Academic literature on the topic 'European Economic Community countries – Foreign relations – United States'

The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.

Problem setting. Although the outcome of the Russian-Ukrainian war is uncertain, it is necessary to start thinking about the future reconstruction of Ukraine. The paper examines issues related with the complex of problems connected with the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine and the participation of the collective West, which means a set of countries (USA, EU member states, Canada, Scandinavian countries) participating in Euro-Atlantic integration. In this article, we use previous experience of post-war reconstruction of Western Europe (for example, the Marshall Plan after World War II). We set out the key principles of international cooperation in the renovation of the Ukrainian economics and the state as a whole, as well as the role of individual subjects of international law in this process. The paper is intended to involve foreign and domestic lawyers in a discussion on a wider range of issues, which will include further and more detailed analysis of the best ways to rebuild Ukraine after the war. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The idea of developing a European plan for the reconstruction of Ukraine (“Marshall Plan for Ukraine”) began to be discussed after the Revolution of Dignity. However, it has not been the subject of serious research. The situation changed after Russia declared war on Ukraine. As Ukraine has a chance to win the war, the leaders of the United States, the European Union and Ukraine are discussing the possible content of a “New European Plan for Ukraine.” However, today, both in Ukraine and abroad, this issue is dominated by journalistic publications, which determines the relevance and practical significance of the development of the problem. Target of research is to reveal the content, main directions of participation of international financial institutions and individual states in the reconstruction of Ukraine after the war. Article’s main body. The article considers the problem of determining the content of the “New European Plan for Ukraine” in relation to the postwar period. The uniqueness of the plan to restore the Ukrainian economy is emphasized. The steps of international financial institutions and individual countries regarding the revival of Ukraine during and after the war are analyzed. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The conclusion that grants should make up a large share of foreign aid flows in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine is substantiated. An important step in Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction should be the write-off of foreign debt, or at least part of it, by foreign financial institutions, primarily the IMF and the World Bank, as an important and necessary sign of genuine solidarity of the international community. Emphasis is placed on the special role of the United States and the European Union in the postwar reconstruction of Ukraine, in particular on the issue of writing off Ukraine’s foreign debt.

In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020. It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”. The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.

The scientific article examines the issues of areas of international cooperation in the field of police training. Emphasis is placed on the best practices of Western Europe, the United States and Canada. At first it was emphasized that in modern conditions there is a rapid development of international relations on the principles of integration and mutual enrichment, and not on the terms of rigid differentiation. It is determined that the interaction is especially evident in the field of international cooperation of European law enforcement agencies. The author found that international police cooperation is carried out in several main areas: 1) assistance in training for foreign law enforcement agencies; 2) joint research of problems of struggle against offenses; 3) exchange of experience in the field of police training; 4) provision of logistical and advisory assistance. Emphasis is placed on the fact that an important factor is the recognition by the international community among other areas and the need for cooperation in the field of personnel training. The author formulates the main directions of international cooperation in the field of police training, in particular: integration into international bodies and organizations in the field of police training; integration into international police educational institutions; integration into the education system of leading foreign educational institutions, study of experience, analysis of the work of structural units, study of the scale of social activity, the field of scientific research, etc .; creating conditions for the development of police education in a particular country with the help of international partners and the experience of foreign countries; provision-receipt on a mutual, and more often on a unilateral basis to foreign colleagues of means of equipment, communication, equipment for use in police training. Finally, it is noted that the most intensive and effective police cooperation is carried out by the police of highly developed countries with similar economic, political and social conditions, similar legal attitudes and principles of law enforcement.

The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.

The article analyses the main stages of development of the German economy during the 16-year reign of Chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). During this period, Germany was reasonably successful in dealing with the impacts of the world financial and economic crisis it faced in 2008–2009. The 10 subsequent years witnessed economic growth, however, today the country is once again trying to find a way out of a crisis this time caused by the COVID 19 pandemic. In 2020, the GDP fell by almost 5%, while the industrial production declined by 10.4%. The return to the growth trajectory is being linked to improving the epidemiological situation and increasing foreign orders, primarily from China and the United States. The German economy is expected to reach pre-crisis levels in late 2022. Projections for further development assume that, due to a number of internal constraints and external risks, the GDP growth will not exceed 1% in 2023–2025. Angela Merkel is not leaving the country in the best of shapes. It is not her fault. Germany’s economy has more than once demonstrated its resilience to external shocks. Even today, Germany’s position looks preferable to that of most European countries. Its main advantage is a diversified and competitive industry, but the sentiments in the German business community vary greatly. Much depends on the sector and region. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), especially in the service sector, have been particularly hard hit. Many of them have run out of reserves, and their capacity to pay now depends largely on the financial support of the State. How long can the government “pump up” the economy with budget money without fear of a surge in inflation? Nor will the European Central Bank (ECB) indefinitely maintain interest rates at historically low levels. For many SMEs, the increase in the cost of credit, combined with the inevitable reduction in government support, will be a blow that not all will be able to withstand. People are tired of everything related to the pandemic and the years of familiar politicians. Everyone is waiting for the end of the epidemic and for new faces in politics. Whether the new politicians will be better than the old ones is a big question. Under all circumstances, in Germany’s recent history, Angela Merkel will remain a major political figure whose scale is yet to be truly appreciated.

