Journal articles on the topic 'European Defense Community – History'
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1
DUCHIN, BRIAN R. "The "Agonizing Reappraisal": Eisenhower, Dulles, and the European Defense Community." Diplomatic History 16, no. 2 (April 1992): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1992.tb00496.x.
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Wang, Yingqin. "CSDP: A Balancing Strategy against the United States?" World Journal of Social Science Research 6, no. 2 (March 19, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n2p128.
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<em>In the aftermath of the Second World War, European integration progressed rapidly. Despite economic performance, the European community is far from playing a major role in security and defense. The catalyst for a European defense policy is the war in Yugoslavia, which shows that Europeans are dependent on Americans. Thus, the EU has the CSDP and has conducted many military and civilian operations. Yet a new wave of academic studies, launched by proponents of American neorealism, argues that the EU is engaged in an attempt to “balance” the US by exploiting the CSDP. By studying European history in terms of security, we find that the balancing theory can not be justified.</em>
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Smith, Kevin. "Reviews of Books:The Rise and Fall of the European Defense Community: Anglo-American Relations and the Crisis of European Defense, 1950-55 Kevin Ruane." American Historical Review 107, no. 2 (April 2002): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532316.
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Ludlow, Piers, and Michel Dumoulin. "The European Defence Community: Lessons for the Future?" Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677701.
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Kaźmierczak, Janusz. "The Community That Never Was: The European Defense Community and Its Image in Polish Visual Propaganda of the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (October 2009): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.118.
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Communist propaganda was sharply critical of all integration attempts made in Western Europe. In numerous political posters and cartoons published in Poland, the brunt of the criticism was borne by the European Defense Community (EDC) from October 1950, when the idea of military integration was first proposed by French Prime Minister René Pleven, until August 1954, when a vote in the French National Assembly effectively killed the project. Through a contextualized discussion of selected posters and cartoons, which are reproduced in the text, this article relates Polish visual anti-EDC propaganda to aspects of Communist ideology, Soviet geostrategic interests, and Polish domestic politics and shows how the propaganda was intended to help the Communist authorities achieve specific goals.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe, and Olga Shumilo. "Margaret Thatcher and the EU." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2020): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe, and Olga Shumilo. "Margaret Thatcher and the EU." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2020): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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PASTOR-CASTRO, ROGELIA. "The Quai d'Orsay and the European Defence Community Crisis of 1954." History 91, no. 303 (July 2006): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2006.00371.x.
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Deighton, Anne. "The Last Piece of the Jigsaw: Britain and the Creation of the Western European Union, 1954." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004860.
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By 1955, the formation of a Cold War bloc in Western Europe was complete. The Western European Union (WEU), a redesigned Brussels Treaty Organisation (BTO) within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with West Germany and Italy as members, was created. The 1954 Paris Agreements that established WEU also enabled West Germany to become a virtually sovereign actor, and a member of NATO. The Agreements were effected on the rubble of an acrimonious four-year international debate over a proposed European Defence Community (EDC). This would have created a European army for France, the Benelux countries, Italy and West Germany on the model of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and a parallel political community for the Six.
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Dwan, R. "Jean Monnet and the European Defence Community, 1950-54." Cold War History 1, no. 3 (April 2001): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999932.
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Tikhova, VLADLENA V. "DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (1945-1992)." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-1-58-3-12.
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Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.
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Gavin, V. "Power through Europe? The case of the European Defence Community in France (1950-1954)." French History 23, no. 1 (December 12, 2008): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crn065.
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Sari, Maya Rizki, and M. Haikal Kautsar. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT IN DEFENSE PLANNING FOR INDONESIA AND POLAND." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 7, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v7i3.1487.
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<div><p class="Els-history-head">Besides the same red and white flag, Indonesia and Poland share a similar historical setting which includes revolutions, wars of independence, and the promotion of national unity. Indonesia has succeeded in reforming and demonstrating show the true democracy in the international community. While Poland was succeeding in making changes by turning into a constitutional state after being freed from communism. On the other hand, Poland was the only European economy to escape from the 2008 recession. Since the fall of the communist regime, based on the existing historical struggles and capacity of the Polish state which knew how to leave the communist state and its successes in the economic field, the Researchers is interested in the search for the comparison between the management defense strategies in Indonesia and that of Poland. The purpose of this study is to see a comparison of strategic management in defense planning for Indonesia and Poland. The method used is qualitative. Regarding the trend in the development of the strategic environment or the estimation of the lack of possibilities for traditional military tangible threats mentioned explicitly in the Defense White Paper of the Republic of Indonesia and the Polish State Defense White Paper. The results of the study showed that the use of defense diplomacy instruments became dominant. In addition to developing defense policies and defense planning in the form of strengthening Indonesia's defense structure and posture comprehensive. Indonesia needs to strengthen defense capabilities in the Southeast Asian countries by strengthening the basis of posture and defense structures associated with the vision of the world's maritime axis. Thus, a sustainable Essential Minimum Force (MEF) is achieved</p></div>
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Sanaky, Mochammad Syafruddin Rezky, Ika Dewi Sartika Saimima, and Vicky Vicky. "Russia-Ukraine Disputes based on International Law." Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 8, no. 2 (November 28, 2022): 316–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/jkn.v8i2.570.
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Russia-Ukraine tensions that have escalated recently have captured the world's attention. The tension is marked by the deployment of hundreds of thousands of Russian troops on the Ukrainian border and the response of a number of member countries of the North Atlantic Defense Organization (NATO), including the United States (US), to Russia's move. The presence of NATO, which seems to be a threat to Russia, has played a role in the escalation of tensions on the Russia-Ukraine border. This paper analyzes the real nature of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the background of the increasing tension between them, and the international reaction to this situation. It is the duty of the international community to continue to seek a peaceful settlement, so that the fear of a new world war does not occur. The ongoing conflict will ultimately harm many parties, not only European countries, but also countries in other regions.
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Zakharchenko, Olga V. "THE SYSTEM OF TRAINING HIGHER PEDAGOGICAL STAFF AT THE TURN OF THE XIX–XX CENTURIES." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-4-44-50.
