Relevant bibliographies by topics / European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland"

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Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (March 1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.

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Bhattacharya, Purusottam. "Foreign Policy Coordination in the European Community." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849004600101.

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One of the corner stones of the European Economic Community since its inception in 1958 has been the concept of political cooperation among the member states. Despite its economic character the founding fathers envisaged an essentially political community to be brought about by greater functional cooperation through Community organs such as the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament.1 Greater harmony was also to be brought about in the conduct of Member States' foreign relations and the Community was increasingly to speak with one voice in international affairs.2 Although the necessity to impart a more formal character to the process of consultations on foreign policy issues was felt during the decade following the establishment of the Community the first concrete steps in this regard were initiated only in 1969 which resulted in the so-called ‘Davignon Report’ in 1970.3 Following its recommendation for a common European diplomatic effort European Political Cooperation (EPC) was set up in 1970. The process which was to consist of foreign policy coordination among the Member States of the European Community was to be conducted outside the framework of the treaties establishing the Community and thus not to be governed by the decision-making rules that applied to the meetings of the EEC Council of Ministers.4
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György, Simon. "Ireland’s “economic miracle” and globalisation." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 1-2 (2005): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502005s.

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The paper gives a comprehensive picture of fundamental issues connected with the Irish ?economic miracle?, with especial regard to globalisation effect. The analysis of Ireland?s economic development in the period from 1960 to 2003 answers the question why it decelerated, instead of accelerating, for a long time: two decades after the accession to the European Community in 1973 and mainly the enigma, the ?economic miracle? why the rate of growth accelerated in the decade after 1993 to an extent (on annual average to almost 8 percent) similar to that previously observed only in East Asia. The country has not only caught up economically with the European Union, but has approximated the level of development of the United States. The analysis shows that all this can be attributed not only to Ireland?s favourable conditions, but also to an adequate economic policy and foreign direct investment. The author reveals the so-called globalisation effect that in Ireland after 1993 had a decisive role in the extraordinary acceleration of economic growth.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G., and Alfred Tovias. "Foreign Economic Relations of the: European Community the Impact of Spain and Portugal." International Journal 47, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202751.

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Cramer, Dale L. "Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal." Comparative Economic Studies 34, no. 1 (April 1992): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1992.8.

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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Foreign economic relations of the European community: The impact of Spain and Portugal." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90182-7.

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Barry, Frank, and Clare O’Mahony. "Regime Change in 1950s Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (August 16, 2017): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.

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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign ownership. The fact that the United States had overtaken the United Kingdom as the major global source of FDI made it easier to secure Fianna Fáil support. US firms were particularly interested in access to European Economic Community (EEC) markets, however, which was not within Ireland’s gift. The export processing zone at Shannon, which might be seen as Lemass’s response to the inter-party initiatives, proved to be of immediate appeal to them. US firms would come to predominate in the non-Shannon region only after Ireland’s entry to the EEC.
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Cebotari, Svetlana, and Carolina Budurina-Goreacii. "THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON BRITISH-EUROPEAN RELATIONS." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).03.

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The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.
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Thi Nguyen, Hang Thuy. "A Historical Review of the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0002.

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Abstract With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards European Political Cooperation (EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed that the European Community’s desire to achieve EPC and to parallel the European Community’s economic increasing strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased by first its economic integration and then its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to re-consider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Nguyen, Thi Thuy Hang. "A Shift in U.S. Foreign Policy under the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation: A Historical Analysis." Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0007.

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AbstractWith a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards the European Political Cooperation (the EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed the European Community’s desire to achieve the EPC and to parallel the European Community’s increasing economic strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on the European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting of foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of the EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased first by its economic integration and then by its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to reconsider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted the EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland"

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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.

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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972." Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.

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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.

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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.

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Horovitz, Dan D. "Regulation of competition under the rules of the free trade area agreements concluded by the European Economic Community." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213301.

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Shinn, Hal Jerome III. "The effects of the European communities 1992 program on United States export controls." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/29208.

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Psellas, Jimmie. "Greece and the European Economic Community: Relations During the Panhellenic Socialist Movement's First Term of Office, October 1981--June 1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500743/.

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A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.
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O'Malley, Terence T. "The impact of participation in the European monetary union of the abnormal returns to U.S. target companies acquaired by European firms." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2002. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/291.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
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Books on the topic "European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland"

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Protectionism to Liberalisation: Ireland and the EEC, 1957 to 1966: Ireland and the EEC, 1957 to 1966. London: Taylor and Francis, 2017.

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Ireland and Europe: Challenges for a new century. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute, 1993.