The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.

ABSTRACTBecause events occur too fast and ideas mature too slowly for responses to be designed anew for each pressing problem, policy innovation often relies on pre-existing models, foreign or domestic. This seems to be especially true for regulatory policymaking, since public regulation is typically introduced in conditions of crisis. In this paper we examine several cases of policy innovation in the area of economic and social regulation where the influence of foreign models is quite clear: the development of competition policy in Europe in the 1950s, the growth of European Community regulation, and the impact of the American deregulation movement on the telecommunications policies of different European countries. The analysis shows that while utilization of preexisting models is a common feature of policy innovation, such models are not literally translated into current policy. More or less extensive adaptations to a particular political, institutional and economic context are usually required. We also identify two distinct ways – push or pull – in which foreign models can affect domestic policy.

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Bachelors
Business Administration
Finance

The recent developments in the European Community evoked by the Single European Act and commonly referred to as the creation of "Fortress Europe" by the end of 1992 have been attracted considerable attention with respect to economic and political integration in the international arena. Similarly, the conclusion of the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement aiming at a loose form of economic integration received significant recognition. These two agreements cover not only liberalization of trade in goods and services but moreover, include foreign direct investment. This is of particular significance since little progress has been made in its regulation on an international level in comparison to the regulation of trade in goods. Due to the fact that direct investment is primarily exercised by large multinational enterprises it has a larger political impact on the host countries than trade in goods and services. Foreign ownership of local industry creates the concern of economic dependence and of a loss of sovereign powers among host governments. Consequently, governments introduce laws and regulations aiming at the restriction of direct investment of foreign investors. However, as foreign investment augments economic growth, it is of common benefit to both investors and host countries to provide an investment climate which balances the conflict of interest between the need of legal certainty and flexibility for foreign investors arid the safeguard of economic independence and political freedom of host country governments to introduce and maintain measures deemed necessary for the benefit of their national economies. This thesis will demonstrate the most effective regime to solve this conflict through comparison of the Free Trade Agreement with the Treaty of Rome as amended by the Single European Act. These agreements have been chosen since they involve two of the triad world economic powers and thus, represent industrialized nations with the highest degree of foreign direct investment aiming at the liberalization of direct investment in their "enlarged" markets. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first and second parts will discuss the degree of liberalization of foreign investment within the Common Market including the progress made under the Single European Act of 1986 and within the free trade area established by the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement in 1989. The analysis will centre around the issues of free establishment of companies, the National Treatment Principle, capital movement, and mergers and acquisitions. The third part consists of the comparative analysis and will provide the final conclusions. The conclusions will show that the two agreements share few similarities but they are characterized by their divergent approach to direct investment liberalization. It is submitted that the more comprehensive form of liberalization is reached in the Common Market due to its broad restraint on sovereign powers of its Member States and coherently implemented elimination of restrictions on foreign investment. In contrast, the Free Trade Agreement only imposes selected obligations on the parties to liberalize direct investment. It will become clear that the Free Trade Agreement stands for a settlement of the most vexing investment issues between the parties rather than a commitment to virtually liberalize investment between the U.S. and Canada. In view of this result, recommendations are made to further liberalize investment under the Free Trade Agreement. These have to be seen, however, in the light of numerous economic and political divergencies between the Common Market and the U.S.- Canadian free trade area.
Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate

