Journal articles on the topic 'European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland'
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1
Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (March 1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.
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Bhattacharya, Purusottam. "Foreign Policy Coordination in the European Community." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849004600101.
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One of the corner stones of the European Economic Community since its inception in 1958 has been the concept of political cooperation among the member states. Despite its economic character the founding fathers envisaged an essentially political community to be brought about by greater functional cooperation through Community organs such as the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament.1 Greater harmony was also to be brought about in the conduct of Member States' foreign relations and the Community was increasingly to speak with one voice in international affairs.2 Although the necessity to impart a more formal character to the process of consultations on foreign policy issues was felt during the decade following the establishment of the Community the first concrete steps in this regard were initiated only in 1969 which resulted in the so-called ‘Davignon Report’ in 1970.3 Following its recommendation for a common European diplomatic effort European Political Cooperation (EPC) was set up in 1970. The process which was to consist of foreign policy coordination among the Member States of the European Community was to be conducted outside the framework of the treaties establishing the Community and thus not to be governed by the decision-making rules that applied to the meetings of the EEC Council of Ministers.4
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György, Simon. "Ireland’s “economic miracle” and globalisation." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 1-2 (2005): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502005s.
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The paper gives a comprehensive picture of fundamental issues connected with the Irish ?economic miracle?, with especial regard to globalisation effect. The analysis of Ireland?s economic development in the period from 1960 to 2003 answers the question why it decelerated, instead of accelerating, for a long time: two decades after the accession to the European Community in 1973 and mainly the enigma, the ?economic miracle? why the rate of growth accelerated in the decade after 1993 to an extent (on annual average to almost 8 percent) similar to that previously observed only in East Asia. The country has not only caught up economically with the European Union, but has approximated the level of development of the United States. The analysis shows that all this can be attributed not only to Ireland?s favourable conditions, but also to an adequate economic policy and foreign direct investment. The author reveals the so-called globalisation effect that in Ireland after 1993 had a decisive role in the extraordinary acceleration of economic growth.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G., and Alfred Tovias. "Foreign Economic Relations of the: European Community the Impact of Spain and Portugal." International Journal 47, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202751.
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Cramer, Dale L. "Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal." Comparative Economic Studies 34, no. 1 (April 1992): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1992.8.
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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Foreign economic relations of the European community: The impact of Spain and Portugal." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90182-7.
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Barry, Frank, and Clare O’Mahony. "Regime Change in 1950s Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (August 16, 2017): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.
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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign ownership. The fact that the United States had overtaken the United Kingdom as the major global source of FDI made it easier to secure Fianna Fáil support. US firms were particularly interested in access to European Economic Community (EEC) markets, however, which was not within Ireland’s gift. The export processing zone at Shannon, which might be seen as Lemass’s response to the inter-party initiatives, proved to be of immediate appeal to them. US firms would come to predominate in the non-Shannon region only after Ireland’s entry to the EEC.
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Cebotari, Svetlana, and Carolina Budurina-Goreacii. "THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON BRITISH-EUROPEAN RELATIONS." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).03.
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The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.
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Thi Nguyen, Hang Thuy. "A Historical Review of the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0002.
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Abstract With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards European Political Cooperation (EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed that the European Community’s desire to achieve EPC and to parallel the European Community’s economic increasing strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased by first its economic integration and then its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to re-consider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Nguyen, Thi Thuy Hang. "A Shift in U.S. Foreign Policy under the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation: A Historical Analysis." Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0007.
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AbstractWith a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards the European Political Cooperation (the EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed the European Community’s desire to achieve the EPC and to parallel the European Community’s increasing economic strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on the European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting of foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of the EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased first by its economic integration and then by its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to reconsider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted the EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Yakovleva, Nailya. "LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Jain, Rajendra K. "India and Britain’s First Application to Join the European Community, 1961–1963." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (January 20, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983097.
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The first British application to join the European Economic Community (EEC) in July 1961 came at a time when India confronted an acute foreign exchange crisis and chronic trade deficits and when it was heavily dependent on the UK as a major market. Unlike the widely held belief, this article argues that India engaged Community institutions in a proactive and calibrated manner from the outset till de Gaulle vetoed British membership in January 1963. It highlights the crucial role of the Indian Mission in Brussels and its first ambassador to EEC in efforts to seek redressal of Indian concerns and secure a viable trade arrangement with the Community.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Sekongo, N. B. "PROBLEMS OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF WEST AFRICAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION, PROSPECTS FOR THEIR DEVELOPMENT." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 3 (May 29, 2020): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-3-102-110.
