Academic literature on the topic 'European Economic Community countries Foreign relations Yugoslavia'
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Journal articles on the topic "European Economic Community countries Foreign relations Yugoslavia"
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Dobrokhotov, Leonid Nikolaevich. "The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality." Социодинамика, no. 11 (November 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.11.38672.
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In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international relations turned out to be completely different. At the turn of the century, as a result of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, the approach of troops and weapons of this bloc to our borders, open support in the West for separatist movements and wars on the territory of the Russian Federation, the process of disillusionment with previous illusions began. It sharply intensified after Vladimir Putin's Munich speech in 2007, Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and especially the conflict in Ukraine and the reunification of Crimea, which actually led to the beginning of a new cold war. Gradually, the ruling elites of Russia and the West began to realize that the decisive reason for the former "cold war" of 1946-1989 was not so much the notorious "communism" in the USSR and in Eastern European countries, but above all the fundamental civilizational and geopolitical differences between the West and Russia, dating back centuries, stable Russophobic sentiments of public opinion in the West. As the experience of history and modernity shows, Russia's successful domestic and international position is possible only if it preserves and strengthens the status of a great Eurasian power based on a sovereign domestic and foreign policy, a successful socio-economic course approved by the people and a wise state ideology.
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Entina, E. G. "EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-39-55.
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Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.
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Simon, Djerdj. "Economic transition in Yugoslavia: A view from outside." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 1 (2003): 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
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Vorotnikov, Vladislav, and Andrzej Habarta. "Western Balkan States in the Era of Transformations: European Choice and Russian Foreign Economic Interests." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120216273.
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The article addresses the process of European integration of 5 Western Balkan states: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. After the demise of the socialism system and the collapse of Yugoslavia, all countries in the region began to more or less associate their future with the participation in the European integration project. The philosophy of "Yugoslavism" was replaced by the idea of European integration. However, achieving this goal was not easy. The region is a complex (from the perspective of ethno-confessional and territorial conflicts) space where the political and economic interests of large non-regional players intersect. These factors predetermined the varying degree of success of the Western Balkan states on their way to the EU. The article analyzes the political and economic factors affecting this process. The subject of the analysis is the evolution of the socio-economic models of the Western Balkan states, their foreign economic ties, participation in the international movement of capital, labor, as well as economic ties with Russia.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Kovacevic, Maja. "International problems and the research on process of the European integration from the establishment of the communities to the single European act." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 2 (2018): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1802147k.
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Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, East-West relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.
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Yakovleva, Nailya. "LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 156 (2003): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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Sekongo, N. B. "PROBLEMS OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF WEST AFRICAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION, PROSPECTS FOR THEIR DEVELOPMENT." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 3 (May 29, 2020): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-3-102-110.
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The problems of trade and economic relations between West African countries and the European Union have been considered in the article in detail, a brief description of the Economic Community of West African States has been given. The essence of relationships between West Africa and the European Union based on the papers, both foreign and domestic researchers in the field of security, regional economic development and integration etc. has been disclosed. The historical path within the framework of international legal documentation that preceded the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement has been described. The conducted study was based on the analysis of the cost dynamics of exports, imports and trade balance, their structure has been briefly adduced. The main negative aspects faced by West African countries in connection with the implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement, in particular tariff restrictions, the ban on the use of export taxes, which undermines the national sovereignty of the Economic Community of West African States, have been revealed. Nevertheless, the signed Agreement will allow West Africa to actively integrate into world trade, improve the economic and demographic situation, while the overall trade tariff will remain at the same level.
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HAINMUELLER, JENS, and DOMINIK HANGARTNER. "Who Gets a Swiss Passport? A Natural Experiment in Immigrant Discrimination." American Political Science Review 107, no. 1 (February 2013): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000494.