Defence date: 7 June 2017
Examining Board: Professor Ulrich Krotz, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Sabine Saurugger, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Grenoble; Professor May-Britt Stumbaum, Freie Universität Berlin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute
Since 2003, China and the EU have engaged in a Strategic Partnership with trade as its main pillar. As the Partnership develops, it deals increasingly with subjects that overlap with World Trade Organization negotiations. Furthermore, the two entities address a growing number of trade disputes at the bilateral level, diminishing the use of the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The development of this strategic partnership as a competing negotiation and dispute settlement forum to the WTO is particularly puzzling because of the two entities’ opposing regime types, geographical and cultural distance, and lack of reciprocal strategic interest in each other’s regions. This research investigates two questions: What are the rationales behind the EU’s and China’s bilateral and multilateral spheres of negotiation? The empirical findings with regard to this question allow us to infer answers to a wider question: Why do such 'unnatural' partners as the EU and China develop and consolidate such a strong trade relationship? This dissertation applies three theories stemming from major schools of international relations – soft-balancing, forum-shopping and prestige diplomacy – to four cases in order to explain the rationale behind the EU and China’s choice of forum in both regular negotiations (food safety and geographical indications) and in times of disputes (textile and solar panels). It then infers the motives behind the widening and deepening of the EU-China relationship from the reasons guiding the two actors’ preference for the bilateral channel. The empirical research finds that efficiency factors (forum-shopping) combined with the two entities’ prestige maximization strategies explain their choice of forums. In other words, the dramatic widening and deepening of the relationship in this short timeframe is due to a wish to maximize their absolute gains, as well as a desire to limit the potential loss of prestige they might suffer in the WTO (for example, by losing a case). This thesis employs original and exceptional data from interviews carried out in Beijing and Brussels in Chinese, French and English with policy makers currently overseeing the cases under scrutiny. The data is then triangulated, when applicable, with European strategic papers.
Chapter 6 ‘Prestige diplomacy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The EU's trade strategy towards China : lessons for an effective turn' (2017) in the journal ‘Asia Europe journal’

Defence date: 2 October 1991
Examining Board: Prof. Gerard Braunthal, University of Massachussetts at Amherst ; Prof. Roger Morgan, European University Institute, supervisor ; Simon Nuttall, Director, Commission of the European Communities ; Rüdiger Freiherr von Wechmar, Ambassador a.D., MEP ; Prof. Dr. Werner Weidenfeld, University of Mainz, co-supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This chapter examines the shift in global balance that began in the post-2007 economic crisis. For a considerable time before the 2008 crisis, the United States and most European states had been living on high levels of debt both national and individual, public and private. Manufacturing in the developed West, and its provision of secure jobs for many workers, was undermined by the new economic environment of globalization, as well as the growth of cheaper manufacturing in China and the other BRIC countries. A new epoch of financial capitalism, which had emerged since the 1980s, was in full swing by the start of the Noughties. The chapter first considers the post-2007 economic crisis, before discussing the continuing rise of China and Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin. It concludes with an assessment of international reactions to China’s rise, including those of East Asia, international organizations, and Taiwan.

This chapter examines the shift in global balance that began in the post-2007 economic crisis. For a considerable time before the 2008 crisis, the United States and most European states had been living on high levels of debt both national and individual, public and private. Manufacturing in the developed West, and its provision of secure jobs for many workers, was undermined by the new economic environment of globalization, as well as the growth of cheaper manufacturing in China and the other BRIC countries. A new epoch of financial capitalism, which had emerged since the 1980s, was in full swing by the start of the Noughties. The chapter first considers the post-2007 economic crisis before discussing the continuing rise of China and Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin. It concludes with an assessment of international reactions to China’s rise, including those of East Asia, international organizations, and Taiwan.

One of the most promising areas of modern science is geopolitics, which determines the main trends of today's social life. The research pays detailed attention to the theoretical aspects of the development of geopolitics as an important area of modern social geography. The main geopolitical trends of the twentieth century and the brightest representatives of each of them are described. The purpose of this study is to systematize the existing geopolitical schools and demonstrate the peculiarities of the formation of each of them. Geopolitics has existed since the existence of states. Whether small or large, states are always worried about their borders, while others express a desire to expand to countries with which they border. But beyond the natural and demarcated borders of each country, there are other geographical factors that favor or discourage the development of a country into a Great Power. It seems, therefore, that over the centuries geography has been a common denominator in shaping the foreign policy of states, the implementation of a geostrategic and geo-economic policy in order to maintain or increase their power at regional or international level. Although geopolitics has at times been condemned and rejected by the scientific community, it is clearly demonstrated that it is one of the most important factors in shaping the foreign policy of all states, regardless of whether they are characterized as Great Powers or not. The difference between the less powerful states and the Great Powers is that the latter have the ability and the opportunity to formulate their foreign policy and to advance their national interests, while the less powerful states simply endure the effects of these politics. Geopolitics is defined by many manuals and dictionaries of geography as a field of knowledge, which considers the concept of «space» important for understanding the nature of international relations. Understood mainly as «the geography of power» and having from time to time received various slightly different interpretations, geopolitics involves the following stable core of interpretation: it is the study of the interaction of natural geographical division and human purpose with cultural construction ensuring the economic and the military condominium a force on a particular area of the globe.

