Journal articles on the topic 'European integration – France'
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Nishimura, S. "European Integration and France." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 44 (1993): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.44.0_71.
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Cajvan, Claudia. "Lessons From Migrant Integration Into European Societies." European View 19, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685820913391.
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The article examines the immigration and integration policies of France, Sweden, Germany and Denmark. It argues that there is a need for a more unified understanding of the concept of integration throughout the member states. Although European law does not regulate the issue of immigrant integration as it is a competence of the member states, there is a need for a unified understanding of integration. Denmark’s integration policy is described as an example of an effective policy that ought to be emulated, in contrast to those of other countries. The article concludes that the problems France, Sweden and Germany face in integrating newcomers are partly due to a lack of consensus about what integration ought to be.
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Walgate, Robert. "European military technology: France veers towards integration." Nature 318, no. 6047 (December 1985): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/318590b0.
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Kovacevic, Maja, and Dejana Vukasovic. "France and the concept of European sovereignism at the integration crossroad." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 3 (2020): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2003499k.
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The article examines the politics of French presidents towards European integration, with the focus on President Macron's proposals concerning European sovereignism. The authors apply the Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which models the EU reforms as a three-stage process in which states first define preferences, then engage in interstate bargaining, and finally design common institutions. The main thesis of this article is that France has relatively stable preferences - augmenting its power through European integration, which is also translated into Macron's politics, despite seemingly paradoxical proposals on further delegation of competences to the EU. France is refusing the status quo in the Union divided on key issues, and strongly advocate a Europe of concentric circles. The high intensity of French preferences for the EU reforms is demonstrated through the alternative coalition?s projects, such as the European Intervention Initiative or redefinition of its relations with Russia. Contrary to common interpretations of France as the weaker partner in the Franco-German axis after the Bing Bang enlargement and Eurozone crisis, the authors' thesis is that France is regaining a stronger role at the integration crossroad. In the context of the uncertain future of the transatlantic partnership, China's rise and the threat of further EU marginalization in contemporary international relations, France is determined to have the ?balancing power? status on the global stage. Based on its military and diplomatic power, as well as large geographic influence, France is offering a strong alliance to Germany, which has no serious alternative. The authors conclude that this alliance would provide an opportunity for both countries to further project their power, and create a new context for inevitable re-opening of the ?German question?.
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Pricopi, Marius, and Alexandru Ioan Motriuc. "France’s Military Importance for the European Union." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 180–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0026.
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Abstract A founding member of the European Union, France is nowadays still considered, alongside Germany, as one of the two „engines” of European integration. And this applies not only for the economic or social sphere, as France has also played a preeminent role in the historical process of European defence integration. Acknowledging the French contributions to the European defence project, in this paper we subject to analysis the military importance of France for the Union. Using the analysis of social documents and the case study method, we argue that this country’s high level of military integration in the European Union is not at all fortuitous, as is not due to impermanent favourable evolutions
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Cheney, Emelyne. "European Integration and Minority Nationalist Mobilisation in France." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 9, no. 1 (2012): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000167.
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Hoffmann, Stanley, and Michel R. Gueldry. "France and European Integration: Toward a Transnational Polity?" Foreign Affairs 80, no. 6 (2001): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050372.
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CRAMM, Severin. "The Saar Question as a European Problem From the Trade Union’s Perspective." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-21.
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The Saar region did not immediately become part of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, but was gradually given the status of a semi-protectorate of France from 1947 onwards. The region's high-quality coal and the iron and steel industries were supposed both to help the reconstruction of France and to weaken German industry by being withdrawn of its control. The region was economically and politically closely tied to France; freedom of opinion and of the press for those who advocated annexation to the FRG were restricted. This happened at the same time when Franco- German reconciliation and the beginning of European integration were seen as a sign of a settlement between Germany and France. The Saar issue thus became a regional problem for European integration. In the absence of political opposition, the trade unions of the Saarland became the voice of the critical population and became victims of state persecution. The article highlights the role of the Saarland, German and international trade unions, which therefore proved to be important mediators in the conflict over the future of the Saar region.
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van der Linden, Marcel. "The National Integration of European Working Classes (1871–1914)." International Review of Social History 33, no. 3 (December 1988): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900000883x.
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SummarySeven factors that may have contributed to the national integration of the working classes in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia 1871–1914 are explored: the national process of capital accumulation, the international prestige of the nation, the coming of interregional connections, compulsory education, suffrage, the role of the army, and the introduction of social insurance systems. The (provisional) results of this exploration show a clustering of integration-promoting factors in Britain, Germany and France, which is to a certain extent lacking in Italy and Russia.
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Beckmann, Martin, Frank Deppe, and Mathis Heinrich. "In schlechter Verfassung? Ursachen und Konsequenzen der EU-Verfassungskrise." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 144 (September 1, 2006): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.543.
