Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'European Defense Community – History'
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1
Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Fox, Timothy William. "Euros, pounds and Albion at arms: European monetary policy and British defense in the 21st century." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FFox.pdf.
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Benton, Mark G. Jr. "To Embrace the King| The Formation of a Political Community in the French County of Anjou, 1151---1247." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10262537.
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Historians of the Middle Ages have long reflected on the chronicles and archival sources of Western Europe, seeking to find the birth of the modern state. This thesis represents one such contribution to this historical problem, exploring the question of political centralization in the kingdom of France during the reigns of Capetian kings between 1151 and 1247. Focusing on the county of Anjou, this thesis contends that local aristocrats not only constructed their own political community but also used local customs to shape the contours of centralization in Anjou. Angevin sources suggest that state-building in France emerged less from conquest and occupation than as the result of cooperation between the political center and peripheral communities. The kings of France benefited from the loyalty of the Angevin political community, while local elites used royal concessions to define and defend their political and legal rights as Angevins.
4
Donald, Colin James. "Who Controlled Cruise?: The 1983 Deployment of Cruise Missiles in the United Kingdom and the Post-1945 Anglo-American Special Relationship in Defense." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625488.
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Fink, de Backer Stephanie. "Widows at the nexus of family and community in early modern Castile." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289931.
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Widows as individuals and as a social group held fundamental importance to both the family and civic life of early modern Castile. Archival sources indicate that widows' influence throughout all levels of Castilian society was magnified by their relative degree of legal autonomy, combined with a tacit acceptance of women's activities in many areas of familial and municipal life. The use of documents more closely reflecting women's daily activities allows for contextualization of the complex impact of moral and legal rhetoric on the social construction of widowhood, providing concrete examples of widows' practical and often highly tactical employment, evasion, and/or manipulation of patriarchal and moral norms. The experience of widowhood both forces a re-examination of gender boundaries by questioning current theories of female enclosure and demands a re-evaluation of gendered patterns in expressions of patronage and parentage. Marital status and social class become more important that the gendered moral and legal strictures of an apparently patriarchal society in terms of early modern women's ability to take part in a wide range of activities normally not considered possible for their sex. Toledo's widows challenge public/private spheres models by giving evidence of the public nature of private lives and the private ends of public acts. Examining widows' lives provides insight into the complex mechanisms lying behind the formulation of gender boundaries in the early modern world and the pragmatic politics of everyday life at the nexus of family and community.
6
Iverson, Katy. "Honor, Gender and the Law: Defense Strategies during the Spanish Inquisition, 1526-1532." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626631.
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Malfoy, Jordan I. "Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3639.
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This dissertation argues that the origins of civil defense are to be found in pre-World War II Britain and that a driving force of this early civil defense scheme was fear of poison gas. Later iterations of civil defense, such as the Cold War system in America, built on already existing regimes that had proven their worth during WWII. This dissertation demonstrates not only that WWII civil defense served as a blueprint for later civil defense schemes, but also that poison gas anxiety served as a particular tool for the implementation and success of civil defense. The dissertation is organized thematically, exploring the role of civilians and volunteers in the civil defense scheme, as well as demonstrating the vital importance of physical manifestations of civil defense, such as gas masks and air raid shelters, in ensuring the success of the scheme.
By the start of World War II, many civilians had already been training in civil defense procedures for several years, learning how to put out fires, recognize bombs, warn against gas, decontaminate buildings, rescue survivors, and perform first aid. The British government had come to the conclusion, long before the threat became realized, that the civilian population was a likely target for air attacks and that measures were required to protect them. World War I (WWI) saw the first aerial attacks targeted specifically at civilians, suggesting a future where such attacks would occur more frequently and deliberately. Poison gas, used in WWI, seemed a particularly horrifying threat that presented significant problems. Civil defense was born out of this need to protect the civil population from attack by bombs or poison gas. For the next five years of war civil defense worked to maintain British morale and to protect civilian lives. This was the first real scheme of civil defense, instituted by the British government specifically for the protection of its civilian population.