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An inconvenient wait: Ireland's quest for membership of the EEC, 1957-73. Dublin, Ireland: Institute of Public Administration, 2009.

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Geary, Michael J. An inconvenient wait: Ireland's quest for membership of the EEC, 1957-73. Dublin, Ireland: Institute of Public Administration, 2009.

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Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The European Community. London, England: H.M.S.O., 1990.

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Robert, Taylor. China, Japan, and the European Community. London: Athlone Press, 1990.

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(Organization), Euroconsult, ed. Cyprus and the European Community. Nicosia, Cyprus: Euroconsult, 1991.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. European community-Japan trade relations: A European perspective. Washington, D.C: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1986.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. European community-Japan trade relations: A European perspective. Washington, D.C: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1986.

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Peter, Coffey, and Wionczek M. S, eds. The European Economic Community and Mexico. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "European Economic Community – Foreign relations – Ireland"

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Lukaschek, Anita, and Birgit Weidel. "Exclusive External Competence of the European Community." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 113–50. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_4.

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Dutzler, Barbara. "EMU and the Representation of the Community in International Organisations." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 445–84. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_14.

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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.

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Weidel, Birgit. "The Community Export Control System for Dual Use Goods — A Story of Reconquering Lost Grounds?" In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 419–44. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_13.

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O’Mahony, Clare. "The evolution of economic policy analysis in Ireland." In Policy Analysis in Ireland, 19–32. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447350897.003.0002.

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This chapter provides an overview of the emergence of economic policy analysis in Ireland from independence to joining the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973. After independence the government’s focus was on state building, leaving limited scope for economic policy. During the Great Depression the state adopted a protectionist stance. However, little policy analysis seems to have influenced this approach. This changed in the 1950s as import substitution industrialisation (ISI) was replaced by export-led industrialisation (ELI). This marked the beginning of Ireland’s long relationship with inward foreign direct investment (FDI) that was to transform it into a globally integrated cosmopolitan society. it occurred as Western Europe, recovering from the Second World War, moved towards trade liberalisation.
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6

Mulqueen, John. "The KGB and Ireland." In 'An Alien Ideology', 107–38. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0005.

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A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the communist-influenced Official republican movement as the Troubles escalated in 1971-2, with officials expressing fears for the stability of the Dublin government – the ‘Irish Cuba’. British and American officials used a Cold War prism here. The Russians could be expected to exploit the northern crisis, the American ambassador warned, using the Official movement as their ‘natural vehicle’. Following Bloody Sunday, when British paratroopers killed thirteen unarmed civilians, the British prime minister, Ted Heath, warned Dublin that the Soviets would cause as much trouble as they could, using the Official IRA as a proxy. The Irish revolutionary left too used a Cold War lens when opposing Ireland’s membership of the European Economic Community (EEC): it would lock Ireland into a NATO-dominated bloc.
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Zastavetska, Lesia, and Nataliia Taranova. "THE ROLE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE EXERCISE OF FOREIGN POLICY AND DIPLOMACY." In European vector of development of the modern scientific researches. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-077-3-4.

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One of the most promising areas of modern science is geopolitics, which determines the main trends of today's social life. The research pays detailed attention to the theoretical aspects of the development of geopolitics as an important area of modern social geography. The main geopolitical trends of the twentieth century and the brightest representatives of each of them are described. The purpose of this study is to systematize the existing geopolitical schools and demonstrate the peculiarities of the formation of each of them. Geopolitics has existed since the existence of states. Whether small or large, states are always worried about their borders, while others express a desire to expand to countries with which they border. But beyond the natural and demarcated borders of each country, there are other geographical factors that favor or discourage the development of a country into a Great Power. It seems, therefore, that over the centuries geography has been a common denominator in shaping the foreign policy of states, the implementation of a geostrategic and geo-economic policy in order to maintain or increase their power at regional or international level. Although geopolitics has at times been condemned and rejected by the scientific community, it is clearly demonstrated that it is one of the most important factors in shaping the foreign policy of all states, regardless of whether they are characterized as Great Powers or not. The difference between the less powerful states and the Great Powers is that the latter have the ability and the opportunity to formulate their foreign policy and to advance their national interests, while the less powerful states simply endure the effects of these politics. Geopolitics is defined by many manuals and dictionaries of geography as a field of knowledge, which considers the concept of «space» important for understanding the nature of international relations. Understood mainly as «the geography of power» and having from time to time received various slightly different interpretations, geopolitics involves the following stable core of interpretation: it is the study of the interaction of natural geographical division and human purpose with cultural construction ensuring the economic and the military condominium a force on a particular area of the globe.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. "FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN." In Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.

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The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.
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