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After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European Governments.
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Mitrofanova, O. "Experience and Peculiarities of Reconciliation of Contradictions between Germany and France." Problems of World History, no. 15 (September 14, 2021): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-15-5.
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The article is devoted to the study of the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France. The positions of the Presidents of France and Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the theoretical foundations and practical steps of the implementation of French-German reconciliation are studied. This paper deals with the problem of Alsace-Lorraine, a region with a border identity, which repeatedly became the cause of Franco-German disputes and passed from one state to another. The role of the individual in overcoming the contradictions between Germany and France is highlighted. The factor of European integration is considered, which not only contributed to the reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France, but also turned the two states into leaders of a united Europe.
The Elysee Treaty and its implementation were analyzed. The military cooperation between France and Germany is investigated. The problem of historical memory and the desire to reconcile the contradictions between Germany and France are revealed.
It is proved that the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France testify to the fact that the real reconciliation of the two leading states directed their efforts towards a more global goal – the creation of a common Europe. It was concluded that the mechanisms for achieving Franco-German reconciliation are interesting for studying and borrowing, taking into account national characteristics in the reconciliation of other European countries, and regions with borderline identities. The French-German experience may be useful for application in Polish-Ukrainian relations.
The main conclusion from the analysis of the experience and the peculiarities of reconciling the contradictions between Germany and France is that their implementation led to unexpected and far-reaching consequences that once seemed just a dream. At the beginning of European integration in the 50s of the twentieth century, it was difficult to imagine the contemporary EU with its common currency, the Schengen area, developed economy, social programs. Franco-German reconciliation was transformed into the fruitful work of the Franco-German tandem, on the success of which depends not only the future of France and Germany, but the evolution of the entire united Europe.
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Atakishieva, Dzhamilya Gunduz Kyzy, and Natal'ya Nikolaevna Naumova. "The evolution of integration policy of Charles de Gaulle (mid 1950s – late 1960s)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 8 (August 2021): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.8.36041.
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This article traces the evolution of the Western European policy of the General Charles de Gaulle during his presidency. In the early 1950s, he willingly cooperated with the European countries in terms of creating the economic union; however, in the course of solution of decolonization issues and, namely the Algerian problem that constrained the implementation of the key vectors of state policy, the president began focused on advancing the concept of national mightiness of France and commitment to the principles of intergovernmental cooperation in the development of integration. Charles de Gaulle fought for the foundation of the political union “Europe of the Homelands”, in which France would be assigned a significant role. The article analyzes de Gaulle’s failures in negotiations with the “P5+1” countries, which once again demonstrated to the Europeans that building integration is a long and complex process that does not tolerate rapid decisions and requires the ability to compromise. Special attention is turned to the development of integration policy of the General Charles de Gaulle based on his formal speeches, correspondence, and memoirs. De Gaulle's efforts in the sphere of integration policy of the Fifth Republic yielded certain results. First and foremost, he was able to establish the superiority of national principles in addressing the general policy issues in the European Community. Secondly, he prevented the Great Britain from joining the Common Market, as from his opinion it was an economic and political competitor of France. Thirdly, de Gaulle strengthened the international reputation of France as the country that was at the dawn and in the lead of the integration processes in Europe.
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Rieker, Pernille. "Differentiated Defence Integration Under French Leadership." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Special Issue (August 1, 2021): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021029.
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Studies dealing with EU security and defence policy tend to focus exclusively on what is formally included in the Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Other initiatives taken outside this framework are frequently seen potentially undermining the development of EU defence – even when the intention is to strengthen defence capacity. This has been the case with the various initiatives taken within or closely linked to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the recent French approach involving the European Intervention Initiative (EI2). An alternative perspective is to see these as integrated parts of a more flexible and differentiated European security framework where all these initiatives combined contribute to strengthening European defence capacity. Building on the argument presented in the introduction to this Special Issue, this article argues that France, as a leader in promoting ‘l’Europe de la défense’, has been instrumental in promoting this differentiated approach to European defence integration, especially under the Macron presidency. (This article is an output of a research project entitled ‘Balancing between integration and autonomy. Understanding the drivers and mechanisms of the EU’s foreign, security and defence policy’ (EUFLEX), funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131) for the period 2018-21. France, differentiated integration, CSDP, European intervention initiative, security and defence
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Shikhov, D. V. "UK in European Security: New Opportunities or a Path to Nowhere?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-102-107.
