Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'European integration – Great Britain'

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1

Knutson, Keith. "Britain's functional approach to integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988679.

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2

Richardson, David William. "Non-party organisations and campaigns on European integration in Britain, 1945-1986 : political and public activism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5266/.

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This thesis is about non-party and non-governmental organisations campaigning for and against European integration in Britain between 1945 and 1986. These groups have been largely overlooked by studies on Britain’s relationship with Europe. The thesis will examine how these groups operated between the spheres of public activism and institutional politics. They targeted the general public directly with the aim of becoming popular mass movements, and focused on emotive and populist themes and adopted a moralistic tone as part of a broad non-party or cross-party appeal. Old-fashioned methods of activism, including pamphleteering and mass meetings, were used to cultivate a groundswell of support. However, these groups were not able to wrest control of the EEC membership issue away from Westminster. In the case of anti-EEC groups, attempts to acquire political influence and attract more parliamentarians to the campaign were at odds with the “anti-establishment” or “anti-political” tone adopted by sections of their support. Divisions over whether to adopt a more “insider” strategy of lobbying and adopting the model of a research-based think-tank or whether to continue seeking mass support stifled the campaign. Disagreement over strategy, and the confused position between public protest and Westminster politics, caused the anti-EEC campaign’s to fail.
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3

Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.

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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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4

Clement, Andrew. "An Integration of Discord: How National Identity Conceptions Activate Resistance to EU Integration in the Popular Press Discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/260121.

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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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5

Sindic, Denis. "Scots' attitudes to Britain and to the European Union : the psychology of national segregation and supra-national integration." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14196.

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This thesis is concerned with attitudes towards supra-national bodies, and more specifically with Scots' attitudes towards union in Britain and Europe. Firstly, it is suggested that support for, or opposition, to integration in a supra-national body depends on the extent to which this body is believed to enhance or undermine the ability to express national identity {identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). Identity undermining, in turn, depends upon a combined sense of incompatibility with outgroup identities/interests and of ingroup powerlessness within the supranational body. Secondly, it is suggested that these features of the social context and of identity meanings can be actively constructed in order to fulfil strategic purposes, such as persuading audiences in favour of separatism or integration. Five studies are reported which investigated these hypotheses. In study 1, we looked at the discourses of Scottish politicians and at the way their accounts of group identities and social reality could be understood in strategic terms, i.e. in relation to their political projects regarding Scotland's status in Britain and in Europe. In the second study, a survey design was used in order to provide quantitative evidence of the relationship between identity undermining, incompatibility, powerlessness and separatism. The third (experimental) study sought to clarify the causal relationship between these variables and showed that manipulating identity undermining lead to increased support for separatism. Finally, the fourth and the fifth (experimental) studies suggested that identity constructions, in the form of judgements of group prototypicality, can vary as a function of the strategic claim made by participants. In conclusion, the merits are stressed of an approach to identity processes and attitudes towards supra-national bodies that is sensitive to both context and content. It is also stressed that context and contents should not be taken as perceptual givens but as actively constructed by social actors.
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6

Tollet, Ian. "Britská zahraniční politika po konci Studené války (se zaměřením na USA a evropský integrační proces)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113459.

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This work focuses on Great Britain as one of the world powers. It further examines the main aspects of British foreign policy towards the US and the EU. The cornerstone of British foreign policy is the Special Relationship with the US through which Great Britain seeks to strengthen its global status. The final part is devoted to Britain as a member of the EU and explains its attitudes towards European policies and deeper integration.
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7

Slavíková, Jana. "Imigrace a integrace cizinců ve Velké Británii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10334.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the approach of the United Kingdom to immigration and integration of third country nationals. The analysis is joined by comparison with the situation and measures taken within the European Union. The paper depicts the development and changes of the EU integration policy and the current system of immigration policies in the United Kingdom. Attention is also drawn to the public opinion and perception of immigrants in the host societies. Since the 90s, the integration policies of the EU Member States seem to be converging to the "civic integration" model. Emphasis is placed on the individual integration of immigrants, but their group affiliation is also accepted. Integration has to be a two-way process, with efforts made by the immigrants as well as the host society. Despite that, it has rather become a precondition which has to be fulfilled by the immigrants in order to gain more rights. The United Kingdom is also starting to condition the admission and citizenship acquisition by fulfilling language and knowledge criteria, regarding the history, institutions and life in the country. Even though its integration policy is one of the most successful, the current steps raise doubts.
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8

Myšák, Lukáš. "Ekonomický a politický vývoj Velké Británie za vlády Harolda Macmillana (1957-1963)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192719.