8
Pattee, Phillip G. "A Great and Urgent Imperial Service: British Strategy for Imperial Defense During the Great War, 1914-1918." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/79576.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation investigates the reasons behind combined military and naval offensive expeditions that Great Britain conducted outside of Europe during the Great War. It argues that they were not unnecessary adjuncts to the war in Europe, but they fulfilled an important strategic purpose by protecting British trade where it was most vulnerable. Trade was not a luxury for the British; it was essential for maintaining the island nation's way of life, a vital interest and a matter of national survival. Great Britain required freedom of the seas in order to maintain its global trade. A general war in Europe threatened Great Britain's economic independence with the potential of losing its continental trading partners. The German High Seas Fleet constituted a serious threat that also placed the British coast at grave risk forcing the Royal Navy to concentrate in home waters. This dissertation argues that the several combined military and naval operations against overseas territories constituted parts of an overarching strategy designed to facilitate the Royal Navy's gaining command of the seas. Using documents from the Cabinet, the Foreign and Colonial Offices, the War Office, and the Admiralty, plus personal correspondence and papers of high-ranking government officials, this dissertation demonstrates that the Offensive Sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defense drafted the campaign plan. Subsequently, the plan received Cabinet approval, and then the Foreign Office, the Admiralty, and the Colonial Office coordinated with allies and colonies to execute the operations necessary to prosecute the campaign. In Mesopotamia, overseas expeditions directed against the Ottoman Empire protected communications with India and British oil concessions in Persia. The combined operations against German territories exterminated the logistics and intelligence hubs that supported Germany's commerce raiders thereby protecting Britain's world-wide trade and its overseas possessions.
Temple University--Theses
9
Furby, Daniel Edwin. "The revival and success of Britain's second application for membership of the European Community, 1968-71." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/706.
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On 19 December 1967, France formally imposed a veto on British entry to the European Community. The Labour government of Harold Wilson had applied for membership of the Community in May of that year, but the French, in accordance with the views of their President, Charles de Gaulle, implacably opposed enlargement negotiations. Yet just three and a half years later, in June 1971, accession negotiations between Britain and the Community recorded agreement on the critical issues, thereby removing the major diplomatic obstacles to British membership. Why this turnaround in fortunes occurred, and what contribution the governments of Harold Wilson and Edward Heath made to it, are the questions at the heart of this thesis. In its analysis of these historic events, this thesis provides numerous new findings. It re-interprets British actions in relation to the controversial ‘Soames affair’ of February 1969. It demonstrates the impact of The Hague summit upon the cost of British membership, and shows how this influenced internal debate about the case for joining the Community. Fresh light is shed upon the critical phase of the accession negotiations between January and June 1971, both in regard to Pompidou’s actions and motivations, and the role of the May 1971 Heath-Pompidou summit in the successful outcome. The thesis is based primarily upon British governmental sources held at the National Archives. The private papers of key participants have also been consulted, as well as parliamentary debates, political diaries, memoirs, and newspapers. In addition, the papers for the presidency of Georges Pompidou, deposited at the Archives Nationales, are employed to illuminate French actions at the two pivotal moments of the accession negotiations: the impasse of March 1971; and the Heath-Pompidou summit two months later.
10
Sencer, Emre. "Virtuous Praetorians: Military Culture and the Defense Press in Germany and Turkey, 1929-1939." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1218566564.
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Reichman, Alice I. "Community in Exile: German Jewish Identity Development in Wartime Shanghai, 1938-1945." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/96.
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Between 1938 and 1940 approximately 18,000 Jews from Central Europe went to the Chinese city of Shanghai to escape Nazi persecution. While almost every nation in the world refused to accept these desperate refugees, thousands found refuge in Japanese occupied Shanghai, which was an open port and one could immigrate there with no visa or passport. In an incredibly short period of time the refugees were able to develop a vibrant Jewish community. Relying primarily on the testimony of former refugees, this thesis seeks to address three main questions: What did exile in Shanghai feel like for the refugees? How did they handle and react to the circumstances of their new surroundings? In what ways did their common exile unite the group and bring about changes in personal identity?
12
Marinescu, Jocelyn M. N. "Defending Christianity in China : the Jesuit defense of Christianity in the lettres edifiantes et Curieuses & Ruijianlu in relation to the Yongzheng proscription of 1724." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/606.
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Lauer, Rena. "Venice's Colonial Jews: Community, Identity, and Justice in Late Medieval Venetian Crete." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11520.