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Preparation of undergraduates and privat-docents for professorship in the late XIX – early XX century is considered on the example of Moscow University through the prism of the biography of a historian and a jurist Sergei Andreevich Kotlyarevsky. The uniqueness of his example lies in the fact that he defended four dissertations: master’s and doctoral dissertations on foreign history and master’s and doctoral dissertations on public law. This demonstrates some individualism of the trajectory showing his professional development and formation as a scientist and a teacher.
The research perspective includes the process of young scientists’ formation from the moment of continuing working at the university’s profile department to prepare a dissertation up to obtaining the degree. Attention is paid to socio-political circumstances and conditions affecting the possibility of becoming a professional scientist and teacher. Both formal and special features of the training scientific and teaching staff inherent in a particular scientific community are noted.
The professional development of future scientists and teachers of higher education was associated with active preparation for the defense of the master’s exam, the first teaching experience, scientific and research work. The best graduates were left at the departments with the support of leading university professors who saw new forces and future professionals in them. However, the personal contribution of the applicants themselves was important, since they were required to reveal their intellectual potential, pedagogical and research skills. At this, an important aspect was the opportunity to go on foreign business trips, in which not only the material of scientific research was collected, but knowledge was enriched as well, including getting to know the peculiarities of teaching in European countries and their socio-political life. The preparation process was completed with the public defense of the master’s dissertation and awarding a master’s degree. At the same time, the path to the teaching environment began, which required further disclosure of scientific potential and the defense of a doctoral dissertation in order to obtain a professorship.
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Jones, Matthew. "Prelude to the Skybolt Crisis: The Kennedy Administration's Approach to British and French Strategic Nuclear Policies in 1962." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 58–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00839.
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The speech delivered by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara on 16 June 1962 at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor is often cited for its significance in the enunciation of U.S. nuclear strategy, but the speech also featured passages decrying the existence of separate, national nuclear forces within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This article concentrates on the latter dimension of the speech by examining the context of McNamara's remarks and the reactions they provoked, particularly in Great Britain. A vociferous political debate erupted in the United Kingdom over the country's independent nuclear deterrent. The article presents new evidence about McNamara's thinking on independent nuclear forces during this period and shows that the speech had the unintended consequence of complicating Britain's attempts to enter the European Economic Community. The speech and the resulting debate were a crucial part of the sequence of events that produced the Skybolt crisis at the end of 1962.
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Alexsandra Аndreevna, Panasiuk. "The law about animal's protection from cruelty: historical and modern issues." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 350–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-59.
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The article deals with the protection of animals from ill-treatment, generalizes the scientific approaches of the historical and legal aspect of the formation and development of responsibility, conducts a comparative analysis of the present with the historical past. The legal regulation of criminal liability for animal cruelty is characterized. The sanctions and the list of legislation governing this issue are outlined. Solve issues in the area oj the institution of responsibility for animal cruelty is extremely important. In today`s world, animals are considered not only as property of a person, but also as family members. People call for human treatment of animals, both domestic and wild. In addition, humane treatment is usually understood as actions of a person not related to self-defense, causing pain, torment, suffering to the animal. Violence can also be inaction, such as leaving in danger or violating the conditions of keeping animals, leaving without care, and so on. The history of development and regulation of relevant issues deserves special attention. At the level of international law, the issue of liability for animal cruelty has been regulated since the 1960s. The European Community has adopted five main conventions: the European Convention for the Protection of Animals in International Transport (1968), the European Convention for the Protection of Animals kept on Farms (1976), the European Convention for the Protection of Animals intended for Slaughter ), the European Convention for the Protection of Vertebrate Animals Used for Experimental and Other Scientific Purposes (1986), the European Convention for the Protection of Pets (1987). Key words: The provisions of international legal acts have become the basis for the settlement of relevant issues in Ukraine as well.
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Höhn, Maria. "“We Will Never Go Back to the Old Way Again”: Germany in the African-American Debate on Civil Rights." Central European History 41, no. 4 (November 14, 2008): 605–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000861.
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This special edition of Central European History is concerned with how America viewed Germany, and my contribution focuses on how, beginning with Hitler's rise to power, Germany became a point of reference for the emerging American civil-rights movement. By looking at Crisis, published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Opportunity, published by the National Urban League, as well as African-American newspapers, such as the Pittsburgh Courier, Chicago Defender, Amsterdam News, Afro-American, Negro Digest, Ebony, and Jet, I will show how the black community discussed developments in Germany, America's struggle against Nazi racism, and the black soldiers' experience in postwar Germany.
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Zborovska, Xenija. "EARLY ANCIENT PHILOSOPHERS: the beginning of European philosophical thought on the margins." Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 4 (November 4, 2020): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2020.04.023.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of some trends in modern world antiquity and the re-actualization of issues that have methodological and ethical significance for researchers in this field. The essay is aimed not so much at building a broad argument for the "defense" of early ancient philosophers but at (re) actualizing those questions that should be answered by a historian of philosophy, translator, antiquarian, or more broadly - a researcher related to this field. . The author questions the place of the legacy of early ancient philosophers in the history of philosophy, as well as the ethics of "ranking" of more or less important philosophical doctrines. If we turn to the question of assessing (less) the value of the philosopher on the historical background, it remains open. It needs to be discussed soon because, without its clarification, there are no plans for translations and selection of authors for translation and research work in general. Areas will be unsystematic. Simultaneously, the birth of ancient philosophical thought ab initio is interesting precisely in its diversity, in the assortment of currents and approaches, in the pluralism of expressed ideas, because that is why almost every modern philosophical thesis can be justified with the help of an ancient heritage. After all, it is on such principles that specific steps can be outlined for building antiquity as a branch of Ukrainian science. That is why the author emphasizes the need for professional discussion of a range of issues that are basic for historical and philosophical science, which could clarify both the ethical dimension of the researcher and/or translator and the methodological direction of these studies, as well as affect the methodology of the thesaurus—key philosophical terms in Ukrainian. Addressing the origins of European philosophical thought is an urgent need of the Ukrainian community of philosophers because, without this field of research, the academic field cannot be complete.
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Brovina, Alexandra, Larisa Pavlovna Roshchevskaya, and Mikhail Pavlovich Roshchevskii. "Research of oil shale in the Komi ASSR during the Great Patriotic War: experience of the Professor D. N. Kursanov." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.33117.