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Despite Britain's traditionally ambivalent attitude towards deepening the European integration, in late 1990s - early 2000s London seemed to become a key driver of European defence and security cooperation. T.Blair and J.Chirac have set ambitious goals including the development of a European Rapid Reaction Force. However most targets have never been achieved due to concerns about undermining NATO's role and Britain's as well as other EU members' unwillingness to undertake real steps to strengthen defence and security cooperation. In late 2000s the prospects of defence integration within the EU were becoming more and more vague, and the D.Cameron coalition government opted for bilateral Franco-British cooperation. Today London remains among key opponents to the European defence but the paradox is that EU defence integration without Britain - which is along with France a leading EU military power-would be at least ineffective. With US activities gradually shifting from Europe to Asia-Pacific Britain may well take the lead in European security without any damage to Transatlantic Relations.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro, Karoline Färber, and Anni Boiro. "Mitterrand and the Great European Design—From the Cold War to the European Union." Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0013.
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AbstractFrançois Mitterrand had a leading role in directing the course for the European integration process. While he orchestrated the economic integration of Europe, he remained deeply opposed to further political integration within the Communities. This article researches Mitterrand’s rationale for his clear focus on economic affairs and develops his vision for the institutional setting of the European Union (EU). The focus of the article is allocated to four different perspectives that reflect the four pillars of Mitterrand’s European policy: the common currency, the establishment of a closely integrated and small Western European based EU, the development of the Social Europe and of a free trade area between Europe and Africa. It is argued that although EU institutions have been established based on Mitterrand’s design, today’s reality deviates from the conditions on which his plan was based. For Mitterrand, the ideal EU involved a deep-rooted Western Europe with France at its core and a loose association with Central and Eastern Europe. His perception resembles the current discussions of multi-speed Europe and the determination of France and Germany to proceed to the next stage of the integration process. Importantly, Mitterrand’s print can still be recognised in the EU’s social policy included in the treaties, yet still far from being implemented. Notably, like all of the French Presidents, Mitterrand developed a design for Africa in which an extensive free trade area between Europe and former French colonies were to be established. In this proposal, Germany was to be assigned the part of the economic engine behind the actualisation of the proposal, while France was to carry out the role of a required middle man of the transactions. To further assure France’s political predominance over the Communities, Mitterrand designed a common currency for a small number of homogenous Western-European states.
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OVCHINNIKOVA, VALERIYA. "FRANCO-GERMAN COOPERATION AT THE EARLY STAGES OF EUROPEAN MONETARY INTEGRATION." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-4-58-65.
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The article examines the prerequisites for european monetary integration after the World War II, as well as the stages of the formation of the EU Economic and Monetary Union. The aim of the study is to identify the internal and external factors of european monetary integration, as well as the role of Franco-German cooperation in this process. As a result of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that the european monetary integration was facilitated by both external factors: the influence of the United States in the post-war recovery of destroyed european economy and financial system, as well as the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates; and internal: the successful economic integration of countries and the further desire to remove all barriers, including financial ones, to internal trade. Franco-German cooperation played a significant role in european monetary integration. The positions of the countries on the basic principles of the functioning of the euro zone differed: France defended the flexibility of the monetary union, and Germany, fearing to lose control over the stability of the economy, advocated the harmonization of the economic policies of states. Nevertheless, the countries were able to form a common position and to end the formation of the Economic and Monetary Union on time, introducing the euro.
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Vassallo, Francesca. "Sarkozy and Merkel: The Undeniable Relevance of the Franco-German Bilateral Relationship in Europe." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310106.
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In 2013 France and Germany will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty, signed by the two countries to create a close collaboration in the interest of peace and prosperity. Over the course of five decades, different couples of French Presidents and German Chancellors have dealt with the Paris-Berlin relationship in slightly different ways, some with more success than others. Despite the many changes in the European context and to the balance in the alliance between France and Germany, the initial motivation and meaning of the treaty remains astonishingly valid today, especially in light of its positive contribution to European integration. Even with many possible factors weakening the two countries' core relations, the Franco-German duo retains its historically dominant influence in successful European governance, as the recent Merkozy situation showed.
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Nekrylova, O. G. "Positions of leaders of FRG and France on the way to European unity (1949–1958)." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 657–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-657-663.
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Russian cooperation with the EU countries is currently an important factor in preserving peace on the European continent and affects the entire system of international relations. The need to study the historical experience of European integration is confirmed by the fact that in the conditions of the modern world, European states inevitably become active participants in the integration processes, both global and regional. The article is devoted to the analysis of various foreign policy concepts on European integration in the period 1949–1958. The positions of European leaders, as well as the complex and controversial process of rapprochement between Germany and France in the post-war period, has become a kind of historical prologue that helps today to form a more complete picture of the initial stage of the creation of the EU. The rejection of bloc thinking by «federalists» who tried to overcome the already accomplished division of Europe and supporters of this section by contrasting the West and the East, including the USA, defined strategic concepts in understanding of the integration process by many politicians of that time, including the leaders of Germany and France. The contradictions between them never disappeared completely, but manifested themselves in one form or another at the turning points of European integration.
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Pricopi, Marius. "Germany’s Military Importance for the European Union." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0021.