This chapter emphasizes how the New International Economic Order (NIEO) both exposed deep divisions in the transatlantic alliance. It argues that the NIEO prompted its renewal in the semi-institutional Group of 7. While the United States remained divided over its policy response to the NIEO, the chapter highlights that its closest allies in Europe were converging. The chapter then outlines how Henry Kissinger, the architect of the new partnership, promoted economic managerialism among the North and economic concessions to the South as a way to break the “unholy alliance” between oil-importing developing nations and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and to prevent both from striking separate deals with the European Community. The chapter follows how this move toward transatlantic unity in the emerging North–South dialogue stalled divergence in the North's economic policies, after more than a decade of troubling drift, while also weakening the resolve of the OPEC–No-PEC alliance and thus the South's negotiating power.

This article focuses on the criminal law characteristics of transnational crime, which has an extremely negative impact on the economic and social spheres of modern society in many countries. The provisions of international regulations on the definition of transnational crime and the reality of implementation of international agreements signed and ratified by Ukraine in terms of implementation in national criminal law of liability for crimes with transnational links have been thoroughly studied. In particular, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and the Agreement between Ukraine and the European Police Office on Operational and Strategic Cooperation and other international regulations on cooperation of member states in combating transnational crime were studied. The statistical data of the General Prosecutor’s Office of Ukraine are analyzed, which indicate the negative dynamics of the state of organized crime, which has increased over the last five years. The article presents official statistics, according to which in 2016 the share of organized crime amounted to 0.02% of the total number of crimes committed; in 2017 – 0.04%; in 2018 – 0.06%, in 2019 – 0.07%, in 2020 – 0.1% – which indicates an increase in the level of organized crime in general. An analysis of international regulations signed or ratified by Ukraine on the definition of transnational crime is carried out. The dispositions of the norms of the criminal legislation on detection of signs of crimes with transnational connections are analyzed. Crimes with signs of transnational crime have been identified under national legislation and the legislation of some foreign countries, on the basis of which their comparative characteristics have been made. It is established that some foreign countries also regulate the possibility of applying exemptions from criminal liability for similar criminal offenses under the domestic law on criminal liability. In particular, the norms of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Republic of Azerbaijan, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, the Republic of Turkmenistan, the Republic of Tajikistan, the Republic of Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Armenia are analyzed. The article identifies a list of crimes that may have signs of transnational crime. It has been established that the largest number of crimes that may have the characteristics of transnational crime are acts related to drug trafficking, human trafficking, smuggling, economic crimes, arms trafficking, smuggling and other closely related crimes. with border crossing and international criminal relations. On this basis, it is proposed to set out the disposition of Part 2 of Art. 201 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, which provides for liability for smuggling, taking into account the new qualifier for the commission of this act by criminal groups with transnational ties. In addition, the problem of the lack of definition of transnational crime at the legislative level in Ukraine, which prompts further research in this area, has been identified.

Abstract America again re-engaged in foreign legal reform after 1945 in Germany, Japan, and Korea, dependent upon the social, political, economic, and military situation. During the 1950s, the communist Cold War ideological threat to capitalism and liberal democracy pushed the United States to demonstrate its ability to foster economic and social progress among its allies and non-aligned nations. Comparatists in the ABA and the newly formed American Association for the Comparative Study of Law devoted substantial effort to international unification of commercial and trade law and later law projects to promote modernization among developing countries, such as agrarian reform, judicial independence, and active instruction in legal education. By the 1970s, unsatisfactory results for most of these action programs shifted concern to scholarly inquiry about the relationship between law and social change. Furthermore, comparative lawyers began to take a greater interest in the amorphous concepts of rule of law and human rights. The postwar period marked a steady rise in comparative law academic quality, stimulated by the AACSL, its meetings, journal, and participation in international congresses. Comparatists developed expertise in subfields, namely, unification of law, private international law, and comparative legal sociology. Law schools saw more comparative law courses and coursebooks; some specialized in Soviet, Japanese, or Latin American law, or in fields such as comparative constitutional law or European Community law. Comparative law journals proliferated, as did degree programs for foreign students. By 1990, the AACSL had instituted a democratic system of election, which put it on a path toward further growth.