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The subject of this research is the historical role of Russian scientific community in studying the Arctic and Subarctic territories during the years of Great Patriotic War. The key goal consists in demonstrating the contribution of scholars to accumulation of scientific knowledge on the northern region in the context of solution of the priority government objective and establishment of scientific organizations on the European North of Russia in first half of the XX century. The main tasks of this research lie in reconstruction of the process of creation and activity of oil shale laboratory of the Base of Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union on studying the North under the authority of Professor D. N. Kursanov, who dealt with the questions of utilization of solid fossil fuels of the Komi ASSR. This topic did not receive due coverage within the scientific literature. For solution of the set tasks, the author attracted the unpublished archival materials from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Scientific Archive of the Federal Research Center “Komi Scientific Center of Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences” and National Archive of the Komi Republic; writings of the staff members of the indicated laboratory published based on the research results in 1940s, as well modern researchers of the depths of Russian North. The article explores the history of establishment of scientific department, development of scientific programs and plans, organization of interaction of academic community with the government and economic branches of the Komi ASSR. The main conclusions consists in the proof that the scientific-organizational activity of D. N. Kursanov led to conducting strategic research of defense designation on the problems of studying oil shale of the mineral deposit on Ayyva River, utilization of oil shale for motor fuel generation, and elaboration of new chemical products for defense industry. It is underlined that the high level of explorations and pilot surveys carried out by national scholars in these directions contributed to the development of new shale-chemical industrial sector of the country in the later years.
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Vielliard, Nicolas. "The Brazilian Tyres Case: Competing Trade and Non–Trade Interests and Competing Jurisdictions between MERCOSUR and WTO." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 17, Issue 5 (October 1, 2008): 306–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2008029.
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Brazilian efforts to regulate remoulded and retreaded tires on the basis of human health and environmental considerations have been challenged by both the European Community and Uruguay in WTO and MERCOSUR dispute settlement fora respectively. Such cases are part of and belong to the evolving history of so–called “trade and environment” disputes that have appeared over the past 20 years. Since the infamous and divisive “Tuna–Dolphin” dispute litigated at the GATT in 1991, European and international attention has focused increasingly on this apparently divisive field of law. Rather encouragingly, the more recent case law is moving to were a more balanced and proportionate approach to the trade–environment interface. Ironically, in the wake of the EU–Brazil WTO retreaded tyre dispute, the German nongovernmental organization Form for Environment and Development has sought to encourage EU Trade Commissioner Mandelson to withdraw his appeal of the WTO decision stating that “(A)n appeal of the panel report would be an assault on the health needs of the poor and the environment” and noting that “the European Community has defended several European environmental and health policies at the WTO (asbestos, GMO imports, hormones in beef) and will likely have to defend others in the future. It does notmake sense to challenge a decision that will be useful for arguing pending and future environment and health cases at the WTO.” This article examines the WTO and MERCOSUR dispute settlement challenges and the interaction between the two dispute settlement bodies prior to providing some concluding analysis on balancing health and environment and trade law considerations.
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Ruane, Kevin. "Anthony Eden, British diplomacy and the origins of the Geneva Conference of 1954." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014746.
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ABSTRACTIt is almost forty years since the Geneva conference of April–July 1954 ended the French war in Indo-China. The ‘success’ of the conference was seen as a triumph for the efforts of British diplomacy, and for Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden in particular, a judgement which has altered little with the passage of time. The following article questions this view on the grounds that, ironically, British support for Geneva had little or nothing to do with the situation in Indo-China. On the contrary, it arose in the wider context of policy towards the European Defence Community. It was also a product of Eden's unhappiness at Britain's junior status in the so-called Anglo-American ‘special relationship’. The British attitude to Geneva only became more positive in March-April 1954 when French fortunes reached their nadir and the alternative to a negotiated solution in Viet-Nam seemed to be American, or American-led, military intervention. Faced with this potentially catastrophic prospect, the previously ‘unwanted’ conference assumed a new relevance for Eden and British diplomacy.
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Heuser, Beatrice. "Keystone in the Division of Europe: Germany in the Cold War." Contemporary European History 1, no. 3 (November 1992): 323–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000205.
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The last years of the Cold War have produced a bumper crop of studies of its beginnings, and the books reviewed here are a part of it. Anne Deighton's, Cyril Buffet's and Saki Dockrill's monographs are succinct and thoroughly well-written histories based on extensive archival research. Olaf Mager's book, like the former three a well-converted PhD thesis, takes more of a political science approach, looking at the historical commitment of Britain's forces to the defence of Continental Europe in the light of its continuing importance. Klaus A. Maier's and Wilhelm Meier-Dornberg's examinations of Western policies towards the European Defence Community (EDC) project form part of the ambitious multi-volume series on the beginning of West German security policy, edited by the office of military history of the Federal Republic. Hermann-Josef Rupieper's colossal monograph on US policy towards Germany, like Maier's and Meier-Dotnberg's studies of the EDC phase in the evolution of German rearmament, is based on enormously comprehensive multi-national archival research, where the first four books mentioned drew mainly on the archives of one country. The volume on Germany and the Marshall Plan edited by Charles Maier and Giinter Bischof, and the Gottinger Arbeitskreis's volume on the German question from 1953 to 1955, are both collections of multi-author articles concerned with a common theme.
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Esterson, Rebecca. "Allegory and Religious Pluralism: Biblical Interpretation in the Eighteenth Century." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2018-0001.