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The problems of trade and economic relations between West African countries and the European Union have been considered in the article in detail, a brief description of the Economic Community of West African States has been given. The essence of relationships between West Africa and the European Union based on the papers, both foreign and domestic researchers in the field of security, regional economic development and integration etc. has been disclosed. The historical path within the framework of international legal documentation that preceded the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement has been described. The conducted study was based on the analysis of the cost dynamics of exports, imports and trade balance, their structure has been briefly adduced. The main negative aspects faced by West African countries in connection with the implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement, in particular tariff restrictions, the ban on the use of export taxes, which undermines the national sovereignty of the Economic Community of West African States, have been revealed. Nevertheless, the signed Agreement will allow West Africa to actively integrate into world trade, improve the economic and demographic situation, while the overall trade tariff will remain at the same level.
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Oppong, Richard Frimpong. "Private International Law and the African Economic Community: A Plea for Greater Attention." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 2006): 911–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei134.
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Private international law deals with problems that arise when transactions or claims involve a foreign element. Such problems are most frequent in a setting that allows for the growth of international relationships, be they commercial or personal. Economic integration provides such a setting and allows for the free movement of persons, goods, services and capital across national boundaries. The facilitation of factor mobility resulting from economic integration and the concomitant growth in international relationships results in problems which call for resolution using the tools of private international law. An economic community cannot function solely on the basis of economic rules; attention must also be paid to the rules for settling cross-border disputes. Consequently, considerable attention is given to the subject within the European Union (EU)1 and other economic communities.2
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Ivanov, Denys. "The Foreign Historiography of the British Foreign Policy Process (1990-2010)." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.82-102.
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The paper deals with the analysis of the foreign historiography of the British foreign policy during 1990-2010. The author analyses the main aspects of British European politics that attracted attention of foreign researchers, as well as the British-American special relations and British position towards the regional conflict management. The political events from the U.K. accession to the European Economic Community (1973) to the retirement of the Gordon Brown’s cabinet (2010) have been revised for better understanding of general political trends. The study investigates the works analysing of the Britain’s European policy, its specific features and the correlation between Atlanticism and Europeanism in the British foreign policy. It as well formulates a number of analytical conclusions related to the formation of the U.K.’s position towards the regional conflicts from the Bosnian War (1992-1995) to the Russian-Georgian conflict (2008). The events associated with the referendum on Brexit (2016) highlight the importance of a study of the British foreign policy process. In this regard, it seems expedient to study such aspects as the foreign policy decision-making mechanisms, the definition of their motivations and the influence of democratic institutions such as political parties and nongovernmental organizations thereupon. The study of this issue will contribute to the formation of a scientific concept for the development of Ukrainian democratic institutions.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 156 (2003): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Izotov, Alexander. "Crisis formation in Russia’s relations with the European Union and the Western community: Prospects for changes." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 2 (2021): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.202.
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The article analyzes the current crisis in relations between Russia and the European Union (EU) which is part of a more global crisis in the relations between Russia and the Western community that can be analyzed in terms of the Russian-Western “cool war” concept. Firstly, the main trends in relations between Russia and the EU since the early 1990s are analyzed within three main dimensions of their interactions (economic interdependence; political values and institutions; foreign policy dimension) in the context of relations between Russia and the Western community. The article then examines how the current crisis and its key factors (relations between Russia and the EU in their common neighborhood; mutual sanctions regimes established by Moscow and Brussels against each other; transformation of the relations between Russia, the EU and its member states as a result of the crisis) are analyzed and discussed by the Western and Russian academic and expert communities. Specific attention is paid to the issues and problems that are prioritized by Russian and Western scholars, how they have been studied, how the scholars and experts reveal the causes and consequences of the relevant aspects of the current crisis in the EU-Russia relations in the context of a more global confrontational stagnation in the relations between Russia and the Western community. Conclusions are made regarding prospects for any changes in the current crisis of EU-Russia relations, and the factors that could stimulate or limit these changes are outlined.
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Baykov, Andrey A. "Economic Regionalism as a Planetary Phenomenon. Theory And Methodology of Comparison." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-38-53.
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Nowadays integration could be considered as worldwide-political phenomenon with its multielement structure. The growing integratedness allows the little and medium states to build a constructive conversation with important players, equalize the growth rates, life quality as well as to contribute to settlement of international conflicts. This article deals with the theory and methodology of Economic Integration in Europe. The author investigates the roots of integration processes in after-war period in Europe. With establishment of European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951 the integration became a key element of international policy. The author revises the evolution of the Integration theory from implementing of “federalism” term till development of comparative integration area in international relations science. The author used original foreign and Russian sources for preparing the current article.
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Sarkisian, Larysa. "Stimulation of Green Export in the Context of European Integration." Central Ukrainian Scientific Bulletin. Economic Sciences, no. 5(38) (2020): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32515/2663-1636.2020.5(38).56-66.