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We study discrimination against immigrants using microlevel data from Switzerland, where, until recently, some municipalities used referendums to decide on the citizenship applications of foreign residents. We show that naturalization decisions vary dramatically with immigrants’ attributes, which we collect from official applicant descriptions that voters received before each referendum. Country of origin determines naturalization success more than any other applicant characteristic, including language skills, integration status, and economic credentials. The average proportion of “no” votes is about 40% higher for applicants from (the former) Yugoslavia and Turkey compared to observably similar applicants from richer northern and western European countries. Statistical and taste-based discrimination contribute to varying naturalization success; the rewards for economic credentials are higher for applicants from disadvantaged origins, and origin-based discrimination is much stronger in more xenophobic municipalities. Moreover, discrimination against specific immigrant groups responds dynamically to changes in the groups’ relative size.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "European Economic Community countries Foreign relations Yugoslavia"
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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
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O'Malley, Terence T. "The impact of participation in the European monetary union of the abnormal returns to U.S. target companies acquaired by European firms." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2002. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/291.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
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Rubio, Luis Arnoldo. "La Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la crise centre-américaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213228.
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Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
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"Invloed van die Europese Gemeenskap op die buitelandse handel van Suid-Afrika." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13214.
Full textBooks on the topic "European Economic Community countries Foreign relations Yugoslavia"
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Canada, Delegation of the Commission of the European Communities for. The European Community and Canada. Ottawa, Ont: Delegation of the Commission of the European Communities, 1989.
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Robert, Taylor. China, Japan, and the European Community. London: Athlone Press, 1990.
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1969-, Miles Lee, ed. The European Union and the Nordic countries. London: Routledge, 1996.
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Peter, Coffey, and Wionczek M. S, eds. The European Economic Community and Mexico. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1987.
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Communities, Commission of the European. The countries of the greater Arab Maghreb and the European community. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 1991.
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European bloc imperialism. Leiden: Brill, 2010.
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The nordic countries and the European Union: Still the other European community? New York: Routledge, 2015.
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Gianaris, Nicholas V. The European Community and the United States: Economic relations. New York: Praeger, 1991.
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R, Grilli Enzo. The European community and the developing countries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
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R, Grilli Enzo. The European Community and the developing countries. Cambridge: CUP, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "European Economic Community countries Foreign relations Yugoslavia"
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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy." In External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.
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Zastavetska, Lesia, and Nataliia Taranova. "THE ROLE OF GEOGRAPHY IN THE EXERCISE OF FOREIGN POLICY AND DIPLOMACY." In European vector of development of the modern scientific researches. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-077-3-4.
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One of the most promising areas of modern science is geopolitics, which determines the main trends of today's social life. The research pays detailed attention to the theoretical aspects of the development of geopolitics as an important area of modern social geography. The main geopolitical trends of the twentieth century and the brightest representatives of each of them are described. The purpose of this study is to systematize the existing geopolitical schools and demonstrate the peculiarities of the formation of each of them. Geopolitics has existed since the existence of states. Whether small or large, states are always worried about their borders, while others express a desire to expand to countries with which they border. But beyond the natural and demarcated borders of each country, there are other geographical factors that favor or discourage the development of a country into a Great Power. It seems, therefore, that over the centuries geography has been a common denominator in shaping the foreign policy of states, the implementation of a geostrategic and geo-economic policy in order to maintain or increase their power at regional or international level. Although geopolitics has at times been condemned and rejected by the scientific community, it is clearly demonstrated that it is one of the most important factors in shaping the foreign policy of all states, regardless of whether they are characterized as Great Powers or not. The difference between the less powerful states and the Great Powers is that the latter have the ability and the opportunity to formulate their foreign policy and to advance their national interests, while the less powerful states simply endure the effects of these politics. Geopolitics is defined by many manuals and dictionaries of geography as a field of knowledge, which considers the concept of «space» important for understanding the nature of international relations. Understood mainly as «the geography of power» and having from time to time received various slightly different interpretations, geopolitics involves the following stable core of interpretation: it is the study of the interaction of natural geographical division and human purpose with cultural construction ensuring the economic and the military condominium a force on a particular area of the globe.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. "FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN." In Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.
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The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.