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This dissertation offers a social history of the Jews of Candia, Venetian Crete's capital, by investigating how these Jews related to their colonial sovereign, their Latin and Greek Christian neighbors, and their diverse co-religionists in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Latin ducal court records, Hebrew communal ordinances, and notarial materials reveal the unique circumstances of Venetian colonial rule on Crete, including the formalized social hierarchy dividing Latin and Greek Christians, ready access to the Venetian justice system, and Venetian accommodation of pre-colonial legal precedents. Together, these elements enabled and encouraged Jews--individuals and community alike--to invest deeply in the institutions of colonial society. Their investment fostered sustained, meaningful interactions with the Latin and Greeks populations. It even shaped the ways in which Jews engaged with one another, particularly as they brought their quotidian and intracommunal disputes before Venice's secular judiciaries. Though contemporary religious authorities frowned upon litigating against co-religionists in secular courts, people from across the spectrum of Candiote Jewry, from community leaders to unhappily married women, sought Venetian judicial intervention at times.History
14
Fleischer, Björn [Verfasser], Philipp [Akademischer Betreuer] Genschel, Berthold [Akademischer Betreuer] Rittberger, and Arndt [Akademischer Betreuer] Wonka. "A European Army? : The European Defense Community and the Politics of Transnational Influence in Post-War Europe, 1950-1954 / Björn Fleischer. Betreuer: Philipp Genschel. Gutachter: Berthold Rittberger ; Arndt Wonka." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1084169010/34.
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SUZUKI, Hitoshi. "Digging for European Unity : the role played by the trade unions in the Schuman plan and the European coal and steel community from a German perspective, 1950-1955." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10420.
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Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Wilfried Loth (Universität Duisburg-Essen) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI and Monash University) ; Prof. Gérard Bossuat (Université de Cergy-Pontoise)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
16
Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. "Reinventing Britain: British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.
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Li, Kwan-leung, and 李君樑. "The European currency crisis: a replay of strains on bretton woods system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31954522.
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Steneck, Nicholas J. "Everybody has a chance: civil defense and the creation of cold war West German Identity, 1950-1968." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1124210518.
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Miller, Renee Catherine. "Reflections of the Insanity Defense in German Literature: Enlightenment to Expressionism." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1398896485.
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Chang, John Young Pei. "The history of diplomatic relations between the Republic of China on Taiwan and the European Community and its member states." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251626.
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This thesis is an historical survey of diplomatic relations between the ROC and the EC and its member states. It seeks to illuminate the neglected diplomatic history between them and to explain the often rocky relationship that has developed. When the EC 6 was established in 1958, the ROC, despite its status as one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council, maintained only consular relations with France, Italy, Belgium, and Luxembourg. The ROC was not capable of sustaining its unusual UN status, especially after the PRC became a nuclear power in 1963. France shifted its recognition of 'China' from Taipei to Peking in 1964 and further blocked the possibility of establishing formal EEC-ROC relations. After the Sino-Soviet rift in 1969, many Western countries began playing the 'China Card' in order to counter-balanced Soviet expansion. Italy for example recognized the PRC in 1970. American rapprochement with the PRC led to the expulsion of the ROC from the UN in 1971. Most of the EC members swiftly established diplomatic relations with the PRC, leaving the ROC as a pariah state. When the EC 6 was enlarged to become the EC 9 in 1973, only Ireland sustained relations with the ROC. But Taiwan's economic success has given it the means to retain informal relations with most EC member states - mainly by launching unorthodox diplomatic initiatives to build up economic, financial, commercial, cultural, and transportation links. By the time the EC 9 was enlarged to EC 10 in 1981, many EC countries had already set up their trade offices in Taipei. By 1986 when the EC 10 was enlarged to become the EC 12, ten member states had established informal relations with Taiwan.
21
Andreoni, Edoardo. "Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative and transatlantic relations, 1983-86." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270343.