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Increased trade and economic cooperation between countries includes inter-state agreements on trade facilitation and the promotion of a wide range of cooperation. In the face of current global challenges, cooperation among countries is taking, inter alia, forms of integration processes, significantly transforming the established system of foreign economic relations and including in the agenda issues that are outside the traditional economic discourse. The environmental dimension of economic policy has become one of the cornerstones in determining conformity with the best international practices of trade policy and its incorporation into the rules of economic spaces. The inclusion of Ukraine in the European Single Economic Area under the Association Agreement and the introduction of the European Green Deal require a review of the environmental aspects of trade policy. Addressing this issue demands, inter alia, the development of incentives for green export flows in the context of integration processes. The aim of the article is to define the determinative the role of environmental factors in the formulation of policies to promote green exports in the context of European integration. The formation of economic systems based on the principles of sustainable development has generated a list of risks and challenges that have influenced national governments and the global community to rethink traditional frameworks and incentives, transforming structural and sectoral policies and programmes. In the face of increasing environmental concerns and their impact on the quality of future generations life, the implementation of the European Green Deal could potentially serve as a model for emulation and implementation in the partner countries of the European Union, including Ukraine through close socio-economic and political inter-state relations. One of the biggest challenges for the national economy is the timely and adaptive introduction of appropriate long-term economic policies that will increase the competitiveness of green goods and services in the European market. Further research should focus on the development of enabling measures and tools to support the technological upgrading of environmental exporters and the removal of barriers to increase their presence in new markets.
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Hantrais, Linda. "Introduction: Themed Section on the European Union and Social Policy: National and EU Policy Interaction." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001283.
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When the European Economic Community was established in 1957, the six founding member states (Belgium, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) had a shared interest, though each for their own reasons, in ensuring that provisions to promote the harmonisation of national social protection systems figured in the treaties. Progressively, and as membership of the Community expanded and diversified, the social dimension came to be accepted as a legitimate, albeit contested and subordinate, component in European law and policy. Whereas the social protection systems of the six original member states could be considered as variants of the continental model of welfare, the new waves of membership in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s brought different conceptions of social protection, making harmonisation ever-more difficult to achieve. Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in the second wave were characterised by their universal welfare systems. Greece, Portugal and Spain in the third wave had less developed, minimalist provision for social protection. In the fourth wave, Austria was closer to the founding member states, whereas Finland and Sweden represented the Nordic model with their universalist system based on social democratic criteria.
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Sojka, Elżbieta. "Health condition of ageing populations of the European Union." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 23, no. 23 (March 1, 2014): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2014-0009.
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AbstractThe paper is a comparative analysis of health condition of EU-27 states that are differentiated with respect to demographic situation and the level of social and economic development with the use of methods of multidimensional comparative analysis. Relationships between macroeconomic values and health indices of EU populations were also studied with the use of demometric models. The study was performed for 2009. The most favourable health situation (in the light of diagnostic qualities adopted for the study) was observed in Cyprus, where the value of synthetic measure was almost 0.9. Cyprus is a relatively young country, with the lowest rate of mortality due to malicious tumours among all the countries of the European Community. Apart from Cyprus, Ireland was found in the first group (the lowest rate of people at 65+ years of age of all EU countries), Luxembourg (low rate of infant mortality) and Spain (relatively low mortality due to diseases of circulatory system). Definitely the worst health situation was observed in majority of the countries of the former Eastern bloc. On the grounds of the correlation diagram it was possible to conclude that, together with social and economic development of the country and resulting growth in expenditures on health protection per capita, mean life expectancy at birth significantly extended. However, these relations are not linear. Logarithmically constructed regression functions proved a strong and statistically significant impact of macroeconomic values on indices of population health condition.
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Volkov, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, and A. Shchedrin. "Experience of Overcoming of Crisis Phenomena in Some EU Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-35-47.
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The article analyses the most recent experience of anti-recessionary policies in several EU member nations, such as UK, Nordic countries (especially Sweden), Ireland, Baltic countries and Greece. As for Great Britain, its government implemented traditional package of anti-crisis measures aimed at support of national financial system and stimulation of economic growth. By 2010 the nation reached relative economic stability and then proceeded into a slow recovery. Still, the crisis highlighted serious risks of ongoing financialization and de-industrialization in the UK. So, the government began to develop a long-term program of modernization and structural reshaping of national economy. Nordic countries also actively used Keynesian-type anti-crisis measures. The most interesting is Swedish case. The nation passed the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009 smoother than other EU members due to deep institutional reforms undertaken after the acute crisis of 1991-1993. Then Sweden experienced a deep fall of GDP combined with a crisis of local banks, surge of interest rates and unemployment level, weakening of national currency. This pushed Riksbank to introduce strict measures for limiting the inflation rate, Riksdag – caps for state budget expenditure. State sector of national economy was substantially decreased. These measures proved to have long-term positive implications. In contrast, Ireland that enjoyed an impressive economic growth before 2008 was badly prepared to external shocks. The Irish government’s reactions to financial and economic turmoil were rather spontaneous. The main task was to stabilize the local financial system that suffered from excessive dependency on foreign markets. Only by 2014 Ireland showed signs of economic recovery. Similarly, Baltic countries found themselves to be ill prepared for functioning under economic crisis conditions. Neither national governments nor EU Commission succeeded to propose efficient anti-crisis actions. As a result, population of Baltic nations most heavily suffered from the crisis. In Greece crisis made inevitable substantial revision of national social and economic model, as well as the political parties’ system. Under strong pressures from the EU Greece at last started to implement long-needed reforms in such spheres as budget planning, labor legislation, social insurance, healthcare and education. Acknowledgments. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Humanitarian Scientific Foundation. Project № 14-07-00047a “European Union as a Testing Site of New Anti-Crisis Technologies under Conditions of Globalization”.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. "De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur: The Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2)." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 4–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032192.