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Abstract Although a founding member of the European Union, Germany has been rather reluctant to assume a pre-eminent leadership role in the European military integration process, choosing to focus more on social and economic affairs. But following Brexit, Germany might be also called upon to act as an integration “engine” in the defence area. Using the case study method and the analysis of social documents, we argue that Germany’s high level of military integration allows this state to assume, alongside France, a leading role in the defence pursuits of the European Union.
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Strel'tsova, Y. "Immigrants’ Integration under Conditions of Economic Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-55-68.
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This article has considered the main trends of integration: economic one – “trough the work” and by means of social, educational, municipal and citizenship policy in European countries, first of all in France, and in Russia. The attention has been paid on contradictions, which are typical for searching an integration model in modern Russia. This article illustrates the main difficulties of immigrants’ adaptation in European countries, as a result of liberal migratory policy and multicultural model of newcomers’ integration.
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Karagiannis, Yannis. "The Élysée Treaty and European Integration Theory." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310104.
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According to neoliberal institutionalism, states create international institutions to limit information asymmetries, monitor compliance, and ensure the credibility of commitments to agreed-upon policies-in short, to minimize transaction costs. Although this view can help explain the delegation of powers to supranational bodies such as the European Commission, it cannot account for the signature of the Élysée Treaty between France and Germany in January 1963, which reversed the logic of supranational delegation. Understanding the causes and the consequences of this apparently anomalous event is therefore a major challenge facing scholars of international organizations, European integration, and German foreign policy alike. To start addressing the issue, this article develops an explanation based on incomplete contracts theory. In a nutshell, I argue that the Élysée Treaty aimed at securing the equal treatment of French and German interests in the process of European integration, thereby allowing the deepening of European integration.
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Rausch, Fabian. "«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-221.
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«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 This article proposes a comparative perspective on the role of constitutions in European political cultures from 1814 to c.1835. Through its analysis of constitutions first as a means to legitimising post-revolutionary monarchies, and secondly as a means to integrating the divided societies in France, Great Britain as well as the German states, this article suggests two major results: 1) Constitutions were a central instrument that was imagined by post-revolutionary European societies in order to open up an «evolutionary» path to political progress and thereby finally «end» or «prevent» further revolutionary changes. 2) The major challenges to constitutional integration were posed by the emergence of competing political groups that often demanded a strengthening of certain parts of the constitutions or their further reform. The problems, which were faced by almost all political actors regarding the acceptance of these new imperatives of party politics and the different constitutional «solutions» that they had developed to meet these challenges, provide explanations for the different constitutional paths that were taken by Great Britain, the German states and France during the early 1830s. In Great Britain, a common constitutionalist language enabled a precarious understanding amongst the competing groups, whereas anti-pluralist constitutional conceptions led to constitutional instability in France and even damaged the very idea of constitutional integration in Germany thus benefitting a «unification first»-approach in the German states.
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Kyryushko, M. I. "Dialogue between Muslims and Christians as part of the process of integrating Muslims into European society." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1702.
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The presence of a large Muslim community in many European countries (most notably France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain), a growing role in the political processes of the Muslim population of Turkey, Albania, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Kosovo region, the Kosovo region, and the Kosovo region. centers in European capitals, the emergence of international pan-European Muslim organizations attract the attention of researchers. The problem is whether modern Muslims are living in developed European countries as genuine Europeans, are they seeking full integration into European society, or are they looking to find themselves in a kind of new ghetto, delineated by the boundaries of religious and cultural differences.
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Groenendijk, Kees. "Pre-departure Integration Strategies in the European Union: Integration or Immigration Policy?" European Journal of Migration and Law 13, no. 1 (2011): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181611x558191.
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AbstractSeveral States require immigrants from outside the EU to participate in language or integration courses after arrival. In recent years, some EU Member States made passing a language test (Netherlands and Germany) or participating in a language course (France) a condition for a visa for family reunification for immigrants from certain third countries. Denmark and the UK introduced a similar requirement in 2010. The focus of his article is on three aspects: the political debate, the legal constraints and the effects. Firstly, the development of the pre-departure integration strategies is analyzed. What was the rationale behind the introduction and does is vary between Member States? Secondly, the legal constraints of EU and international law are discussed. Finally, the results of the first studies evaluating this policy instrument are presented. Is pre-departure a good predictor for immigrant’s ability to integrate? Does it actually assist integration, and what are the unexpected or counterproductive effects?
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Tahir, Tayyaba Batool, Rafida Nawaz, and Muqarrab Akbar. "The Islamic Headscarf: A threat to Secularity, Modernity, and Integration." Global Regional Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 269–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).30.