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AbstractThe Christian discourse of the literal and spiritual senses in the Bible was, in the long eighteenth century, no less tied to perceptions of Jewish interpretive abilities than it had been previously. However, rather than linking Jews with literalism, in many cases the early modern version of this discourse associated Jews with allegory. By touching upon three moments in the reception history of the Bible in the eighteenth century, this article exhibits the entanglement of religious identity and biblical allegory characteristic of this context. The English Newtonian, William Whiston, fervently resisted allegorical interpretations of the Bible in favor of scientific and literal explanations, and blamed Jewish manuscript corruption for any confusion of meaning. Johan Kemper was a convert whose recruitment to Uppsala University reveals an appetite on the part of university and governmental authorities for rabbinic and kabbalistic interpretive methods and their application to Christian texts. Finally, the German Jewish intellectual Moses Mendelssohn responded to challenges facing the Jewish community by combining traditional rabbinic approaches and early modern philosophy in defense of a multivocal reading of biblical texts. Furthermore, Mendelssohn’s insistence on the particularity of biblical symbols, that they are not universally accessible, informed his vision for religious pluralism. Each of these figures illuminates not only the thorny plight of biblical allegory in modernity, but also the ever-present barriers and passageways between Judaism and Christianity as they manifested during the European Enlightenment.
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Bogolyubov, Sergei Aleksandrovich. "M.I. Kozyr's Agrarian Law Ideas are Confirmed." Сельское хозяйство, no. 2 (February 2022): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2453-8809.2022.2.39397.
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The works and activities of M.I. Kozyr, Doctor of Law, Professor, remain in the history of agrarian, land, and environmental law. Mikhail Kozyr's initiative, energy, organizational abilities were manifested in creative scientific and practical searches, numerous articles, textbooks, comments on laws, making legislative proposals, trips with scientific landings to republics, territories and regions of the USSR, on foreign business trips, participation in Italian and European agrarian unions. He appreciated, developed, promoted and taught collective farm – agricultural – agrarian law; developed new approaches to the legal provision of food security in Russia, clarifying the subject and methods, improving the quality of acts of agrarian law, implementing the norms of civil, administrative, land legislation in the legal institutions of agrarian law. M.I. Kozyr sought the restoration of agrarian law as a teaching discipline in law higher educational institutions. Currently, the ideas of M.I. Kozyr are recognized in the Russian legal, agrarian community: agriculture is included in paragraph "d" of Article 72 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation on the joint jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and it's subjects ; agriculture is included in the nomenclature of scientific specialties for the defense of dissertations; the multi-vector nature and importance of studying legal issues of agriculture, justification of ways to improve efficiency of legal regulation of economic activity in the agricultural sector of the economy. The professor's followers and students continue to provide scientific and legal support for the development of agriculture in Russia.
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Universitatea Babeș-Bolyai, Facultatea de Sociologie și Asistență Socială. "In Memoriam Florin Faje (15.10.1984-15.01.2020)." Sociologie Romaneasca 18, no. 2 (November 11, 2020): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.18.2.9.
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Florin Faje (15.10.1984-15.01.2020) passed away unexpectedly at the age of 35 leaving behind a devastated family and a mourning academic community. His contributions to the anthropology of sport, ethno-nationalism in relation with class divides, state-formation and social history in Central and Eastern Europe remain truly remarkable proofs of an insightful and prolific anthropological spirit. His classes on economic and cultural anthropology, and his critical reading of development and globalisation studies kept generations of students at the Babeș-Bolyai University of Cluj engaged and motivated to widen their knowledge. His PhD thesis in Sociology and Social Anthropology, "Playing to Win, Learning to Lose. Sport, Nation and State in Interwar Romania", defended in 2014 with Magna cum Laudae at the Central European University - Budapest is awaiting publication.
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Coogan, John W. "Kevin Ruane. The Rise and Fall of the European Defence Community: Anglo-American Relations and the Crisis of European Defence, 1950–1955. (Cold War History Series.) New York: Palgrave. 2000. Pp. ix, 252. $65.00. ISBN 0-312-23482-1." Albion 34, no. 1 (2002): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053509.
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Hasan, Mushirul. "I. Pan-Islamism Versus Indian Nationalism: A Reappraisal." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009359.
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It is widely known, though scarcely recognized, that large sections of the Indian Muslim intelligentsia have been greatly conscious of their fraternal links with their co-religionists in other countries, following their history with interest, deriving comfort in their accomplishments, and lamenting their slow but steady decline. In the nineteenth century, in particular, when Islam seemed to fall on evil days because of the convergence of European Powers on the heartlands of the Muslim world, the heritage of the past stood forth as a symbol of community pride and distinction and the emotional need of most Muslims to vindicate their humiliation was intensified. This was expressed in the adventurist movements of the ‘Wahabis’ in India and Arabia, and the Sanusis in Sudan, the Fulanis and the Mahdists in Nigeria, and the Pan-Islamists in Egypt. At another level, Islam was defended from the polemical and hostile attacks of nineteenth century Western orientalists, and against the intellectual and moral imperialism of the West.
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Khokhon, Mykhailo. "BASILIAN ORDER MONASTERY IN SCHEPLOTY. HISTORY, ARCHITECTURE AND PROBLEMS OF PRESERVATION." Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 4, no. 2 (December 22, 2022): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2022.02.198.
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Monasteries in the XVII–XVIII centuries to a greater or lesser extent were the cultural centers of the country, centers of theological thought, spiritual and intellectual activity. It is worth noting that the sacred buildings of that time are a sign of the presence of a certain people in the territory. The monastery in Shcheploty was a small Ukrainian monastery that played its own role in this process. This Monastery is little known, and the surviving relics are not included in the register of monuments and are not protected by the law, which threatens the preservation of part of the history of sacred architecture of Ukraine. The monastery in Shcheploty is poorly studied. There are work of Slobodyan (Slobodyan V., 1998.) in the context of wooden sacred architecture with exploration of the main historical aspects of the monastery and the first attempt of the author to conduct architectural research in 2017 (Khokhon M., 2017). On the basis of measurements, the analysis of historical data the graphic reconstruction of the lost monastery is carried out. It is worth noting that the fortifications could have different shapes and combinations. Including for the fence there are two options: 1) the fence was arranged on the crown of the shaft; 2) the fence was arranged on the outer perimeter of the defensive moat (Bogdanowski, J., 1996). Both scenarios were possible, the reconstruction was carried out for the first option and is designed to open a discussion in the scientific community and stimulate further research of the monastery. As a result of the research It is determined that the monastery consisted of two wooden churches of different times, a bell tower with a fence of the sacred territory and monastic cells with an economic part and fortifications. Archaeological excavations should determine the presence of burials near the former churches. The territory of the monastery occupied about 0.7 hectares. The overall dimensions of the fortifications in the widest part were 115x80 m. The defensive perimeter consisted of an earthen rampart, a moat, bastions on the corners, a fence and a gate. The configuration had an irregular layout close to an irregular trapezoid. It has been determined that the historic territory is privately owned and has an inappropriate purpose, which creates certain legal complications in the museification of shafts at the initiative of local authorities. The defensive relics of the monastery in Shcheploty are an important element of the history of Ukrainian defensive sacred architecture. Despite the relatively small size of the monastery, the defense system was designed in the spirit of the European fortification schools. The remains of fortifications and monasteries need to be included in the register of monuments of Ukraine.