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The concluding segment of this two-part article explores two key episodes in French foreign policy under President Charles de Gaulle: (1) France's veto of British membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), and (2) de Gaulle's decisions to provoke and then resolve the “empty chair” crisis of 1965–1966. These two cases, like the two examined in Part 1 of this article, demonstrate the fundamental importance of economic considerations in de Gaulle's policy toward the EEC. De Gaulle was a democratic politician first and a geopolitical visionary second. His experience tells us a great deal about the limits imposed by modern democratic politics on any leader who might hope to make statecraft serve an idiosyncratic political vision. The article concludes with an analysis of possible counterarguments and a discussion of the proper use of historical evidence.
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Mckendry, Eugene. "Irish and Polish in a New Context of Diversity in Northern Ireland’s Schools." Studia Celtica Posnaniensia 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scp-2017-0008.
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Abstract While Modern Languages are in decline generally in the United Kingdom’s post-primary schools, including in Northern Ireland (Speak to the Future 2014), the international focus on primary languages has reawakened interest in the curricular area, even after the ending in 2015 of the Northern Ireland Primary Modern Languages Programme which promoted Spanish, Irish and Polish in primary schools. This paper will consider the situation in policy and practice of Modern Languages education, and Irish in particular, in Northern Ireland’s schools. During the years of economic growth in the 1990s Ireland, North and South, changed from being a country of net emigration to be an attractive country to immigrants, only to revert to large-scale emigration with the post-2008 economic downturn. While schools in Great Britain have had a long experience of receiving pupils from diverse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, firstly from the British Empire and Commonwealth countries, Northern Ireland did not attract many such pupils due to its weaker economic condition and the conflict of the Northern Ireland Troubles. The influx from Poland and other Accession Countries following the expansion of the European Union in 2004 led to a sudden, significant increase in non-English speaking Newcomer pupils (DENI 2017). The discussion in Northern Ireland about a diverse democracy has hitherto concentrated on the historical religious and political divide, where Unionist antipathy led to the Irish Language being dubbed the ‘Green Litmus Test’ of Community Relations (Cultural Traditions Group 1994). Nevertheless, the increasing diversity can hopefully ‘have a leavening effect on a society that has long been frozen in its “two traditions” divide’ (OFMDFM 2005a: 10). This paper will revisit the role and potential of Irish within the curricular areas of Cultural Heritage and Citizenship. An argument will also be made for the importance of language awareness, interculturalism and transferable language learning skills in Northern Ireland’s expanded linguistic environment with a particular focus on Polish.
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Wilczyńska, Małgorzata. "Potencjał innowacyjny i eksportowy małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw województwa podkarpackiego." Przedsiębiorczość - Edukacja 4 (January 1, 2008): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20833296.4.12.
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The European Union treats the small and medium-sized enterprise sector as the source of competitiveness of European economy and the source of economic development. Small and mediumenterprises contribute to the internal market stimulation through the development of internatio-nal contacts. 22 % of SMEs must face foreign competition, over 50 % declare being in competi-tion with national enterprises. The main elements of competitiveness for SME are: consumerservice, product quality, and price. In this way SMEs contribute to the improvement of consumers conditions in the EU. SMEs also play an important role in inventing and introducingtechnological innovations, which involves the improvement of life quality, employment, effi-ciency and competition.In addition, SMEs undertake the actions with regard to social matters (over 50% of enterprises).The most frequent effects of this action are: ethics, relations with local community, clientsloyalty, employees satisfaction.
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Kardanov, Valerii, and Denis Stoikov. "Comparison of the commodity certification systems in the European Union and in the Eurasian Economic Union." Upravlenie 7, no. 1 (May 7, 2019): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-1-66-71.