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No other piece of cloth has ever caused this much debate as the headscarf. This paper examines the headscarf debate in three European countries i.e., France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. Firstly, the headscarf affair depicts different state policies developed and implemented by three countries, to integrate the Muslim immigrants. Secondly, an analysis of different approaches used by these countries regarding the headscarf issue highlights the place of Muslims and Islam in the European countries. Lastly, this paper contends that the headscarf controversy in France, Germany and the United Kingdom revolves around the issues of secularity vs. Islamic fundamentalism, gender equality vs. religious rights, modernity vs. backwardness and integration vs. assimilation. In this paper, we argue that contrary to the common perception that Muslims are intolerant, backward, and theocratic; the act of banning the headscarf by some of the European countries, in fact, proved these countries to be intolerant and authoritarian towards Muslims.
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Baun, Michael J. "The Maastricht Treaty as High Politics: Germany, France, and European Integration." Political Science Quarterly 110, no. 4 (1995): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151886.
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Groenewegen, John. "European Integration and Changing Corporate Governance Structures: The Case of France." Journal of Economic Issues 34, no. 2 (June 2000): 471–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2000.11506286.
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Ram, Melanie H. "European Integration, Migration and Representation: The Case of Roma in France." Ethnopolitics 13, no. 3 (October 7, 2013): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.844430.
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Majewska, Elżbieta, and Joanna Olbryś. "The Evolution of Financial Integration on Selected European Stock Markets: a Dynamic Principal Component Approach." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, no. 4 (December 30, 2017): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0027.
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The goal of this paper is to recognize the dynamics of financial integration across the European stock markets over the last two decades. We investigate two groups of markets: (1) three developed European markets in the U.K., France, and Germany; and (2) three emerging Central and Eastern European markets in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary (CEE–3). The evolution of the integration process is analyzed using a dynamic principal component approach. The index of integration serves as a robust measure of integration. The empirical results reveal that the dynamics of integration across the whole group of markets increased significantly following the CEEC–3’s accession to the European Union. An inverted U‑shape in the index of integration has been found in this case. Moreover, the average index of integration was significantly different during the Global Financial Crisis compared to the pre‑crisis period.
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Chernega, Vladimir. "Various approaches to building of «European Defence» in France." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 114–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.06.
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The article considers the views existing in France on the prospects of the European Union becoming a «political power» and the appearance in it of its own military instrument. It is noted that, in the opinion of most French politicians, experts and journalists, the EU is still far from being a full-pledged political subject. Although political and military structures are formed in it, as a kind of «embrio» of quasi statehood, and a «neo-imperial» tendency already exists in it, basically the EU is an economic and «civilian» power which must fight for influence on the international arena only with the help of «soft power». The main reason of its weakness is its internal friability, disagreements between Members States over its future. In addition, the United States, which are not interested in a new global rival, are hampering the achievement of the self-sufficiency, especially in the military-political share. NATO, controlled by the USA, can only allow the creation of a «European pillar» under its umbrella. Eastern European countries are against military integration of the EU, because they are oriented not by Brussels, but by Washington in the security field. However, the rise of China and the election of the nationalist Donald Trump as a President of the United States strengthened the trend in the EU advocating its political independence and the creation of its own «European defence». The article analyzes the initiatives and actions of French President Emmanuel Macron who personifies this trend. It is stated that, with the help of Germany, he managed to achieve certain progress both in terms of general integration and in the field of «European defence». This allowed him to speak about the formation of a «European army». But the question of whether he will be able to go further remains open. Besides the obstacles to political and military integration, which did not disappear, the coronavirus pandemic introduces its «corrections». The newly discovered split in the EU into «South» and «North» called into question its already fragile construction.
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Xing, Liu, Csaba Jansik, and Jyrki Niemi. "A measure of cereal market integration between Finland and European major countries." Suomen Maataloustieteellisen Seuran Tiedote, no. 28 (January 31, 2012): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33354/smst.75671.