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Ryabova, L. K. "About the Patriotism amongst Russian Emigration: Interpretations and Practices in the 1940s." Modern History of Russia 10, no. 4 (2020): 948–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.408.
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The patriotic moods in Russian emigration during World War II and in the first post-war years are less studied than those of the 1920s and 1930s. Patriotism manifested itself in various forms, and was reflected both in journalism and in behavioral practices. The attitude towards Russia ranged from support for the Soviet regime to defeatist appeals. The most objective position, albeit implacable in relation to the Soviet regime, was taken by New Journal, using materials of which the “cultures of patriotism” were mainly considered. Serious disagreements among the emigrant community raised questions of support for the USSR; questions of the global postwar structure and the fate of European democracies; and restoration of Russia’s former borders. A significant number of authors defended the “restoration” policy of the Soviet government toward lost territories. Others did not see danger in the policy of “containment” of the USSR. Fears of a possible territorial collapse of the country, in particular the separation of Ukraine, became one of the most striking manifestations of patriotism. In the field of practical actions, the experience of communication between emigrants and Soviet citizens who found themselves in Europe, and especially the movement for returning to the USSR, deserves attention. This practice is explored using documents from the archives of the Geneva Institute of International Relations, in particular materials of the “Association of Persons from the USSR” founded in Geneva in 1945.
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Corral-Broto, Pablo, and Antonio Ortega Santos. "simple overflow?" Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (December 17, 2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3564.
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This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain’s Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state’s violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state.
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Gliszczyńska-Grabias, Aleksandra. "Deployments of Memory with the Tools of Law – the Case of Poland." Review of Central and East European Law 44, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 464–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-04404002.
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Recent invocations of the past in the service of ideology, based to a large extent on nationalistic motives, are a particularly disturbing phenomenon in the area of the European “duty to remember” and memory laws. One of the most telling examples of this trend was Polish legislation introduced in January 2018 (partly repealed in June 2018) that penalized defamation of the Polish State and the Polish Nation by claiming their responsibility or co-responsibility for crimes committed by German Nazis in occupied Poland. Although the idea of opposing the falsification of history appears valid, the structure of the law left room for also bringing to trial those daring to ask uncomfortable questions challenging the heroic vision of Poland’s past. This article claims that legal provisions such as the Polish law represent a dangerous tool of strengthening the feeling of national community understood very narrowly and limited to one nationally, religiously and ethnically homogeneous group. This approach is directly connected with promulgation of the narrative of a “besieged castle”, which defends itself against “the Other” and demands indisputable recognition for its past sufferings. The reasons, mechanisms and consequences of recent implementation in Poland of legal and political discourse regarding the past, are discussed here.
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Sinkevych, Eugene. "Archival Sources on the Support of the January Uprising of 1863-1864 by the Inhabitants of Kherson Province of the Russian Empire and the Consequences for the Liberation Movement." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 39 (2022): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2022-39-74-80.
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The aim of the article is to shed light on the influence of the January Uprising of 1863-1864 on ethnic Polish territory on the revival of the revolutionary and national liberation movement in the Kherson region. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematics, analytical and synthetic critique of sources. The method of historical reconstruction helped to compile from the scattered facts a holistic view of the history of the liberation struggle of the Ukrainian and Polish peoples against tsarism. Scientific novelty is an attempt to systematize our knowledge of the situation in the Kherson region during and after the suppression of the January Uprising of 1863-1864. The main provisions of the article. From the first days of its existence, Kherson, Mykolayiv, Ochakiv, and Odessa had a multinational character due to the tsarist resettlement policy. The national and religious diversity of the region required meeting the urgent needs of the inhabitants. In 1849, Kherson became the center of the Catholic Diocese, which coveredthe southern European part of the Russian Empire. Throughout the nineteenth century, the national liberation struggle and the defense of their own national interests became the content of the Polishsocio-political movement, a powerful impetus for the protection of national culture, language, traditions and religion. The January Uprising, becoming the most massive of all Polish national liberation uprisings, contributed to the growth of national consciousness among a wider section of the Polish community. Conclusions. According to the author, the January Uprising of 1863-1864 had enough sympathizers in the Kherson province, because unlike the situation in Galicia, the Ukrainian and Polish cultural and educational movements were not competitors in the struggle for their own statehood. Despite the persecution and persecution that intensified after the defeat of the January Uprising, national movements continued to unfold in the following decades. At various stages, the Polish community was in search of new, including non-violent, ways to fight for the restoration of lost statehood. In recent decades, Ukrainian scholars have not paid much attention to the impact of the January Uprising on the southern region of Ukraine.
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Deighton, Anne. "Kevin Ruane, The Rise and Fall of the European Defence Community: Anglo-American Relations and the Crisis of European Defence, 1950–55. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000. 252 pp. $69.95. John Dumbrell, A Special Relationship: Anglo-American Relations in the Cold War and After. New York: St.Martin's Press, 2001. 258 pp. $69.95." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 4 (October 2002): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2002.4.4.118.
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Łazowski, Adam, and Ramses A. Wessel. "When Caveats Turn into Locks:Opinion 2/13on Accession of the European Union to the ECHR." German Law Journal 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 179–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019477.