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The article deals with issues of product certification in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union. The objects of study are the economic systems of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union. The area of research is the theoretical basis for monitoring the development of economic systems of these associations. According to the authors, the plan for an agreement on economic rapprochement between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union today seems fantastic. Relations between Russia and the European Union are currently in a significant crisis. Cooperation in the economic field is reduced in terms of mutual sanctions. At the same time, the authors believe that the European Union is capable of playing a major role in solving the issues of improving the states of the Eurasian Economic Union member states, primarily on an economic scale. The role of the Russian food import limit showed the degree of interdependence in foreign trade and the interest of European companies in the normalization of commercial and economic relations. The countries of the world community, including Russia, confirm the unity of their views on the process of harmonization of standards, understanding that in practice harmonized standards guarantee the quality of products and services, the environmentally friendly production and goods, occupational safety, interoperability of products and, if necessary, its interchangeability. In this regard, the issue of harmonization of European and Russian standards of conformity, paperwork for certification and assessment of conformity and quality of exported and imported products, the mechanism of quality management of works and services is relevant. The certification rules in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union have been analyzed in the article, the CE and EAU marking and problems arising when applying these symbols have been considered, the influence of external (market requirements, competition) and internal (organizational, economic, etc.) factors on development of markets, placement of productive forces, increasing the efficiency of social production have been examined. It has been concluded, that standardization should be perceived as an effective element of the mechanism for managing the quality of products, works and services. This is confirmed by the fact, that the creation and application of harmonized standards allows one to get closer to the benchmarks of sustainable development and to remove many of the modern challenges from the agenda in a timely manner.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Nacewska-Twardowska, Aleksandra. "Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union." Equilibrium 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.012.
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Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.
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Rudolph, Karsten. "German Foreign Trade Policy Towards the East in the Light of Recent Research." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000193.
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Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Kokeev, A. "To the Problems of Ensuring Energy and Climate Security in Germany." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-14-23.
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The article discusses the most dire problems of ensuring the energy and climate security of Germany and the political measures taken by Federal Chancellor O. Scholz’s government formed in 2021. Considering the sharply exacerbated situation in international politics as of 2022, adopting urgent and radical measures in order to reduce Germany’s dependance on energy import and to diversify it, along with actions in climate change mitigation, all have become priorities for the new coalition government in Berlin. Current strategy is aimed at the combination of economic growth with reduced energy consumption, strict measures on energy saving and enhancing the share of renewable energy sources. A crucial part in creating and implementing this strategy is played by new members of the government from ‘the Greens’ – R. Habeck, Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, and A. Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs. The relation between energetic and ecological spheres, their impact on internal and external security is analyzed. The author looks into exact measures and mechanisms that ensure energy and climate security, also while addressing questions about the overall perception of respective threats among German expert community and society. The conclusion made is that in present-day circumstances the problems of energy security, climate change mitigation and shifting to carbon-free economy greatly affect Berlin’s foreign policy and foreign economic strategies, as well as Germany’s relations with EU partners, Eastern European countries and Russia.
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Hurwitz, L. "Book Reviews : Alfred Tovias, Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1990, pp. 147." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 31, no. 3-4 (September 1, 1990): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071529003100328.
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KUZMINA, Violetta M., and Arina V. SVETIKOVA. "THE REACTION OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY AND THE ECONOMIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE EU TO BREXIT." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-147-157.
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Introduction. Today Brexit is one of the most pressing issues of world politics, due to the acquisition of global proportions. Of course, this process is a phenomenon at the regional level, but the very fact of the voting and the efforts being made to exit the UK economy from the EU created many questions around themselves, thereby giving rise to the idea in the minds of the population of other countries that the EU cannot cope with the main functions there is the possibility of holding a referendum and a decision to leave the union. The UK and the European Union have never been partners for each other from a historical perspective. Multiple prerequisites, which originated in the last century almost immediately after the signing of the decision on the accession of the Kingdom to the EU, tended to develop and grow. Disputes among members of parliament have always existed, but were not as pronounced as today. In this sense, the country's policy was divided into 2 camps: those who spoke and advocate for the measures of “tough” Brexit, and those who believed and believe that the exit process should be smooth and measured in order not to spoil relations with the EU point of no return.Methods. As the materials of the study were taken data presented in monographic studies and journalistic articles of domestic, but mostly foreign experts in the field of international law, the General modern history, the history of the UK, macroeconomics. The article is written on the basis of sociological research conducted by Western European agencies and Brexit research centers using the analytical type of research and its forms: sociological and expert surveys. The analysis of statistical economic information regarding the real GDP of the EU countries is presented using a comparative historical research method.Results and conclusions. Economic consequences for the European Union from Brexit will become noticeable after some time has passed since the date of the official UK secession from the European Union. Also a minus will be the reduction of anti-crisis programs that the European Union is trying to implement. Attention is deserved by the attitude of other European countries to the membership in the European Union. In this case, more and more we are talking about opposition movements, parties that develop the theme of Euroscepticism. This is especially true in drawing a parallel with the critical eurodirection, which has been traced in EU policy lately.
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Zarichna, Olena V. "NEW FORMS OF CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION." Management 28, no. 2 (March 29, 2019): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2415-3206.2018.2.8.