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My master's thesis focuses on analysis of political and economic development of Great Britain in 1957 -- 1964 period, when the Conservative Party was in charge, led firstly by H. Macmillan and then A. Home. After Macmillan gained the post of Prime minister, due to the Suez crisis, I present an analysis of British domestic economy, whose good condition led to conservative election victory of 1959. Then I analyze the shift of British government towards decolonization of Africa and also the British decision to join ECC (predeceased with EFTA agreement). Furthermore, there is an analysis of reasons behind H. Macmillan's resignation, which were mainly of medical character. Third part of my work is considering the Home government, his position as the Prime minister and development of British economy during early 1960's. Thesis is concluded by analysis of 1964's election, where the Labour Party achieved slim victory over the Conservative Party, and therefore was able to form a government.
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9

Prušák, Vojtěch. "Vývoj stanovisek Velké Británie, Německa a České republiky k evropské měnové integraci." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197204.

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This diploma thesis - The evolution of Great Britain's, Germany's and the Czech Republic's stance on the European monetary integration - analyses the development of approaches of the states mentioned above. It assesses the pros and cons of this process. The research is carried out in such a manner that after analyzing a rather pro-European and one rather anti-European stance a synthesis of approaches is done. As a result, a recommendation to join the euro is given to the Czech Republic.
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Kuchařová, Alžběta. "Přístup Velké Británie k politické integraci Evropy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113458.

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Britain's attitude towards the European integration has been an uneasy one since its' inception and it thus represents one of the spheres of British politics that has attracted the most attention and that has been one of the most divisive issues of the domestic politics. The British attitude has however responded to the dynamical development of the political integration in Europe. The aim of the thesis is to assess Britain's attitude towards the political integration in Europe and to prove that, despite its dynamical development, the elements of Euroscepticism prevail over the elements of Europeanization. With respect to the aim, the thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one explains the political integration and charts its development and defines the modern concept of Euroscepticism and Europeanization. The second chapter deals with Britain's attitude towards the European integration, its historical background and its development immediately after the Second World War. Substantial part of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the British attitude towards the milestones of the political integration. The final chapter looks at the stance of the governments of Tony Blair and the current Conservative-led coalition on the political integration and compares them so as to study its development.
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11

Fialová, Barbora. "Velká Británie - odpadlík, nebo zachránce Evropské unie?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-136334.

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This work analyses development of economic and politic relationships of Great Britain with the European Communities (EC) and the European Union (EU) since the beginning of European integration till the contemporary debt crisis of the Eurozone. It deals with British European policies before and after Britain's accession to the EC and puts emphasis on British influence over negotiations about the main policies and institutional changes of the EC and EU, as well as on British internal views on European integration, first of all on often misunderstood British euroscepticism. From the analysis of historical and contemporary data author infers not only possible scenarios of the future relationship between the Great Britain and Europe, but also the influence of this member state on the development of the EU.
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12

Hirowatari, Kiyoshi. "Britain and European monetary cooperation, 1964-1979." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609092.

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13

Budden, Philip Marcus. "The making of the Single European Act : the United Kingdom and the European Community, 1979-1986." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b17cf1e2-9cb6-49d2-9b5d-795811eee8a1.

