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Relevant bibliographies by topics / European integration – Great Britain

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Academic literature on the topic 'European integration – Great Britain'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

1

Kybich, Yana. "Peculiarities of the British Approach to the European Integration Process." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.58-66.

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The article examines the prerequisites for Britainʼs participation in European integration processes since the 1950ʼs. The evolution of the “special” policy of the British governments regarding the countryʼs participation in the system of political and military-political cooperation of the European Union, the nature of its influence on the processes of European integration in the sphere of foreign policy and security are considered. The peculiarities of the UKʼs participation in European political integration are analyzed in terms of balancing the two main strands of its foreign policy – the traditional Atlantic course, which underlies the Anglo-American “special relations” and the European course (deepening participation in European regional policy). The most common concepts of differentiated European integration are outlined, such as Europe à la carte (sectoral, selective integration) or the concepts of European Menu, Europe of Different Speeds and Variable Geometries, which have been successfully used by UK governments to counteract federalization and deepen integration of the United Kingdom, avoiding full integration, for example, in currency issues or applying restrictions on the free movement of labor (limited Schengen agreement). In general, the complex of conditions and peculiarities of historical, socio-political, economic and socio-psychological nature have been investigated, which have had their specific influence on the formation of the unique political attitude and behavior of Great Britain and became the basis of the “special” position of Great Britain in European integration processes, and as a consequence transformations of the present geopolitical position of Great Britain. Keywords: Great Britain, European integration, EEC, European Union, concept, “special” position.

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Andreeva, T. "Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.

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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to the European idea. The following questions are answered in the article: Do the anti-European moods exert the crucial and lasting effect on British European policy? Is it better and more profitable for Britain to stay within the organization taking an active part in the integration process, or to withdraw from it?

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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.

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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.

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Atapin, E. A. "Historical Perception of Europe as “the Other” as the Basis of British Euroscepticism." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5(121) (November 19, 2021): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-08.

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This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.

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Rausch, Fabian. "«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-221.

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«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 This article proposes a comparative perspective on the role of constitutions in European political cultures from 1814 to c.1835. Through its analysis of constitutions first as a means to legitimising post-revolutionary monarchies, and secondly as a means to integrating the divided societies in France, Great Britain as well as the German states, this article suggests two major results: 1) Constitutions were a central instrument that was imagined by post-revolutionary European societies in order to open up an «evolutionary» path to political progress and thereby finally «end» or «prevent» further revolutionary changes. 2) The major challenges to constitutional integration were posed by the emergence of competing political groups that often demanded a strengthening of certain parts of the constitutions or their further reform. The problems, which were faced by almost all political actors regarding the acceptance of these new imperatives of party politics and the different constitutional «solutions» that they had developed to meet these challenges, provide explanations for the different constitutional paths that were taken by Great Britain, the German states and France during the early 1830s. In Great Britain, a common constitutionalist language enabled a precarious understanding amongst the competing groups, whereas anti-pluralist constitutional conceptions led to constitutional instability in France and even damaged the very idea of constitutional integration in Germany thus benefitting a «unification first»-approach in the German states.

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Samoilova, Olha. "The process of British integration with European Union." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-02-161-170.

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The relations with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland are of the great importance for the European Union as well as for the United Kingdom, since the latter is dependent on the EU policies to some extent. As British nation has formally started the process of leaving the organization, it is important to investigate the process that led to the current state of affairs. To understand the current problem between sides, the history and process of establishing the relations should be studied. The problems appearing throughout the time still remain unresolved and prove the mutual interdependence and importance of their addressing for both the United Kingdom and the European Union. The article researches the main stages of British integration with the EU and their influence on the international relations within the European community. Since the first failed application to join the EEC in 1961 and later accession in 1973, the UK managed to occupy the leading position in the European Community with a number of beneficial rights. However, within the state the European integration provoked conflicts, i.e. between those who believe that Britain's future lies with Europe and those who believe it does not. In 1980-s the UK politicians stressed that the state paid a lot more into the EC budget than other members due to its relative lack of farms. The situation was worsened by J. Delors’ policy towards a more federal Europe and a single currency. T. Blair’s government was more European in its outlook than its predecessor, as he actively advocated the expansion of the European Union. However, Blair’s desire to get closer with the US dissatisfied Europeans. In 2011 D. Cameron became the first UK prime minister to veto a EU treaty. After winning reelection in May 2015, D. Cameron started the process of renegotiating the UK-EU relationship, putting on the list such issues as changes in migrant welfare payments, financial safeguards and easier ways for Britain to block EU regulations. On 23 June 2016 UK voters, inspired by Cameron, elected to withdraw from the European Union. The consequences of Brexit caused serious challenges the UK has to overcome in the nearest future.