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Introduction. Active engagement of Ukraine and its regions in the system of international cooperation in the context of the development of world integration processes is possible due to the use of cross-border cooperation tools. in the form of jointly developed programs of trade and economic, scientific-technical, environmental-ecological, cultural, historical-religious cooperation.The hypothesis of scientific research. Using cross-border cooperation will solve the problems of accelerating the socio-economic development of transboundary regions, improve the personnel infrastructure training of regions and the country as a whole in order to deepen cooperation with the EU, to solve urgent issues with the neighbors of the post-Soviet space; accelerate European integration processes.The purpose of the article is to develop theoretical propositions to substantiate the effective algorithm of cross-border cooperation development on the basis of synergistic combination of integration processes and innovations in all types of cooperation.Methods of research: an interdisciplinary approach – for combining a set of general scientific and special research methods; systemic and structural-functional analysis – to determine the system of international cross-border links; institutional approach – to determine the impact on cross-border cooperation created by political institutions; situational approach – for correlating the development of cross-border cooperation with a specific socio-economic situation; a comparative analysis – for comparing processes of cross-border cooperation in different countries of Europe and post-Soviet space.Results: the experience of the international community in implementing the system of cross-border cooperation is analyzed; the legal-legal and methodological principles of cross-border cooperation as a direction of European integration processes in Ukraine are researched; The mechanisms of development of foreign economic relations in the border regions of Ukraine in the conditions of realization of its European integration aspirations are revealed.Conclusions: development of theoretical positions on the substantiation of the active development of the regions as one of the elements of the pan-European system of priorities, which corresponds to the principled integration of states through the integration of regions, which represent joint actions aimed at establishing and deepening economic, social, environmental, scientific, technical, cultural and other relations between territorial communities, various institutions of transboundary regions with the relevant authorities of other states within the competence defined s national legislation.
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Shevchuk, Oleksandr, and Iryna Tykhonenko. "Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations: European and Asian Dimensions." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-7.
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In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020.
It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”.
The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.
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PEDEN, G. C. "SUEZ AND BRITAIN'S DECLINE AS A WORLD POWER." Historical Journal 55, no. 4 (November 15, 2012): 1073–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000246.
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ABSTRACTThe Suez crisis is widely believed to have contributed significantly to Britain's decline as a world power. Eden's miscalculation of American reaction to the attack on Egypt was damaging to Britain's reputation and fatal to his career. However, his actions were contrary to received wisdom in Whitehall. The crisis merely confirmed Britain's dependence on the United States and had no lasting impact on Anglo-American relations. Britain's relationship with its informal and formal empire was already changing before 1956, and the turn from the commonwealth to Europe owed little to Suez. Examination of policy reviews in Whitehall before and after the Suez crisis shows that the Foreign Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, and Colonial Office were slow to accept the need for change in Britain's world role. Insofar as they did from 1959 it was because of Treasury arguments about the effect of high defence expenditure on the economy, and slow growth of the United Kingdom's population compared with the United States, the European Economic Community, and the Soviet Union.
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Morozov, Oleg V. "Parlamentary Diplovfcy of New Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-299-315.
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This article presents the results of the author's reflections on the theoretical principles, legal basis and practice of the international activities of the Federal Assembly – the Parliament of the Russian Federation, - in connection with the 25th anniversary of parliamentarism of new Russia. The author analyzes the country network of relations, forms of bilateral inter-parliamentary cooperation, shows the experience of cooperation with European inter-parliamentary structures and associations. Special attention is paid to parliamentary cooperation within the framework of the Union of Belarus and Russia, the collective security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of independent States and the Eurasian economic community. He also shows the demand for inter-parliamentary cooperation with BRICS countries and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. On the basis of the Concept of foreign policy of Russian Federation (dd. November 30, 2016, N 640), the speech of Minister of foreign Affairs of Russia Sergey Lavrov at the Munich security conference February 16, 2019 and the message of the President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin to Federal Assembly February 20, 2019 the author presents the list of directions, topics and geography of international cooperation of Russian Parliament for the medium term future.
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Martynov, Andriy. "Problems and perspectives of development of the European Union’s identity." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.33-50.
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The article deals with the problem of developing the European Union’s identity. The confirmation of the hypothesis can be considered as an argument for the necessity to interpret the European identity in the context of an imagined community. The ideas of developing the European Union’s identity as a joint national identity of the EU member-states which are differently engaged in the global post-industrial economy, interpreted the EU and their relations therewith in many ways, served as the theoretical background of the article. Therefore, these member-states possessed substantively divergent national identities. The expansion in the range of issues which did not require the unanimous approval of the EU member-states but solely by voting after the principle of qualified 50 majority was to promote the enforced cooperation between the EU member-states. These vectors were chosen due to the changes on the international arena which occurred during the researched period of time and echoed rather in the abovementioned areas than in the economic policy, since the state received the freedom of action in the search of a new balance of powers. Besides, the EU institutions governing the common foreign and security policy and the European defense remained weak even after the Maastricht treaty has been revised and the Amsterdam treaty has been signed. The monetary union serves in the capacity of an identity instrument of the EU. The multi-ethnic identity represents the feature of the migration processes in the European Union
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Voronov, K. "Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-48-57.