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This thesis is a contemporary history of one episode in the United Kingdom's experience of the European Community (EC). It charts the making of the Single European Act (SEA) from its early 1980s' origins, through the bargaining process of the Dooge Committee and 1985 intergovernmental conference (IGC), to the SEA itself. By studying the origins of a specific treaty, the thesis analyses the impact of EC membership on one west European nation state and places the historical episode in its wider context. The historical method is appropriate for studying these events despite the contemporary nature of the period. Detailed, empirical analysis of the episode reveals most fully the complexities of the process of European integration as this member state experienced it. But the thesis also draws on academic disciplines beyond the faculty of history: these include comparative politics, economics, international relations, European law and international political economy. The study of the SEA enters their various internal debates, especially over the nature of the state and international system (chapter one), but keeps its historical approach. The thesis addresses the making of the Single European Act by asking two questions. First (chapters two, three and four), why did the United Kingdom agree to formal reform of the EC and ultimately the 1985 intergovernmental conference? Second, once the conference had opened (chapters five and six), why did the Single European Act take the specific form that it did, despite the United Kingdom's efforts? Answers to these two questions confirm elements of the two competing theories on integration; neo functionalism and neo-Realism. The answers also demonstrate that neither theory can fully explain all that happened, when it happened or why. One reason is that two distinct processes were at work: theory to date had not distinguished them, but close empirical analysis revealed their important differences. The first proces was informal, economic integration which usually took place among societal actors. This underpinned and informed the British Government's policy preferences. The second was formal integration, state-led codification through bargaining which (surprisingly) did not follow the premises of the latest theoretical endeavour, 'intergovernmental institutionalism'. The distinction between the two processes and the actors they involved, and also their interrelationship are among the thesis's contributions to the theoretical debate.
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Schreinert, Erin L. "Britain, European immigrants and the myth of the open door an examination of the racialist argument in British immigration policy 1880-1971 /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594498381&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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15

Boswell, Caroline S. "Plotting popular politics in Interregnum England." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318295.

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Samokhvalov, Vsevolod. "Russian-European relations in the Balkans and the Black Sea region." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708856.

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17

Khalid, Amr. "Aspects of Islam and social coexistence : the case of Britain." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683357.

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18

Qureshi, Abeeda. "From multiculturalism to integration : the role of Muslim women in the implementation of ethno-religious minority policies in the UK (2001-2014)." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/35775/.

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This thesis examines the role of Muslim women in the implementation of ethno-religious minority policies in the UK from 2001-2014. Using Muslim women as a case study, I aim to understand how this relationship works in practice and whether the role played by Muslim women is symbolic or substantive. Also, I attempt to explore whether the engagement between the government and Muslim women has increased since 2010, with the change in the government from New Labour to the Coalition. Last but not least, the representative claims of the women involved in the policy process is examined to determine the legitimacy of the whole process. Specifying the ‘decentred’ theory of policy making, I employ a ‘hybrid’ approach to policy implementation and take further insight from ‘Saward’s (2006; 2009) ‘representation’ theory to answer the aforementioned questions. The theoretical framework helps me to justify the three level analysis, e.g. national, local and individual case studies. Using evidence from the documentary analysis and in-depth elite interviews, I highlight the positive role of non-elected Muslim women in the implementation of policies towards the Muslim community. The particular importance of the thesis lies in the way I apply the ‘decentred’ government’ approach and the ‘hybrid’ model of policy implementation to appreciate how Muslim women and local actors can ‘twist’ national policy to suit local needs. The empirical findings on how women approached engagement through Prevent, and how local actors negotiated a ‘grey space’ to pursue more locally appropriate approaches, are both significant interventions in the wider debate on Prevent and its implications for Muslim women’s and state-Muslim engagement.
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19

Shaw, Kelly B. "The Scottish lobby in contemporary Britain : devolution and European integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060143.

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Daddow, Oliver J. "Rhetorics and reality : the historiography of British European policy, 1945-73." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13068/.

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Drawing on postmodern approaches to the practice of history, this thesis examines the historiography of British policy towards European integration since 1945. Its core argument is that historians are subject to a host of pressures. This argument is developed through analysis of seven factors which have influenced the writing of British European policy. Prime amongst them is the influence on historical interpretation of writers' sociological background. The thesis examines the change in the dominant group of writers in the field from politicians to professional historians. It is only in that context, it explains, that the competing interpretations placed on British European policy can be understood. From here, the six other factors at work on writers are examined: the level of analysis writers use to explain British foreign policy, the approach to intentions and outcomes in the international arena, the use of hindsight and empathy in the writing of history, myth-making in contemporary history, the use of sources and the type of study written. The secondary argument advanced in this thesis is that the changing sociological context of the historiography of Britain and Europe can best be elucidated by mapping the writers into schools. Using the typology of historiographical progression set down in American Cold War historiography, the thesis identifies three schools of writing in the historiography of Britain and Europe, 'orthodox', 'revisionist', and 'post-revisionist'. It goes on to draw conclusions about the nature of schools of writing in Britain, drawing particular attention to the comparison with American foreign policy scholarship. The thesis ends by analysing two broader conclusions to emerge from the historiography of Britain and Europe: British historians' obsession with primary sources and implications for the study of the making and implementation of foreign policy. The conclusion also reflects on three broader points of interest: the relationship between questions and answers in history, the lack of attention in methods training courses to the process of narrative construction of historical texts and Britain's continuing inability to define for itself a place in the wider world.
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21