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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Great Britain in European External and Security Policy: Review of Western Historiography." European Historical Studies, no. 8 (2017): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.

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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.

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Hrubinko, Andrew. "Role of the UK in the european political integration in the post-war period (1945-1956)." European Historical Studies, no. 3 (2016): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.03.6-19.

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The article discusses role of Great Britain in the European political integration in the Post-war period (1945-1956). Origins of the “special position” of the country in the system of European integration, in particular regarding participation in its political dimension (foreign and security policy) are presented. Attention on the development of conceptual basis of the UK’s modern policy regarding the participation in European integration during the study period is focused.

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Khakhalkina, E. V. "“HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?”: INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.

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The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.

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Cherinko, I. P. "Interrelations of Ukraine with Great Britain in the context of the European integration." Ukrainian Society 29, no. 2 (July 10, 2009): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2009.02.154.

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This article addresses the problems of the relations between Ukraine and Great Britain from the time of renewing the Ukraine’s independence till now. The whole complex of bilateral dialogue between the two states is under scrutiny of the author. Basic attention is paid to the aspect of Ukraine’s integration to Europe.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

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Knutson, Keith. "Britain's functional approach to integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988679.

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Richardson, David William. "Non-party organisations and campaigns on European integration in Britain, 1945-1986 : political and public activism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5266/.

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This thesis is about non-party and non-governmental organisations campaigning for and against European integration in Britain between 1945 and 1986. These groups have been largely overlooked by studies on Britain’s relationship with Europe. The thesis will examine how these groups operated between the spheres of public activism and institutional politics. They targeted the general public directly with the aim of becoming popular mass movements, and focused on emotive and populist themes and adopted a moralistic tone as part of a broad non-party or cross-party appeal. Old-fashioned methods of activism, including pamphleteering and mass meetings, were used to cultivate a groundswell of support. However, these groups were not able to wrest control of the EEC membership issue away from Westminster. In the case of anti-EEC groups, attempts to acquire political influence and attract more parliamentarians to the campaign were at odds with the “anti-establishment” or “anti-political” tone adopted by sections of their support. Divisions over whether to adopt a more “insider” strategy of lobbying and adopting the model of a research-based think-tank or whether to continue seeking mass support stifled the campaign. Disagreement over strategy, and the confused position between public protest and Westminster politics, caused the anti-EEC campaign’s to fail.

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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.

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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.

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Clement, Andrew. "An Integration of Discord: How National Identity Conceptions Activate Resistance to EU Integration in the Popular Press Discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/260121.

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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Sindic, Denis. "Scots' attitudes to Britain and to the European Union : the psychology of national segregation and supra-national integration." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14196.

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This thesis is concerned with attitudes towards supra-national bodies, and more specifically with Scots' attitudes towards union in Britain and Europe. Firstly, it is suggested that support for, or opposition, to integration in a supra-national body depends on the extent to which this body is believed to enhance or undermine the ability to express national identity {identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). Identity undermining, in turn, depends upon a combined sense of incompatibility with outgroup identities/interests and of ingroup powerlessness within the supranational body. Secondly, it is suggested that these features of the social context and of identity meanings can be actively constructed in order to fulfil strategic purposes, such as persuading audiences in favour of separatism or integration. Five studies are reported which investigated these hypotheses. In study 1, we looked at the discourses of Scottish politicians and at the way their accounts of group identities and social reality could be understood in strategic terms, i.e. in relation to their political projects regarding Scotland's status in Britain and in Europe. In the second study, a survey design was used in order to provide quantitative evidence of the relationship between identity undermining, incompatibility, powerlessness and separatism. The third (experimental) study sought to clarify the causal relationship between these variables and showed that manipulating identity undermining lead to increased support for separatism. Finally, the fourth and the fifth (experimental) studies suggested that identity constructions, in the form of judgements of group prototypicality, can vary as a function of the strategic claim made by participants. In conclusion, the merits are stressed of an approach to identity processes and attitudes towards supra-national bodies that is sensitive to both context and content. It is also stressed that context and contents should not be taken as perceptual givens but as actively constructed by social actors.

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Tollet, Ian. "Britská zahraniční politika po konci Studené války (se zaměřením na USA a evropský integrační proces)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113459.