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The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.
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Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)." Вопросы безопасности, no. 4 (April 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.
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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Квеліашвілі, І. М. "Brexit: signs of disintegration of the EU customs union under the conditions of globalization." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ASPECTS 7, no. 4 (May 23, 2019): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151923.
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The processes of changing the world's space, turning it into a single zone, the unimpeded movement of goods, services, information, capital are aspects of the globalization of world economies. In this space, ideas that contribute to the development of relevant institutional formations and form their communicative connections are more freely distributed. Ukraine is on the way to solving the European integration tasks defined in the Association Agreement with the EU, the implementation of customs legislation, the purpose of which is not only the establishment and existence of a free trade zone, but also a more in-depth integration. The purpose of the article is to review possible scenarios concerning the conditions of movement of goods across the customs border, in the event of a final decision on the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU Customs Unio Today, it has already been recognized that the integration persistence of the EU Customs Union was threatened by the name Brexit. This phenomenon, as a challenge to integration in a globalized world, gives impetus to a moderate choice of concept and form of integration for the future perspective of economic development of the member countries and candidate -countries for membership in the Community. The European integration policy of Ukraine's economic policy, along with urgent issues requiring a priority solution and fulfillment of obligations, should also be considered under the criterion of probable risks and threats to national interests. The article gives moderate arguments from UK analysts regarding the UK's exit from the EU, the urgent issues regarding the varied prospects of customs relations between the European Union and the UK, as well as the EU Customs Union. Influence of possible scenarios of "soft Brexit", "hard Brexit" on foreign economic activity of the country and its activity.
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Zhang, X. "The Coronavirus Will Not Change the long-Term Upward Trend of China’s Economic Development." Finance: Theory and Practice 24, no. 5 (October 24, 2020): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2020-24-5-15-23.
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The author investigates the impact of COVID‑19 and macro-policy adjustment on China’s economic development. The aim is to describe the situation and trend of China’s economic development before and after COVID‑19. The research method is the comparative data analysis. The study shows that in response to COVID‑19, the Chinese government, on the one hand, has accelerated its opening-up, taken the opportunity of fighting against the pandemic to provide medical assistance to and cooperate with other countries, and actively promoted the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and the process of globalization. On the basis of the Belt and Road Initiative and multilateral, regional, and subregional cooperation mechanisms such as the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), G20 (Group of 20), and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), China and the Eurasian Economic Union began to cooperate more frequently and the trade relations between Japan, South Korea, and European developed countries became closer. Meanwhile, committed to building a global interconnection partnership, China actively participates in global economic governance and provides various public products. The Chinese government has proposed “Six Guarantees” on the basis of “Six Stability”. In order to achieve the purpose of stabilizing foreign trade and expanding imports, China has imposed various measures to accelerate the liberalization and facilitation of international trade and investment, such as implementing the new version of the “Foreign Investment Law”, establishing free trade zones, and promoting its experience and organizing international import expositions. Additionally, the Chinese government also implemented targeted fiscal and monetary policies, increased support for enterprises, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, and promoted the construction of “new infrastructure” and innovation of business model, which have formed the driving forces for the transformation of the economic development model in China from traditional business to cloud business, from traditional marketing to live streaming marketing, from traditional sales to online sales. The author concluded thatChina’s adjustment of macro policies in response to COVID‑19 was effective and played an important role in the resumption of production and life, stabilizing foreign trade activities, releasing domestic demand and promoting stable and sustained growth of the economy
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Hnatyshyn, Ivan. "Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova – Unused Potential." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-25.
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The article is dedicated to relations between Ukraine and Moldova, taking pride of place in the foreign policy of Ukraine. This is due to a shared border, large ethnic community of Ukrainians in Moldova, similarity of foreign policy priorities, and development of mutually beneficial economic cooperation. Ukraine is an active stakeholder in the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict and has the status of a mediator. Ukraine seeks to develop mutually beneficial relations with the Republic of Moldova based upon respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both states. The bilateral cooperation of the two countries can be found in the spheres of environment, transport, energy, infrastructure, implementation of domestic reforms, and efficient struggle against corruption. An opening of a border bridge crossing for vehicles and prospective construction of a bridge are the steps enabling Ukraine and Moldova to enter the European transport network. An important upshot of the diplomatic activities is the consistent support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine by the Republic of Moldova. The external aggression notwithstanding, Ukraine continues to take proactive measures in the negotiations on the Transnistrian conflict. The common origins of the latter and of the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation bring about the necessity to combine forces and form common approaches for their settlement as well as jointly counter regional threats and challenges. The protection of rights of national minorities is yet another important aspect of bilateral relations. Ukraine has an interest in a socially and politically stable Moldova with a prosperous economy able to follow its policy of integration to the EU. Keywords: The Republic of Moldova, policy on integration to the EU, territorial integrity, domestic reforms, corruption.