Christie, Ross. "'Britain's crisis of confidence' : how Whitehall planned Britain's retreat from the extra-European world, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2018.

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This thesis attempts to give an account of how Whitehall planned Britain's withdrawal from extra-European commitments in the years 1959-1968, demonstrating that foreign policy development was essentially a cross-departmental process, involving a synthesis of views articulated by the Treasury, Board of Trade, Ministry of Defence, Colonial Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as the Foreign Office. More specifically, the thesis is concerned with the direct effects of the interplay of different departmental policies on British retrenchment from Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Most accounts of how ministers and officials approached the subject of withdrawal from international commitments lack any substantive analysis of documentary evidence, a fact attributable to the 'thirty-year rule'. Many academic works also contain a reference to 'delusions of grandeur' as the main explanation as to why Whitehall guided a tentative course in extracting Britain from its remaining overseas obligations. By examining Whitehall's attempts to review future policy, usually on an inter-departmental basis, this thesis questions the commonly held assumption that an outdated imperial sentiment permeated the political establishment until economic reality, namely the devaluation of sterling in November 1967, forced Britain to confront the fragility of its position. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis makes a contribution to historical knowledge by providing the first sustained and unified study of how the highest echelons of Whitehall framed Britain's long-term strategic aims in the late 1950s and 1960s. This thesis is a contribution to administrative, diplomatic and military history, and provokes a number of questions. To what extent, for example, did economic considerations inform the decisions of leading policy-makers? Did a misjudgment over the strength of British 'power' lead to the pursuit of inappropriate foreign policy objectives? How was foreign policy affected by defence policy? What influence did the Treasury exert over high foreign policy? Did the influence of civil servants vary according to policy issues and the personalities involved? In what ways did the views of the departments responsible for economic matters differ from those in charge of defence policy on the priority attached to military expenditure? To what extent did the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence disagree on matters regarding Britain's overseas commitments and possessions? In answering such questions, this thesis casts new light on how Whitehall, between 1959 and 1968, reduced the scope of Britain's international commitments, redirecting the central thrust of British foreign policy away from extra-European commitments towards Europe.
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Alexander, Philip. "The Commonwealth and European integration : competing commitments for Britain, 1956-1967." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249087.

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Haque, Md Asirul. "Do Different Models of Integration Affect Actual Integration? The Cases of France and Great Britain Revisited." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Samhällskunskap, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-3498.

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Britain and France adapted two different integration models, namely assimilationist and multiculturalism to integrate their immigrants. These two big models of integration have distinctive characteristics to integrate immigrants. There is a general claim that multiculturalism model is the best for integrating immigrants in terms of actual integration, however, some argue the opposite, that French assimilationist model is ‘better off.’ This study examines these controversial claims by looking at the level to which immigrants are integrated in economic, social, political, cultural dimensions of integration and attitudes towards immigrants in Britain and France. Within a given theoretical framework, this study compares the overall competency level of immigrants’ integration in terms of actual integration between British multiculturalism model and French assimilationist model and validate that both these two big models of integration have reached a comparable level of integration and they do not have any decisive impact on actual integration.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Dunbar, Cameron A. "Walking a Fine Line: Britain, the Commonwealth, and European Integration, 1945-1955." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1505144142763366.

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Malfoy, Jordan I. "Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3639.