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The Court of Justice of the European Union (the Court of Justice) decided to strike again. On 18 December 2014, for the second time in history, the Court rejected the European Union's (EU) accession to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Although the judges do not seem to negate the idea as a matter of principle, they made the renegotiation of the Draft Accession Treaty very difficult, to say the least. The message sent by the Court of Justice to the Member States may have surprised some, but for many it was a rather expected development. The Court of Justice has always been a fierce defender and promoter of the autonomy of EU law. For that purpose, the procedure based on Article 218 (11) TFEU has been, among the others, the Court's greatest weapon. Over the years a clear pattern has emerged: Whenever there is a threat to the autonomy and to the Court's exclusive jurisdiction, the judges will not shy away from taking bold decisions going against the will of the Member States. For obvious reasons, theraison d'êtrebehind the Court's decision is kept secret behind the doors of the deliberation rooms at Kirchberg in Luxembourg. Still, it cannot be denied thatOpinion 2/13shows that the Court of Justice will not give up its resistance to the ECHR accession so easily. In 1996, in Opinion 2/94, the Court held that the European Community, as the law stood then, had no competence to accede to ECHR. Now that Article 6(2) TEU provides for an obligation to accede, subject to conditions laid down in Protocol No 8 to the Founding Treaties, the Court has opted for strict interpretation of the latter, which, ultimately turns the caveats laid down therein into locks. It is clear that these caveats turned into locks are something that the judges will hold on to in the future and, by the same token, they will happily pursue interpretation that is very different from what the Member States intended when negotiating the Treaty of Lisbon and the Draft Accession Agreement.
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GRABOVSKA, Iryna, Kateryna NASTOIASHCHA, and Tetyana TALKO. "THE ROLE OF THE UKRAINE-CENTRIC ELITES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE OF UKRAINE'S SUBJECTIVITY (DEDICATED TO THE 300TH ANNIVERSARY OF BIRTH OF HRYHORIY SKOVORODA)." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 31 (2022): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2022.31.10.
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The article analyzes the role of Ukrainian elites in the light of the problem and philosophy of subjectivity. Attention is focused on the specifics of this moment in the existence of the Ukrainian state and nation, which are waging a fierce struggle for their own freedom and survival in the war with the Russian fascist regime. It is emphasized that subjectivity in modern scientific discourse means the level of independence and independence from external factors of the country, its self -sufficiency and independence as an actor of history. From a philosophical point of view, a subject in a broad sense is that or that which/who has agency, i.e. acts on some other entity (object), or has dominion over it. In this case, something/someone is endowed with subjectivity. When defining subjectivity, the emphasis is placed on the country as a unity of the state, nation and community of citizens who inhabit this country. Today, the reality is that as a result of the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian nation to the aggression of the Russian Federation, the status of Ukraine as an actor in history is fundamentally changing. She turned into a leader of the free world, becoming a defender of authentic European values, which the modern West, especially Western Europe, has largely destroyed. It is worth agreeing with the statement of the famous political analyst A. Piontkovsky that it is Ukraine today that is saving Europe and the whole world from the plague of rashism and totalitarianism already in the 21st century. Its position is the position of an active subject, the center of reformatting of European politics, which cannot help but influence the entire world today. It is concluded that the activity of Ukrainian-centric elites in Ukraine is a necessary condition for winning the war against the rashist aggressor. In addition, the realities of the war require the actual transformation of all existing elites in the state into Ukrainian-centric ones. The formation of a strong subjectivity of Ukraine also depends on the ability of its elites to adequately respond to the challenges and threats facing the Ukrainian nation. The article is dedicated to the 300th anniversary of the birth of the outstanding Ukrainian philosopher Hryhorii Savych Skovoroda.
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Ciesielski, Mariusz. "Zdzisław Zmigryder Konopka – ancient militaty historian, classical philologist, historian of roman law and teacher." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia 24, no. 24 (December 27, 2022): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2022.24.8.
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Zdzisław Zmigryder-Konopka, Warsaw philologist, historian of the antique military, Roman law and teacher, engaged with antiquity in many ways during his scholarly and teaching career. Above all, however, he was trained as a philologist and for a certain period (when not employed at the university) he was even a teacher of Latin and Greek in secondary schools, where he enjoyed recognition among pupils and students. In his research work – interrupted by his untimely passing – he focused on Roman history, but his studies spanned a broad chronological timeframe and diverse range of topics, namely Roman law (social and constitutional) and military history. He was a man utterly fascinated by his field and working with young people, not to mention his public activism. He was the type of true humanist whose values, formed and embraced during university studies, shaped and permanently influenced his attitude to life. In the final period of his life, with the rise of anti-Semitism and growing threat of war, Zdzisław Zmigryder-Konopka became a member of the National Committee for Aid to Jewish Refugees from Germany. In addition, he became involved with the Social Committee for the Defence of the State as part of the Jewish Community in Warsaw. After the outbreak of the war, he volunteered to fight in the September campaign, and after it ended he arrived in Lwów to become a lecturer at the Jan Kazimierz University. Though affected by poor health and chronic illness, his death on 4 November 1939 still came as a surprise. Discussed more broadly in this paper, Zmigryder-Konopka’s “Battle in the Teutoburg Forest” relied on an analysis of source text to deliver a substantive response to the assertions published in German scholarly literature of the 1930s, which eulogized Germanic past in European history following Germany’s defeat in the Great War of 1914-1918 and Adolf Hitler’s rise to power.
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Malle, Silvana. "Russia and China in the 21st century. Moving towards cooperative behaviour." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 2 (July 2017): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.02.003.
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Political and economic rapprochement is taking place between Russia and China in a number of fields: energy, arms production, trade in national currencies and strategic projects in transport and supporting infrastructure. This development, fostered by Western policies and actions, including sanctions related to Ukraine, appears to be strengthening despite reservations related to uneasy precedents, contrasting visions and uncertain economic projections. Chinese policies aiming at European markets via the revival of the Silk Road assist this development. The One Belt-One Road is projected as an alternative, or supplement, to the maritime routes made unsafe by contiguous countries’ unrest, criminality and the assertive control of the seas by the United States. While Russia, promoting friendly investment structures, moves eastwards to develop the Russian Far East bordering China, the latter expands westwards engaging in laborious negotiations with Central Asian countries and costly investments in infrastructure and logistics. In each area, the article maintains that both countries, despite economic and political competition and fear of losing control, have interest in cooperation and discusses the areas where this is taking place, albeit slowly and with difficulty. Whether economic cooperation can develop into a strategic alliance including defence is discussed in the light of joint military exercises, arms trade and plans to broaden the scope of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (of which India and Pakistan have recently become members), and the Common ASEAN Community. This path is difficult and marred by members’ conflicting interests. But some positive outcomes should not be ruled out.