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From take-off in January 2007 to peaks in the first half of 2008, wheat prices worldwide including Finland were doubled at the highest compared to the previous years, which known as “food crisis”. Rising prices for key staples ran alarm bells. The producer price for cereal products in Finland has become much more volatile, and the price level has followed the average price in the EU more closely than earlier. This indicates that the prices have become more subject to the changes in other EU countries. Within EU, one of the key targets of the CAP is to facilitate the spatial integration of agricultural markets within the individual member states as well as within the community. In other words, on a spatially integrated market, price information should freely flow between member states. International trade and trade liberalization contribute to greater price transmission elasticities as domestic markets become better integrated into the world economy. Therefore, the integration of the Finnish cereal market in the EU has important implications for domestic agricultural policy. In EU, Germany is the most important trading partners of wheat and barley for Finland, and France is the most important consumer and producer of all cereal products in EU and the Exchange Market of cereal products MATIFF is also located in France. Thus Germany and France are the best price benchmark market for the Finnish producer to follow the prices. Our aim is to estimate the characteristics of the Finnish bread wheat and feed barley markets in relation to those of Germany and France from producer's point of view. Especially we investigate the impact of “Food Crises” on the estimates of price transmission of Finnish producer’s prices in comparison to the European bench-mark countries, which are Germany and France. Methodologically, we apply the threshold vector error correction model (TVECM) developed by Balke and Fomby (1997) Goodwin and Piggott (2001), Hansen and Seo (2002), to identify regimes, one of which cover the food crises period. A TVECM allows us to more accurately discern the existence of a long-term equilibrium relationship among the stochastic processes as well as test for price asymmetry. We focus attention on the estimation of the transmission elasticities in different regimes especially during the period of food crisis. We found that the LOP held very well in the Finnish producer’s cereal market with those in Germany and France. Noticeably, the speed of adjustment towards long-term equilibrium was found to be quite fast during “food crises” for both cases of feed barley and bread wheat. It implied that Finnish producer prices of cereal products were cointegrated to EU market faster and better during price escalation and the time of “food crises”. It seems that “food crises” brought also opportunity for Finland to open agricultural markets, which is very important after the European market liberalized policies for the agricultural markets.
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Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.
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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.
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Huelshoff, Michael G. "A "Privileged Partnership?" Franco-German Relations and the Development of EU Social Policy." American Review of Politics 16 (November 1, 1995): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.253-276.
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The revival of European Union studies has, to date, been guided primarily by intergovernmental theories of regional integration. This essay examines one intergovernmental model of regional integration, namely coalition building between France and Germany. In a case study of EU social policy, it is found that the trajectory of policy-making is not consistent with the predictions of the coalition version of intergovemmentalism. Rather, models of regional integration should pay more attention to the domestic politics of members to better explain their behavior at the European level.
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Naidu, G. N., and Askar Choudhury. "Portfolio Diversification in the European Union: A Country Beta Approach." Journal of Finance Issues 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2007): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.58886/jfi.v5i2.2618.
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This abstract was created post-production by the JFI Editorial Board. This research study explores the opportunities for investment diversification in EU (European Union) stock markets. Prior co-integration tests on stock markets of France and the ten new members of the Union found that the stock markets are not yet integrated. The lack of integration among the 25 EU stock markets offers an opportunity for investors in and outside of EU to diversify and reduce risk. This paper implements Naidu-Choudhury approach of country beta to construct portfolios in EU for French, German, and British investors and examine their performance using Sharpe's Index. The results, based on performance measure, indicate that Naidu-Choudhury approach (country-beta based) is superior to Markowitz approach (correlation based) for all three markets; namely France, German, and Britain. Moreover, Naidu-Choudhury approach produced a portfolio that has positive risk-adjusted return.
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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. "When in Doubt, Use Proxies." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 5 (October 1998): 569–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005002.
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This article argues that citizens employ proxies rooted in attitudes about domestic politics when responding to survey questions about the European integration process. It develops a model of public opinion toward European integration based on attitudes toward the political system, the incumbent government, and establishment parties. With the help of data from Eurobarometer 34.0, the study tests political and economic models of public support for membership in the European Union in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, and Portugal. The analyses show that system and establishment party support are the most powerful determinants of support for membership in the European Union. The results also suggest that the relationship between economic factors and support previously reported in research on public opinion toward European integration is likely to be mediated by domestic political attitudes.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.
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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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Fiszer, Józef M. "Niemcy i Francja w Unii Europejskiej po brexicie." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 26 (September 28, 2018): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2018.26.03.
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There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU but also in Germany and France. It will affect their place and role in the new international order that is currently being shaped. Today, however, it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe and the whole world after Brexit. Currently, the opinions of researchers and experts on this subject are divided. Many fear that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the EU and that it will lead to so-called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that Brexit, nolens volens, may accelerate the EU’s modernisation process. This will require the adoption of a new revision treaty. This treaty will be developed under the dictation of Germany and France, which are the most influential countries in the EU.The purpose of this article is to answer a few questions, particularly what role Germany and France can and will play in the EU after Brexit. Will these countries again become the driving force in the process of European integration and the EU’s modernisation, or will they remain passive and contribute to the break-up of the EU? Moreover, the author intends to show the opportunities and threats for the EU without the United Kingdom, which counterbalanced the influence of Germany and France in Europe.
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Meunier-Aitsahalia, Sophie. "France and European Integration: Toward a Transnational Polity?By Michel R. Gueldry." Political Science Quarterly 117, no. 1 (March 2002): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/798117.
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Maxwell, Rahsaan. "Political Participation in France among Non-European-Origin Migrants: Segregation or Integration?" Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830903471537.
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Soriano, Encarnación, and Verónica C. Cala. "What Attitudes Toward Refugees Do Future European Teachers Have? A Comparative Analysis between France and Spain." Sustainability 11, no. 11 (May 30, 2019): 3066. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113066.