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This dissertation argues that the origins of civil defense are to be found in pre-World War II Britain and that a driving force of this early civil defense scheme was fear of poison gas. Later iterations of civil defense, such as the Cold War system in America, built on already existing regimes that had proven their worth during WWII. This dissertation demonstrates not only that WWII civil defense served as a blueprint for later civil defense schemes, but also that poison gas anxiety served as a particular tool for the implementation and success of civil defense. The dissertation is organized thematically, exploring the role of civilians and volunteers in the civil defense scheme, as well as demonstrating the vital importance of physical manifestations of civil defense, such as gas masks and air raid shelters, in ensuring the success of the scheme. By the start of World War II, many civilians had already been training in civil defense procedures for several years, learning how to put out fires, recognize bombs, warn against gas, decontaminate buildings, rescue survivors, and perform first aid. The British government had come to the conclusion, long before the threat became realized, that the civilian population was a likely target for air attacks and that measures were required to protect them. World War I (WWI) saw the first aerial attacks targeted specifically at civilians, suggesting a future where such attacks would occur more frequently and deliberately. Poison gas, used in WWI, seemed a particularly horrifying threat that presented significant problems. Civil defense was born out of this need to protect the civil population from attack by bombs or poison gas. For the next five years of war civil defense worked to maintain British morale and to protect civilian lives. This was the first real scheme of civil defense, instituted by the British government specifically for the protection of its civilian population.
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Kline, Wayne M. "The English Crown's foreign debt, 1544-1557." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4366.

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As background to an investigation of the crown's foreign borrowing from 1544 though 1557. this thesis examines the general fiscal situation of the mid-Tudor Commonwealth with special emphasis on the great inflation of the 16th century, the role of Antwerp in European finance. and the relationship between war and English fiscal policy It then examines in detail the creation of the debt under Henry VIII, its development into a standard feature of state finance under Edward VI, and its liquidation under Mary. Information on England and English crown finance was drawn principally from published primary sources while information on the Antwerp market and on continental affairs in general was derived mainly from secondary sources.
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Fox, Timothy William. "Euros, pounds and Albion at arms: European monetary policy and British defense in the 21st century." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FFox.pdf.

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Worley, Katherine E. "Reason sways them: Masculinity and political authority in the English Civil War." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318372.

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Goodall, Andrew K. "Comparing management development in the National Health Services of Britain and France." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342311.

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31

Orhan, Buket Pinar. "Britain And European Security Integration:british Perspectives On European Security Matters Between 1945-2003." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12604972/index.pdf.

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The thesis analyzes security perception of Britain within the framework of European security integration. The time that is covered in the thesis is between 1945 and 2003. The thesis exam,ines the assumptions constructing British position and intends to reveal that each of the country in Europe has possessed its own perception of security and defense within this significant process, and that -one of whose position made a profound impact on further development of European security and defense policies. That is the position of Britain. This study, therefore, will try to reveal the position of Britain and her policies in terms of European efforts for having a common identity on security and defense.
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32

Blenkinsop, Lisa Jean. "Writing histories : narratives of integration and Poles in Great Britain since the Second World War." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444863.

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This thesis explores narratives of integration retrospectively constructed by the Polishborn first generation and the British-born second generation. The thesis considers how and why different histories are written about the Poles in Great Britain after the Second World War. It examines Polish journeys to Great Britain between 1939 and 1961, the meaning of the Polish home in the Polish diaspora, the role of the British state in integrating the Polish community into the host society after the upheaval of the Second World War, and the role of the internet as a site of community for first and second generation Polish migrants. This thesis also explores the relationship between the British archival material and Polish created sources and the centrality of historical narratives to the construction of identity. My research therefore represents a re-engagement with Polish and British narratives of Polish migration to and integration within Great Britain.
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33

Barnes, Matt. "Social exclusion in Great Britain : an empirical investigation and comparison with other European Union member states." Thesis, University of Bath, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760791.

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34

White, Jason C. ""Your grievances are ours" : militant pan-Protestantism, the Thirty Years' War, and the origins of the British problem, 1618--1641." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318370.

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35

Cinnirella, Marco Goffredo. "Social identity perspectives on European integration : a comparative study of national and European identity construction in Britain and Italy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1238/.