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HALYCH, Oleksandr, and Oleh DEMYDKIN. "FEATURES OF INFORMATION SYSTEMS AND TECHNOLOGIES OF PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 2 (56) (June 29, 2021): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2021-2-11.
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The article updates the importance of using modern information systems and technologies of public administration and administration in the context of European integration processes. It has been substantiated that the efficiency of the work of authorities at all levels is largely determined by the quality and efficiency of their information and analytical services. The essential-meaningful characteristic of the information system of public administration and administration has been determined by generalizing the views of domestic and foreign scientists. The structure of the information system was defined through the allocation of four main components: means of fixing and collecting information; means of transmitting the relevant data and messages; information storage means; means of analysis, processing and presentation of information. The directions of the functioning of interconnected information systems that ensure electronic interaction of public authorities of different countries in the context of digitalization and globalization of socio-economic relations with representatives of business structures and civil society, allowing to form elements of the "virtual community" and "digital power" as transformed forms of public administration were characterized. Among them are: free movement of information data; expansion of forms of audiovisual communication through the development of modern computer technology; interactivity of modern media tools used in the public administration system; anonymity of collective and individual communication on the Internet; the rapid dissemination of information using modern communications; modern means of forming and transmitting information. The technology of information exchange in the information system of public management and administration in the context of globalization and eurointegration has been formalized. The advantages of information technologies in public administration for the implementation of socio-economic cooperation projects is highlighted, including: creating conditions for the availability of information on significant economic and social issues; strengthening the level of mutual trust in society; strengthening feedback between state and public subjects of public administration relations; creation of innovative forms of public participation in public administration; the formation of sources of transparency in the actions of interacting institutions; ensuring productivity growth of e-government while reducing time and labor costs in information processing and decision-making.
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Sokolska, T. V., and S. P. Polishchuk. "Role of public government in cross-border cooperation." Public administration aspects 6, no. 5 (June 18, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151828.
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The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.
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Zhao, Haipeng, K. Bliumska-Danko, and Xu Lu. "Under the “Belt and Road” initiative, the China and Ukraine governments should assume greater responsibility to promote trade." Bulletin of Sumy National Agrarian University, no. 3(81) (September 30, 2019): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32845/bsnau.2019.3.6.
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Purpose: Ukraine is located in Eastern Europe, has a good geographical location, and has good bilateral relations and traditional economic exchanges with China, especially agriculture, high-tech, and existing and ongoing cooperation projects with China. "There are also difficulties in construction: Ukraine's economy has been in a difficult period since independence, its economic structure is very uneven, and its economic relations with Eastern European and CIS countries, as well as Russian economic relations, need to be improved. Ukraine needs to restore its national strength. China's "Belt and Road" initiative and the diplomatic concept of building a community of shared future for mankind have determined that the Chinese government is willing to help Ukraine restore its strength and restore normal political, economic, and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. It will benefit the people through the improvement of the national economy This article aims to analyze how the two sides can use the "Belt and Road" platform to develop economic relations and strengthen cooperation to achieve mutual benefit results.
Methodology: This article uses the literature research method, the combination of analysis and synthesis methods, observation method, investigation method.
Originality: Since the Soviet Union, Ukraine has started friendly exchanges with China. After the founding of New China in 1949, Ukraine, as a part of the Soviet Union, made a greater contribution to China establishment of its national steel, machinery, agriculture and other basic industries. After Ukraine's independence, China-Ukraine relations have entered a new stage. China was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence and established diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992. In the past 30 years of Ukraine's independence, the two countries have not had any conflicts of interest and no serious political and economic contradictions. The "Belt and Road" initiative proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013 provided a new platform for bilateral relations and created unprecedented opportunities for the development of bilateral relations. In the "Belt and Road" construction, Ukraine should play a greater role.
Practical value: Participating in the "Belt and Road" construction is also a very important opportunity for Ukraine, helping the Chinese people to have a more comprehensive and clearer understanding of Ukraine, and more importantly, it is conducive to the trade between the two countries to bring more Ukrainian enterprises Trade exchanges to drive the economic development of Ukraine. Politically, Ukraine and China have good bilateral relations；On June 20, 2011, the two sides signed the "China-Ukraine Joint Partnership on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnerships. Economically, Ukraine and China have complementary economies. Economic exchanges have been established since the Soviet Union. In recent years, the existing and ongoing cooperation between Ukraine and China has continued to develop in high-tech fields such as agriculture, machine manufacturing, and aviation. More and more Ukrainian experts have pointed out that developing relations between Ukraine and China should become a priority direction of Ukraine's current foreign policy. Ukraine has a strong advantage in agriculture, military industry, and manufacturing, especially the engine manufacturing industry, and can develop machine manufacturing; Ukraine can provide transportation for China “Belt and Road” Convenient conditions.