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(1) Background. The increase in international conflicts and humanitarian crises has led to an increase in the movement of people to Europe. The legal and moral commitments of the European Union require the incorporation and integration of such refugees. In this sense, the school and its teaching staff are a key agent in the challenge of integrating newly arrived students. This research analyses attitudes towards inclusive European citizenship, the recognition of rights, and feelings of threat and affective reactions, experienced by future teachers towards refugees in France and Spain. (2) Methods. The investigation was carried out through a cross-sectional survey. There were 851 participants of Spanish and French nationality. (3) Results. The French future teachers showed a lower perception of any threat, and a better predisposition towards the reception of refugees than their Spanish counterparts. Women are those who show a greater recognition of the rights of refugees, and a better predisposition to their integration in Europe. French women feel less of a threat than Spanish women, and are more affective towards refugees. The main predictor of inclusive European citizenship is a low perception of threat related to refugees. (4) Conclusions. Future teachers showed sensitivity towards the accommodation of refugees, but programs that prevent growing xenophobia and discredit towards the European Union are still necessary.
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Fedorov, Sergey. "Macron's “European Project”: Four Years Later (French Plans and the Realities of the European Union)." Contemporary Europe 105, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520216878.
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The initiatives of large-scale reforms of the European Union to accelerate European integration and to achieve “European sovereignty” were one of the main topics of the presidential program of E. Macron. For the first time in the political history of the Fifth Republic, the future head of state synchronized the implementation of internal reforms in France with an ambitious “European project”. The article analyzes the progress of the implementation of the European program of Macron and examines the reasons which have not allowed to achieve the implementation of the plans. The author summarizes the preliminary results of the European policy of Paris, holding that the French leader's European initiatives were unrealistic since they did not sufficiently take into account the current complex realities and contradictions of the European Union, as well as the past negative experience of France in promoting the idea of creating a “Europe-Power”. A forecast is made about a possible new version of Macron's “E
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Boyron, Sophie. "The ‘New’ French Constitution and the European Union." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 11 (2009): 321–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802730675.
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AbstractFor a long time, French constitutional law did not appear to concern itself unduly with the European Communities and the process of European integration: the French Constitution did not contain any reference to the European Communities and the Conseil constitutionnel had little involvement with international treaties and their enforcement as a result of an early decision. However, the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 triggered a process of deep constitutional change in France. Since then, the text of the French Constitution has been repeatedly amended to respond to the quickening pace of European integration. Furthermore, the Conseil constitutionnel has totally transformed its control of the constitutionality of international treaties. An assessment of these constitutional changes seems opportune at this juncture. More specifically, an investigation into the manner in which the French constitution reacted to the changing European Union helps cast some light on the impact of European integration on national constitutions.
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Boyron, Sophie. "The ‘New’ French Constitution and the European Union." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 11 (2009): 321–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000001622.
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AbstractFor a long time, French constitutional law did not appear to concern itself unduly with the European Communities and the process of European integration: the French Constitution did not contain any reference to the European Communities and the Conseil constitutionnel had little involvement with international treaties and their enforcement as a result of an early decision. However, the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 triggered a process of deep constitutional change in France. Since then, the text of the French Constitution has been repeatedly amended to respond to the quickening pace of European integration. Furthermore, the Conseil constitutionnel has totally transformed its control of the constitutionality of international treaties. An assessment of these constitutional changes seems opportune at this juncture. More specifically, an investigation into the manner in which the French constitution reacted to the changing European Union helps cast some light on the impact of European integration on national constitutions.
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Rakhmayil, Sergiy. "Dating Capital Market Integration In The EMU." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 10, no. 3 (March 14, 2011): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v10i3.4102.
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This paper analyzes the effect of the Euro on structural breaks in financial market variables in a sample of three EMU (France, Germany, Netherlands) and two non-EMU (U.K. and Switzerland) countries from March 1984 to November 2002. We identify two dates when integration-related structural breaks occurred in European asset pricing; the first in 1986 affected all sample countries whereas the second in 2000 affected only the EMU countries and could be attributed to the adoption of Euro in 1999.
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Varga-Kocsicska, Aleksandra. "Serbia and France: the special relationship?" European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 23 (July 31, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n23p1.
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What is the relationship between the European Union and the Western Balkans, and Serbia in particular? The author reviews the process of accession of the Western Balkan countries (with a focus on Serbia) to the European Union, but also the geopolitical stakes in this region, which is sought after by external actors such as China and Russia, and which the European Union should pay more attention in order to strengthen its strategic autonomy. The EU needs to take a bold stance in the Western Balkans and France wants to be at the forefront. European actors must show future member states that the door to full membership is indeed open, but only if they can truly embrace democratic values. In his analysis, the author writes about Serbia's path towards EU integration through an increasingly close relationship with France. The current situation in Serbia is rather complex. Will it continue with its "hamster in the wheel" approach, where the result is always expected to be the same, or should Serbia adopt a different approach for the future? As concerns Serbia, France will certainly continue to insist on economic cooperation and the improvement of French investments in Serbia. They will also take a stand against damaging foreign influences which they believe could potentially destabilize the region and are fundamentally at cross purposes with the policy favored by the European Union.