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Taking a comparative perspective, the current research examines national and European identities in Britain and Italy, using a multi-methodological approach. The aims of the research are twofold: firstly, to examine current limitations with psychological theorising on social identity, and secondly, to enhance social psychological knowledge of European integration and its effects upon national and European identities. The theoretical perspective adopted is a hybrid synthesis of social identity (Tajfel, 1974; Turner, 1987) and social representations (Moscovici, 1984) approaches. Evidence for a European identity amongst British respondents and interviewees proved to be minimal: few felt any sense of European pride, and most construed European integration in instrumental terms. Italian constructions of European identity were more robust than those of the British, and consisted of both instrumental and symbolic attachments to the European ideal. Some of the social psychological bases for such cross-national differences are explored, and the prospects for the development of a European identity examined. Applying social identity theory to questions of national and European identity construction, raises questions about the current applicability of the paradigm to large-scale social categories of this type. The social representational context of intergroup relations has often been ignored, and social influence processes in large-scale entities seem more complex than previously assumed. It becomes apparent that issues of key conceptual importance to the social identity and self-categorisation paradigms are in need of urgent clarification. These include: the differences between face-to-face groups and abstract social categories; the adequacy of motivational constructs within the paradigm; and the role of the wider ideological milieu in which identity construction takes place. Along with a discussion of these issues, some of the key features of social identity construction in large-scale social categories and groups are examined, and ways in which the social identity and social representations paradigms might be reconciled explored.
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36

Cinnirella, Macro Goffredo. "Social identity perspectives on European integration : a comparative study of national and European identity construction in Britain and Italy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1238/.

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Taking a comparative perspective, the current research examines national and European identities in Britain and Italy, using a multi-methodological approach. The aims of the research are twofold: firstly, to examine current limitations with psychological theorising on social identity, and secondly, to enhance social psychological knowledge of European integration and its effects upon national and European identities. The theoretical perspective adopted is a hybrid synthesis of social identity (Tajfel, 1974; Turner, 1987) and social representations (Moscovici, 1984) approaches. Evidence for a European identity amongst British respondents and interviewees proved to be minimal: few felt any sense of European pride, and most construed European integration in instrumental terms. Italian constructions of European identity were more robust than those of the British, and consisted of both instrumental and symbolic attachments to the European ideal. Some of the social psychological bases for such cross-national differences are explored, and the prospects for the development of a European identity examined. Applying social identity theory to questions of national and European identity construction, raises questions about the current applicability of the paradigm to large-scale social categories of this type. The social representational context of intergroup relations has often been ignored, and social influence processes in large-scale entities seem more complex than previously assumed. It becomes apparent that issues of key conceptual importance to the social identity and self-categorisation paradigms are in need of urgent clarification. These include: the differences between face-to-face groups and abstract social categories; the adequacy of motivational constructs within the paradigm; and the role of the wider ideological milieu in which identity construction takes place. Along with a discussion of these issues, some of the key features of social identity construction in large-scale social categories and groups are examined, and ways in which the social identity and social representations paradigms might be reconciled explored.
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37

Wheeler, Carol Ellen. "Every man crying out : Elizabethan anti-Catholic pamphlets and the birth of English anti-Papism." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3959.

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To the Englishmen of the sixteenth century the structure of the universe seemed clear and logical. God had created and ordered it in such a way that everyone and everything had a specific, permanent place which carried with it appropriate duties and responsibilities. Primary among these requirements was obedience to one's betters, up the Chain of Being, to God. Unity demanded uniformity; obedience held the universe together. Within this context, the excommunication of Elizabeth Tudor in 1570 both redefined and intensified the strain between the crown and the various religious groups in the realm. Catholics had become traitors, or at least potential traitors, with the stroke of a papal pen.
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38

Hörber, Thomas Christian. "The foundations of Europe : European integration ideas in France, Germany and Britain in the 1950s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613881.

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39

Gray, Emily Jane. "The politics of pressure : group campaigning for and against European integration in Britain, 1997 - 2003." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428262.

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40

Hörber, Thomas. "The foundations of Europe : European integration ideas in France, Germany and Britain in the 1950s /." Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41333734q.

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41

Chen, Wei-Fang. "National interests vs. security and defence integration in the EU : a comparative case study of Britain and Germany." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3906/.