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This work focuses on Great Britain as one of the world powers. It further examines the main aspects of British foreign policy towards the US and the EU. The cornerstone of British foreign policy is the Special Relationship with the US through which Great Britain seeks to strengthen its global status. The final part is devoted to Britain as a member of the EU and explains its attitudes towards European policies and deeper integration.

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Slavíková, Jana. "Imigrace a integrace cizinců ve Velké Británii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10334.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the approach of the United Kingdom to immigration and integration of third country nationals. The analysis is joined by comparison with the situation and measures taken within the European Union. The paper depicts the development and changes of the EU integration policy and the current system of immigration policies in the United Kingdom. Attention is also drawn to the public opinion and perception of immigrants in the host societies. Since the 90s, the integration policies of the EU Member States seem to be converging to the "civic integration" model. Emphasis is placed on the individual integration of immigrants, but their group affiliation is also accepted. Integration has to be a two-way process, with efforts made by the immigrants as well as the host society. Despite that, it has rather become a precondition which has to be fulfilled by the immigrants in order to gain more rights. The United Kingdom is also starting to condition the admission and citizenship acquisition by fulfilling language and knowledge criteria, regarding the history, institutions and life in the country. Even though its integration policy is one of the most successful, the current steps raise doubts.

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Myšák, Lukáš. "Ekonomický a politický vývoj Velké Británie za vlády Harolda Macmillana (1957-1963)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192719.

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My master's thesis focuses on analysis of political and economic development of Great Britain in 1957 -- 1964 period, when the Conservative Party was in charge, led firstly by H. Macmillan and then A. Home. After Macmillan gained the post of Prime minister, due to the Suez crisis, I present an analysis of British domestic economy, whose good condition led to conservative election victory of 1959. Then I analyze the shift of British government towards decolonization of Africa and also the British decision to join ECC (predeceased with EFTA agreement). Furthermore, there is an analysis of reasons behind H. Macmillan's resignation, which were mainly of medical character. Third part of my work is considering the Home government, his position as the Prime minister and development of British economy during early 1960's. Thesis is concluded by analysis of 1964's election, where the Labour Party achieved slim victory over the Conservative Party, and therefore was able to form a government.

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Prušák, Vojtěch. "Vývoj stanovisek Velké Británie, Německa a České republiky k evropské měnové integraci." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197204.

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This diploma thesis - The evolution of Great Britain's, Germany's and the Czech Republic's stance on the European monetary integration - analyses the development of approaches of the states mentioned above. It assesses the pros and cons of this process. The research is carried out in such a manner that after analyzing a rather pro-European and one rather anti-European stance a synthesis of approaches is done. As a result, a recommendation to join the euro is given to the Czech Republic.

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Kuchařová, Alžběta. "Přístup Velké Británie k politické integraci Evropy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113458.

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Britain's attitude towards the European integration has been an uneasy one since its' inception and it thus represents one of the spheres of British politics that has attracted the most attention and that has been one of the most divisive issues of the domestic politics. The British attitude has however responded to the dynamical development of the political integration in Europe. The aim of the thesis is to assess Britain's attitude towards the political integration in Europe and to prove that, despite its dynamical development, the elements of Euroscepticism prevail over the elements of Europeanization. With respect to the aim, the thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one explains the political integration and charts its development and defines the modern concept of Euroscepticism and Europeanization. The second chapter deals with Britain's attitude towards the European integration, its historical background and its development immediately after the Second World War. Substantial part of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the British attitude towards the milestones of the political integration. The final chapter looks at the stance of the governments of Tony Blair and the current Conservative-led coalition on the political integration and compares them so as to study its development.

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Books on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

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Gowland, D. A. Reluctant Europeans: Britain and European integration, 1945-1998. Harlow: Longman, 2000.

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1941-, Turner Arthur, ed. Reluctant Europeans: Britain and European integration, 1945-1998. New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 1999.

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Stephen, George. Britain and European integration since 1945. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1991.

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1965-, Menon Anand, ed. Britain and European integration: Views from within. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing in association with The Political Quarterly, 2004.

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Martin, Holmes. European integration: Scope and limits. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001.

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Kaiser, Wolfram. Using Europe, abusing the Europeans: Britain and European integration, 1945-63. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.

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Using Europe, abusing the Europeans: Britain and European integration, 1945-63. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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1944-, Greenwood Sean, ed. Britain and European integration since the Second World War. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996.

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Gowland, David. Britain and European integration since 1945: On the sidelines. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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A, Gowland D., and Turner Arthur 1941-, eds. Britain and European integration, 1945-1998: A documentary history. London: Routledge, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

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Taylor, Trevor. "Great Britain." In Integration and Security in Wester Europe, 136–45. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042331-10.

