with price difference)
All those analyses have been performed in two different transmission network development scenarios:
Base case scenario: with planned HVDC ME-IT
Alternative scenario: with planned HVDC ME-IT, and HVDC HR-IT, and HVDC AL-IT
In this way one of the most important uncertainties (new HVDC links SEE – Italy) for future power system and market operation in SEE, have been evaluated both in technical and market sense, using the most relevant inputs and model.
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Syed Zwick, Hélène. "Disintegration of the European Asylum Systems: A Featuring Attempt." Migration Letters 16, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 563–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i4.592.
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This study assesses the integration path of national asylum systems within the European Union between 2008 and 2017. We apply factor and cluster analyses using ten European harmonised indicators on asylum, managed migration and immigration legislation enforcement. Our results are threefold: first, the disintegration of the European asylum systems started in 2012, three years before the mediatisation of the so-called refugee crisis. Second, this disintegration is rooted in Germany’s open-door refugee policy on one side, and excessive repressive policies on the borders in Italy, France, Spain and Poland. Third, the number of applications and the number of third-country nationals found to be illegally present or ordered to leave do not appear as roots of disintegration.
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Dardanelli, Paolo. "European integration, party strategies, and state restructuring: a comparative analysis." European Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (May 23, 2013): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000076.
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To what extent and in what way does European integration fuel state restructuring? This is a long-standing but still not a fully answered question. While the theoretical literature suggests a positive link between the two, previous empirical studies have reached contrasting conclusions. The article offers an alternative testing of the proposition, centred on the role of party strategies as a causal mechanism, analysed across space and time. On the cross-sectional axis, it focusses on parties in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium), Lombardy and Sicily (Italy), Catalonia and Andalusia (Spain), and Scotland and Wales (United Kingdom). On the cross-temporal axis, it focuses on four critical junctures connecting integration and state restructuring. It analyses the degree to which ‘Europe’ has been strategically used in connection to state restructuring and which conditions have been necessary and/or sufficient to that outcome. The analysis has been conducted on the basis of a Qualitative Comparative Analysis methodology. Five main results emerge: (1) overall, parties have generally exploited ‘Europe’ in connection with state restructuring to a limited extent only but in a few cases exploitation has been very intense and intimately linked to strategic turning points; (2) ‘Europe’ has overwhelmingly been used to support state restructuring; (3) the most intense use has been made by regional parties with a secessionist position and positive attitude to the EU; (4) ‘use of Europe’ is a product of a complex conjunctural effect of several conditions; (5) it has increased over time but is not a linear product of integration, a sharp drop can be observed between the two most recent time points. These findings show that European integration can indeed exercise causal influence upon state restructuring via party strategies but that this is highly contingent on the complex interaction of multiple factors.
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Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.
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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.