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As institutionalists have assumed, institutions are supposed to shape the behaviours of actors towards collective objectives and better prospects. For this purpose, the EU has established an institutionalised framework for developing security and defence integration. This institutionalised framework not only provides ‘rules of games’ for conducting common security and defence affairs, but is supposed to make member states become socialised and embedded in European integration. However, the role of member states cannot be ignored. In fact, the institutionalisation process from the EPC to the CSDP is affected by institutionalism and intergovernmentalism. In other words, although the CSDP has an institutionalised framework which offers rules and procedures for member states and EU institutions to implement a common security and defence policy, it also operates on the basis of intergovernmental co-operation. The different effect of institutionalism and intergovernmentalism can also be discovered through analysing the very distinct attitudes of Britain and Germany in this institutionalisation process. This thesis aims to investigate the institutional development and practice of the security and defence integration of the EU, and examine the role of member states in the process. Britain and Germany are chosen as comparative cases because these two countries have presented quite different preferences and attitudes towards the developments of European integration. This thesis concludes that although the institutionalisation process can affect member states in structuring behaviours and national interests, their political will is nevertheless the most important key to determining whether an institutionalised CSDP can fulfil the collective end of security and defence integration in the EU.
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42

Lauro, Giovanna. "Preventing forced marriage : a comparative analysis of France and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34224256-4817-49fb-8b4c-4e5e9acb708c.

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This study aims at ascertaining via a cross-country/cross-city comparison why different national contexts characterized by allegedly opposite ideologies concerning the incorporation of immigrants (namely, the British Race Relations/multicultural model and French republicanism) have led to the adoption of similar policy tools in the prevention of forced unions amongst young people of ethnic minority background. In order to do so, the study will examine French republican and British multicultural rhetoric and policies aimed at the prevention of forced marriage at different institutional levels, with a focus on the preventive role played by the educational sector and within a historical institutionalist theoretical framework. The comparison begins with a consideration of French and British national rhetoric and policies against forced marriage from 1997 to 2008 to develop an adequate framework for the analysis of the preventive role attributed to educational policies in four major localities (the capital cities, Paris and London, and the second two largest cities per population size, Lyon and Birmingham). Despite differences in the policies and rhetoric adopted by multicultural Britain and republican France to tackle forced unions, the study hypothesizes a common trend in the ways French and British public authorities conceptualize the practice of forced marriage - intended mainly as the product of cultural difference. Similarities in the conceptualization of the practice, in turn, have contributed to the identification of similar policy tools despite dissimilar institutional contexts. Such a hypothesis contrasts with one of the key claims of historical institutionalism, according to which dissimilar institutions lead to different policy outcomes across different countries. The study will introduce the role of ideas – in the form of frames (Bleich 2003) – as a tool to explain the reasons why French and British policies aimed at the prevention of forced unions have led to similar policy outcomes despite dissimilar institutional contexts.
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43

Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. "Reinventing Britain: British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.

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44

Muirden, Mark. "A critical evaluation of linguistic minorities from a postmodern perspective : the case of Welsh." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2011. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/361349/.

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My aim in this thesis is to consider language policy and minority languages from the viewpoint of postmodernism – a theoretical framework that has much to offer beyond mere explanation and support for the concepts of diversity and pluralism. I argue there is a shortage of texts that interrogate language policy from a postmodern perspective – notwithstanding the contributions of a relatively small group of linguists including Pennycook (2000, 2006), Wright (2000, 2004), Cameron (1995) and Edwards (1985-2003). Thus, I combine some arguments from the domain of postmodernism articulated by theorists such as Foucault (1980), Lyotard (1997), and Connor (2004) with other arguments from the fields of language policy, language ideology and minority language rights formulated by theorists such as Phillipson (1993, 2003), Crystal (2000, 2003). In the first chapter I consider how language policy and planning has developed as a subject of academic inquiry since World War II. In the second chapter I focus on a primary objective for language policymakers, namely minority language maintenance. I conclude that characteristics and trends associated with postmodernism are neither wholly supportive nor wholly unsupportive of minority language maintenance. In the third chapter, I concentrate on the minority language Welsh, tentatively concluding that a truly bilingual Wales is not achievable. In this fourth chapter, I analyse findings from my ethnographic research into Welsh language usage in Newport. I tentatively conclude once more that the Welsh Assembly Government’s bilingual objective is unachievable. Finally, I argue that postmodernism is a useful theoretical perspective for academics in the field of language policy and planning.
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45

Huff, Ariella Rachel. "Parliamentary discourses on the European security and defence policy in Britain, Ireland and Poland, 1998-2008." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610552.