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GARAY KROCHANOVA, Dagmar. "REALITY AND UTOPIA IN THE WORKS OF GEJZA VÁMOŠ." Ezikov Svyat volume 20 issue 1, ezs.swu.v20i1 (February 10, 2022): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v20i1.16.
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Gejza Vámoš (1901 Dévaványa, Hungary – 1956 Muriaé Minas, Brazil) is one of the most remarkable Slovak writers of the interwar period. His life and literary work is similar to those of a number of European intellectuals of Jewish origin, who experienced otherness and alienation, and looked for strategies to overcome them. Despite the fact that the legislation in the Czechoslovak Republic in the interwar period supported religious equality, the stereotypes concerning the Jews and the doubts about their assimilation continued. Vámoš expressed his ideas about a new community in his doctoral dissertation in philosophy Princíp krutosti (The Principle of Cruelty) defended at Comenius University in Bratislava in 1932 as well as in his literary works, especially in the novels Atómy Boha (Atoms of God) (1928) and Odlomená haluz (Broken Branch) (1934). The former work challenges the idea of creation and perceives a doctor of medicine as a new prophet, whereas the latter one discusses the possibilities of Jewish assimilation and the problems of upbringing. Odlomená haluz was awarded a prize in Prague but at the same time Vámoš faced lawsuits and severe accusations related to some parts of the novel. In 1939, he left for China, and in the late 1940s, he moved to Brazil. New editions of his fiction appeared in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s, and after 1989, his work was included in the history of philosophical thinking in Slovakia.
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Teslya, Andrey. "In Disputes Over the Marxist Concept of Russian History Between the Autonomy of the State and the NEP (1st Half of the 1920s)." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics VI, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2022-1-213-232.
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Russian Marxism turned rather late to constructing of its concepts of the Russian historical process and/or attempts to give a coherent interpretation of the history of the Russian Empire/Russian people/peoples of the Eastern European Plain. The Bolsheviks, who came to power in late 1917 and from the middle of 1918, increasingly determined to claim if not the fullness of ideological control, then intellectual hegemony, did not have their historiography of “Russian history”. The situation between 1918 and the early 1920s was a confrontation between “Marxist” in the broad sense of the term and “non-Marxist” concepts and approaches. The “Marxist” historiography by the early 1920s was represented by three approaches associated with the names of G.V. Plekhanov, N.A. Rozhkov and M.N. Pokrovsky. Rozhkov's historical constructions initially fell by the wayside in historical discussions; the real confrontation within Marxist-historians was reduced to a confrontation between the versions of the historical process proposed by G.V. Plekhanov and M.N. Pokrovsky in the 1910s. In this article, we analyze the different levels of this confrontation, from topical political implications, such as attitudes to the state and the question of “defence”, to epistemological assumptions, the understanding of “science”, the place of “historical facts” and the role of interpretation. At the same time, both G.V. Plekhanov's concept (and L.D. Trotsky's related, though politically opposed, interpretation of Russian history) and M.N. Pokrovsky's concept are closely linked to the “school of Klyuchevsky” and carry not only an explicit, but, even more significant, largely implicit and unproblematized heritage of both the Klyuchevsky historical scheme and, in turn, the “state school” that lies at its base. M.N. Pokrovsky's criticism of this legacy from his opponents was purposeful, but implicitly for him, it conditioned his interpretation of the very object of historical consideration. The “historical synthesis” of “high Stalinism” of the late 1930s–1950s, the union of the “red professors” and the successors of pre-revolutionary schools of historiography, especially the Moscow and Petersburg universities, was facilitated not only by the elaboration of the dogmatic foundation of historical materialism in “Brief Course...” by the late 1930s but also by the real community of conceptual foundations going back to the “Klyuchevskii school” and the “state school” of Russian historiography.
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Laurent, Pierre-Henri. "The European Community." Current History 87, no. 532 (November 1, 1988): 357–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.532.357.
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Ahlstrom, Richard P. "The European Community Faces 1992." Current History 90, no. 559 (November 1, 1991): 374–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1991.90.559.374.
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Arnaut Haseljić, Meldijana. "The Dayton peace agreement – The end of greater state claims?" Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 135–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.135.