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Simpson, John. "Great Britain." In A Survey of European Nuclear Policy, 1985–87, 131–46. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10813-8_11.

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Lane, Thomas, and Marian Wolański. "Great Expectations." In Poland and European Integration, 78–98. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271784_6.

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Chan, Tak Wing, and Brendan Halpin. "Who Marries whom in Great Britain?" In European Studies of Population, 171–94. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1065-8_8.

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Geddes, Andrew. "The British State and European Integration." In Britain and the European Union, 197–217. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-29743-3_9.

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Riedel, Rafał. "Great Britain and Differentiated Integration in Europe." In Brexit, 99–112. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73414-9_6.

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Geddes, Andrew. "Nationalism: Immigration and European Integration at the 2005 General Election." In Britain Decides, 279–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06585-8_17.

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Royce, Mark R. "The Protestant Supranationalism of Britain." In The Political Theology of European Integration, 207–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53447-3_7.

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Matlary, Janne Haaland. "Playing the Great Game: France, Britain, and Germany." In European Union Security Dynamics, 97–137. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230594302_5.

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Dikici, Erdem. "Transnationalism and Integration." In Transnational Islam and the Integration of Turks in Great Britain, 61–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74006-1_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

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Barillas, Ana, Robin Cohen, and Nanthawit Sukthaworn. "Lessons from the first capacity market auction in Great Britain." In 2015 12th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2015.7216748.

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Li, Furong. "Recent developments in common distribution network pricing in Great Britain." In 2010 7th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2010.5558694.

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White, J. C., D. C. Entwisle, J. P. Busby, R. Lawley, and I. L. Cooke. "Developing a Near Surface Electrical Resistivity Model of Great Britain." In Near Surface Geoscience 2014 - 20th European Meeting of Environmental and Engineering Geophysics. Netherlands: EAGE Publications BV, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20142024.

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Campos, João. "The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.

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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.

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Vinnikova, Liliia, and Maria Prokopchuk. "HISTORICAL PHASES OF HIGHER MEDICAL EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT IN GREAT BRITAIN." In Relevant Issues of the Development of Science in Central and Eastern European Countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-11-2_49.

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"Modelling Spatial Patterns in Local Retail Property Markets in Great Britain." In 6th European Real Estate Society Conference: ERES Conference 1999. ERES, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres1999_162.

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Bian, Yuankai, Hantao Wang, Heather Wyman-Pain, Minghao Xu, and Furong Li. "Availability of CHPs to provide primary frequency response in the great Britain power system." In 2017 IEEE Conference on Energy Internet and Energy System Integration (EI2). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ei2.2017.8245700.

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Lin, Regina. "The Relations between Infrastructure Investments and Imbalance Regional Economic Development in Great Britain." In 24th Annual European Real Estate Society Conference. European Real Estate Society, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres2017_261.

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Mueksch, Michaela C. "Airborne hyperspectral monitoring of lake, river, and estuary pollution in Great Britain and Germany." In European Symposium on Optics for Environmental and Public Safety, edited by George M. Russwurm. SPIE, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.221090.

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Hollinger, Raphael, Agustin Motte Cortes, and Thomas Erge. "Fast Frequency Response with BESS: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Great Britain and Sweden." In 2018 15th International Conference on the European Energy Market (EEM). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eem.2018.8469998.

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Reports on the topic "European integration – Great Britain"

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Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.

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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings:  Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age.  Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v  Landscapes and regions:  Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change?  Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial.  Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth.  Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs.  Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully.  Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people.  The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world

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Theory of change: The Safer Gambling Movement. Addiction Recovery Agency, Beacon Counselling Trust, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33684/2021.001.

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Addiction Recovery Agency (Ara) and Beacon Counseling Trust (BCT) provide critical safer gambling education and treatment services for the West of England, North West England, and Wales. Their respective dedication to the safer gambling field and commitment to enhancing system integration led to a natural partnership between the two organisations. Drawing from Ara and BCT’s significant expertise, they partnered to develop a suite of safer gambling programmes. As the suite of innovative programmes grew, they recognised a need to articulate and share their leadership in transforming the safer gambling landscape in England and Wales. The Safer Gambling Movement describes Ara and Beacon’s leadership in developing a grassroots movement to build momentum for a national public health approach in Great Britain by first building this capacity in England and Wales. GREO was brought on as the evaluation partner to help create a theory of change to describe this work and lay the foundation for future evaluations.

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