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46

Dahm, Evelyn Pignatari. "National mentalities, European identities : the impact of defence on the construction of national and European identity : a comparative case study of Britain (1960 - February 1963), Italy and France (1956-1958)." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/national-mentalities-european-identities--the-impact-of-defence-on-the-construction-of-national-and-european-identity--a-comparative-case-study-of-britain-1960february-1963-italy-and-france-19561958(5a55a228-84d4-4174-aabc-6b35200a1872).html.

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47

Fearon, Fiona Kavanagh. "The Selection, Production and Reception of European Plays at the National Theatre of Great Britain from 1963-1997." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486716.

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This research presents a diachronic and synchronic analysis of European plays produced at the National from 1963 to 1997 and seeks to situate their selection, production and reception within the socio-cultural context of Britain's changing relationship with the representation of Europe during that time, Building on the theoretical understanding of the selection, production and reception process suggested by Stanley Fish, Jauss, Susan Bennett and Maria Shevtsova, this thesis evaluates the relationship between the 'interpretive community' of the producers, critics and audiences of the National Theatre, This analysis has been undertaken through three main activities. Firstly I have examined the selection process of the three Artistic Directors between 1963 and 1997 through interviewing the main participants, Sir Peter Hall and Sir Richard Eyre, as well as research into published letters, diaries and autobiographies, Through access to the Tynan and Olivier Archives in the British Library, it has been possible to closely examine the selection process between 1963 and 1973. The process of production has been examined through the analysis of Prompt Books, programmes and photographs that are held by the National Theatre Archive, as well as biographies and autobiographies. The reception process has been examined through two interpretive communities, that of the critics and the audience: firstly by comparing the reception of the interpretive community of critics who received the productions for British newspapers and periodicals between 1963 and 1997, and then by contrasting that reception with the actual number of people who attended each production. I have accessed the Box Office returns, Annual Reports, Board Minutes and Director's reports at the National Theatre Archive in order to complete this analysis. This research explores Britain's relationship with Europe through qualitative and quantitative analysis, and proves the effectiveness of reception analysis as a methodology for understanding historical and contemporary culture.
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48

Sunderland, Jacqueline Karen. "A critical analysis of the processes of referral to special school and integration to mainstream school for certain children perceived by their teachers to be maladjusted." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e973f3a4-8631-4306-a36b-9d13f58fc86e.

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The recommendations of the Warnock Committee <1978) and the 1981 Education Act stated that the goals of education were the same for all pupils and they set the scene for all children, irrespective of handicap, to be educated in ordinary schools. The principle of equal opportunities for all pupils, whether or not they have statements of special educational needs, finally achieved statutory recognition in the 1988 Education Reform Act. All pupils now share the same right to a broad, balanced and differentiated curriculum relevant to their needs. However, in spite of the fact that numerous HMI reports state that special schools offer narrow and restricted curricula which may hinder the prospect of reintegration into mainstream schools for their pupils, there is evidence indicating that teachers continue to refer 'maladjusted' or 'difficult to teach' children for assessment with a view to special school placement. This study provides a critical analysis of the processes associated with referral and integration for two groups of children. When the research began, the referred children in mainstream school were likely to be transferred to special school, and the children in special school were already integrating into mainstream.
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49

Mayer, Tamara M. "Islam in America why U.S. Muslims are less likely to radicalize than their European counterparts." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FMayer.pdf.

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Thesis (M. A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Shore, Zachary. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Islam, Muslim, radicalization, Germany, France, United Kingdom, terrorist, home-grown, immigration, integration. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-85). Also available in print.
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50

Cramer, Clarke S. "The Great Orange Hope : Ukraine, NATO, and the dilemma of European integration after the Orange Revolution /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCramer.pdf.

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