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The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Peace Agreement) accepted in Paris on December 14, 1995 was signed by: for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija Izetbegović, for the Republic of Croatia dr. Franjo Tudjman and Slobodan Milosevic for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. There are good reasons why the international community has demanded that these people be signatories to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Namely, after unsuccessful attempts to establish an agreement on constitutional solutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting with Cutileiro's plan (cantonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina on ethnic grounds), on which talks in Sarajevo began in February 1992, until the conference in London on 26 and On August 27, 1992, it was obvious that the positions of the Serb and Croat sides in Bosnia and Herzegovina were being harmonized with the positions of Belgrade and Zagreb, that is, the policies previously agreed and agreed upon on the Milosevic-Tudjman route. Three delegations participated in the conference in London. On behalf of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government were President Alija Izetbegović, Minister of Foreign Affairs Haris Silajdžić, Ejup Ganić and General Sefer Halilović. The Bosnian Serb delegation included Radovan Karadzic, RS President Momcilo Krajisnik, RS Vice President and VRS General Ratko Mladic, who were in direct consultations with Belgrade throughout the negotiations. Representatives of Bosnian Croats were the President of HZ HB Mate Boban, then the Prime Minister of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mile Akmadžić (although he was a member of the Government of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, he participated as a member of the Croatian delegation) and General Milivoj Petković. Croatian President Franjo Tudjman also took part in the negotiations and was the unofficial but de facto head of the Croatian delegation. Following the London Conference and the failure of the previous negotiations, the European Community Conference on Yugoslavia was expanded to include the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, chaired by Cyrus Vance (US diplomat on behalf of the UN) and Lord David Owen (on behalf of the EC / U). a new era of peace negotiations. Vance-Owen's plan foresaw the decentralization of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the existing borders with a constitutional order based on federal principles contained in a number of constitutive elements - regions (ten cantons formed on ethnic principles) and with the Sarajevo district where the central government would be located. This plan, after the refusal of the Serbian Assembly from Pale to ratify it, was definitely rejected. This was followed by the Owen-Stoltenberg Peace Plan (Constitutional Agreement on the Alliance of the Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina) which offered a confederation of Bosnia and Herzegovina composed of three republics made up of ethnicity, but this plan also proved unacceptable. The Contact Group's plan followed the establishment of the Washington Agreement, which established the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in March 1994. This plan provided for the preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a union within its internationally recognized borders, and territorial division according to the percentage of territory (51:49). The Serbian leadership in Pale also refused to accept this proposal. The international community had to look for new solutions. The Contact Group's plan was a step towards negotiations that will result in the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. However, it is important to note that all the plans offered led to the discovery of hidden policies created by the eastern and western neighbors of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, all the proposed proposals for "peace plans", which the international community tried to impose in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were based on constitutional devastation and territorial division, thus accepting armed conquests and occupation of the area with the ultimate goal of destroying its territorial integrity and statehood. sovereignty, which made it obvious that the international community was not ready to protect the sovereignty of an internationally recognized state guaranteed by international law, which was especially denied by the introduction of an arms embargo, which prevented it from protecting its own sovereignty and territorial integrity. What was the role of the signatories of the Dayton Agreement in the preparation and execution of bilateral aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of implementing plans for the partition of Bosnia and the realization of large-scale projects, and whether it determined their position as signatories to the General Framework Agreement? and the topic of trials of international courts with the aim of establishing, proving and convicting committed crimes. What is the significance of the signatories in the establishment and preservation of peace, and whether large-scale projects and plans for their implementation ended with the signing of the Dayton Agreement are questions whose answers are still being sought 25 years after the signing of the agreement. Namely, Slobodan Milosevic, the then president of the Federal Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), before the signing of the Dayton Agreement, appeared before the ICTY as an indictee for crimes committed in the Republics of the former Yugoslavia - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo. The trial was not terminated due to the death of the accused, but the Trial Chamber rendered a decision on the motion for acquittal (Interim Judgment of the Hague Tribunal of 16 June 2004), which established his responsibility for genocide committed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tudjman, the then President of the Republic of Croatia, was identified as a participant in a joint criminal enterprise in a verdict handed down for crimes committed by the Croatian Army (HV) and the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) against the civilian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Case IT-04-74 Prlić etc). In its appeal verdict against the Bosnian six, the ICTY Appeals Chamber found that there was an international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the state of occupation, but also confirmed the existence of a Croatian joint criminal enterprise aimed at "ethnic cleansing" certain areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia's Franjo Tudjman as one of the participants in this JCE. Thus, persons who found themselves in court proceedings and were held responsible for the consequences of the policies they implemented, the commission of crimes and joint criminal enterprises realized in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, became signatories of the Dayton Peace Agreement and guarantors of peace.
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Stein, William W., and Florencia E. Mallon. "The Defense of Community in Peru's Central Highlands." Ethnohistory 32, no. 1 (1985): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482095.
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Henckaerts, Jean-Marie. "The Protection of Human Rights in the European Union: Overview and Bibliography." International Journal of Legal Information 22, no. 3 (1994): 228–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500024938.
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The treaties establishing the European Communities (“EC”) are virtually silent on the protection of human rights. Some earlier, more ambitious plans for European integration, the European Defense Community and the draft Statute of a European Political Community, dealt with the issue to some extent. However, these plans had failed and the EC founding fathers wanted to confine the treaty to the bare necessities of an economic community. They probably also thought that as the scope of Community law was essentially limited to economic and technical issues, human rights problems would not occur. Judicial practice would prove the contrary.
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Goyder, Joanna. "European Community Free Movement of Cultural Goods and European Community Law." International Journal of Cultural Property 1, no. 1 (January 1992): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739192000201.
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Chen, Maria X. "Negotiating French Wine and European Identities at the European Community." Contemporary European History 29, no. 4 (November 2020): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000405.
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This article examines the French role in creating an integrated wine policy at the European level and demonstrates that political negotiations over the policy revealed competing European conceptions of agriculture and identity. Drawing on research in EEC and French historical archives, this article argues that in spite of the risks involved in relinquishing sovereignty over a key national industry with deep cultural resonance, the French government was determined to transfer responsibility for much of the sector to the European Community due to continued domestic pressure. Further, it suggests that common values around the centrality of agriculture in the European project meant that countries were persistent in realising a wine policy even though wine was not a natural fit in the pantheon of other goods for which common markets were created.
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Kaelble, Hartmut. "Social History of European Integration." Tocqueville Review 16, no. 1 (January 1995): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.1.61.
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In theory, the social history of European integration could be written in three different ways.l The first method would be to adopt the perspective of political historians and political scientists, who would apply social history to learn about new, neglected, but powerful factors affecting European integration. They might, for instance, try to identify those social factors underlying the founding of the European coal and steel community in 1950 or discuss the social background behind the creation of the European Economic Community in 1957.
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POPIEL, Henryk, Bogusław ROGOWSKI, and Krzysztof WALCZAK. "POLISH DEFENSE STANDARDS WITHIN THE EUROPEAN RANGE." National Security Studies 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2014): 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/135200.
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The article is an account of activities conducted in the field of standardization related to State defence and security for the development of military standards in the area of water supply for forces in field conditions. This adheres to the level of European defence standardization procesess. Thus, a type of summary has been presented of this not so popular case, when – for the very first time in the history of Polish military standardization – national defence standards have become the standards within the European range. What has been pointed out in this aspect is the importance and the need to promote – in a similar way – the achievements of military standardization in other areas of social and economic life, especially in the field of State defence and security, as well as anywhere where Poland has a potential and considerable achievements on a global scale. Such actions – except for a considerable contribution to improving a positive image of Poland in international relations – may be one of the ways to gain a more effective access to information and markets, education and development.
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Konde, Emmanuel. "Pierre Mendès France, French Security Politics, and the European Defense Community." Open Journal of Political Science 03, no. 01 (2013): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2013.31004.
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