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Janssen, Joseph I. H. "Postmaterialism, Cognitive Mobilization and Public Support for European Integration." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (October 1991): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006256.
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This article reviews the trends in public support for European integration in West Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain. The first conclusion is that the picture one gets depends heavily on the indicator one uses to measure support. This finding is probably a consequence of the fact that many people are only dimly aware of the issue. Furthermore, it appears that there are striking cross-national differences in support and in the development of support through time. To explain these differences, as well as the formation of individual attitudes towards integration, Inglehart's theory of the Silent Revolution is used. The theory and its central concepts – postmaterialism and cognitive mobilization – are put on trial at three levels of aggregation. The results are poor. Postmaterialism appears to be unrelated to attitudes towards European integration, while the concept of cognitive mobilization makes sense only at the individual level. The conclusion is therefore that Inglehart's theory is of almost no use in explaining attitudes towards integration and cross-national differences in support.
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Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. "Mixed Unions and Immigrant-Group Integration in North America and Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 662, no. 1 (October 11, 2015): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215594611.
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We examine unions between individuals with non-Western immigrant origins and those from the native majorities in six North American and Western European countries: Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The analysis shows that certain deep social cleavages, involving African ancestry in the United States and Muslim religion in Western Europe, hinder the formation of mixed unions; in the European case, low rates of mixed unions are linked in some countries to high rates of transnational marriage. Overall, the rates of mixed unions appear to be higher in Canada, France, and the United States, suggesting a role for integration-related ideologies. In the case of the United States, we are able to trace the consequences of mixed unions, which appear likely to have the effect of changing, or expanding, the societal mainstream. Yet we conclude that mixed unions do not have a uniform significance for integration and that their effects are context-dependent.
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Wassenberg, Birte. "“Return of Mental Borders”: A Diary of COVID-19 Closures between Kehl, Germany, and Strasbourg, France." Borders in Globalization Review 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr21202019886.
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This paper retraces the author’s personal experience of the COVID-19 lockdown from March to July 2020 at the Franco-German border from a threefold perspective: that of a cross-border worker living in Kehl, Germany, and working in Strasbourg, France; that of a Franco-German citizen with a family and children of both French and German nationality; and that of a researcher specialized in border studies. The paper deals with national re-bordering policies and their direct personal and psychological consequences for borderlanders, and also questions whether such measures are adequate to contain the pandemic, especially in a context of European Union integration which is based on the principle of a “Europe without borders”.
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Kelemen, R. Daniel, and Tommaso Pavone. "The Political Geography of Legal Integration." World Politics 70, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 358–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000011.
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How are processes of political development structured across space and time by preexisting institutions? This article develops a spatiotemporal theory of institutional change by analyzing the evolving infrastructural power of the European Union's legal order using geospatial methods. Specifically, the authors theorize that the pattern and pace of the domestic spread of EU law has been shaped by preexisting state institutions—particularly by the degree to which national judiciaries are hierarchically organized. To assess this claim, the article compares patterns of domestic judicial enforcement of EU law across France (a unitary state with a centralized judiciary), Italy (a weaker unitary state with a centralized judiciary), and Germany (a federal state with a decentralized judiciary). Developing a geospatial approach to the study of legal integration and historical institutionalism more broadly, the authors leverage an original geocoded data set of cases referred to the European Court of Justice by national courts to visualize how the subnational penetration of Europe's supranational legal order is conditioned by state institutions.
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Zimmermann, Hubert. "The Euro under Scrutiny: Histories and Theories of European Monetary Integration." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002090.
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Kenneth Dyson, The Politics of the Euro-Zone. Stability or Breakdown? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 311 pp., ISBN 0-199-24164-3. Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone, The Road to Maastricht. Negotiating Economic and Monetary Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 860 pp., ISBN 0-198-28077-7. Peter Henning Loedel, Deutsche Mark Politics: Germany in the European Monetary System (London: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 264 pp., ISBN 1-555-87835-0. Kathleen R. McNamara, The Currency of Ideas: Monetary Politics in the European Union, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 200 pp., ISBN 0-801-43432-7. James I. Walsh, European Monetary Integration and Domestic Politics. Britain, France, and Italy (London: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 182 pp., ISBN 1-555-87823-7. Amy Verdun, European Responses to Globalisation and Financial Market Integration (London: Macmillan, 2000), 260 pp., ISBN 0-333-71708-2.