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My doctoral project investigates the impact of Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative on transatlantic relations during the period 1983-86. The dissertation focuses on the three main European powers, namely Britain, France, and the Federal Republic of Germany, and examines their reaction to SDI both individually and comparatively. The study exploits SDI’s position at the intersection of nuclear strategy, political ideology, Cold War diplomacy, and industrial politics to offer a multifaceted, multi-national, and primary source-based analysis of US-European relations during the Reagan Presidency. The picture of the transatlantic relationship which emerges from the dissertation is a complex and nuanced one. On the one hand, the analysis argues that relations across the Atlantic during the Reagan era cannot be reduced to a scenario of accelerating ‘drift’ between the United States and Western Europe. Instead, on SDI as well as on other matters, moments of acute friction alternated with a constantly renewed search for dialogue, cooperation, and compromise on the part of the Europeans and also, if to a lesser degree, of the Americans. On the other hand, the ‘exceptionalist’ ideology and worldview underpinning SDI, the prevailing indifference in Washington to its implications for NATO, and most importantly the persistent anti-nuclear rhetoric and ambitions associated with the initiative revealed a distinct lack of sensitivity to European interest by the Reagan administration. As the dissertation shows, the anti-nuclear drive inherent in SDI, which both reflected and reinforced Reagan’s deep-seated interest in nuclear abolition, constituted the most disruptive aspect of the initiative from the viewpoint of European leaders. In these respects, the SDI controversy epitomises the unilateral tendencies and increasingly divergent priorities from those of the European allies which characterised much of the Reagan administration’s foreign policy – making the 1980s a decade of recurrent tensions in transatlantic relations.
22
Plückers, Christine [Verfasser], and Carl [Akademischer Betreuer] Beierkuhnlein. "Following plant community assembly in semi-natural European grasslands by analyzing environmental factors vs. history effects / Christine Plückers ; Betreuer: Carl Beierkuhnlein." Bayreuth : Universität Bayreuth, 2021. http://d-nb.info/122744463X/34.
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Haroche, Pierre. "Théorie réaliste de l’intégration européenne : les conditions de la transformation d'un système international en système interne." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010357/document.
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Cette thèse propose un modèle théorique capable de rendre compte du passage d'un système international à un système interne. Elle s'appuie sur des études empiriques empruntées à l'histoire de l'intégration européenne. Son modèle est fondé sur deux facteurs principaux : la balance entre offensive et défensive et le degré d'interdépendance entre acteurs. Lorsque l'offensive a l'avantage, les acteurs sont incités à résoudre leurs problèmes d'interdépendance via l'usage de la violence, qui s'avère efficace. Ce n'es que lorsque la défense a l'avantage que l'interdépendance peut conduire à l'intégration. Cependant, cette condition n'est pas suffisante. Lorsque l'interdépendance est faible, les acteurs cherchent à la limiter en vue de préserver leur indépendance. Ce n'est que lorsque la défense a l'avantage et que l'interdépendance est prépondérante et incontournable que l'intégration peut être une solution viable. Ce modèle est utilisé pour expliquer le passage d'une stratégie traditionnelle d'indépendance à une politique de délégation à des institutions supranationales, à travers trois catégories d'acteurs: les gouvernements, les parlementaires et le juges. L'intégration gouvernementale est étudiée à travers les origines de la Communauté européenne du charbon et de l'acier (1951) et l'échec de la Communauté européenne de défense (1954). L'intégration parlementaire est étudiée à travers les premiers renforcements du Parlement européen en matière budgétaire (1970) et législative (1986). Enfin, l'intégration juridique est étudiée à travers l'évolution des juridictions allemandes et françaises quant à la reconnaissance de la primauté du droit communautaireThis thesis proposes a theoretical framework able to account for the transition from an international system to a domestic one. It relies on empirical studies from the history of European integration. Its model is based on two principal factors: the offense-defense balance and the degree of interdependence among actor When offense has the advantage, incentives drive the actors to solve their interdependence problems by usin violence because it is quite effective. It is only when defense has the advantage that interdependence can lead to integration. However, that latter condition is not sufficient. When interdependence is weak, actors see to limit it, to preserve their independence. It is only when defense has the advantage and interdependence is overwhelming and unavoidable, that integration becomes a viable solution. This model was applied to explain the transition from a traditional independence-preserving strategy to a delegation-of-powers policy in favor of supranational institutions, by examining three categories of actors: governments, members of parliaments an judges. The origins of the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) and the failure of the European Defense Corn munit y (1954) were used to investigate governmental integration. The first reinforcements of the European Parliament conceming budgetary (1970) and legislative matters (1986) served to study parliamentary integration. lastly, the analysis of judicial integration was explored through the evolution of German and French national courts towards the aeee tance of the su remac of Communit law
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Musselwhite, Paul Philip. "Towns in Mind: Urban Plans, Political Culture, and Empire in the Colonial Chesapeake, 1607--1722." W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623587.
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This dissertation charts the contested political and cultural meaning of urbanization in the emerging plantation societies of Virginia and Maryland. Scholars have long asserted that Chesapeake planters' desire for lucre led them to patent huge tracts of land, disperse across the landscape, and completely dismiss urban development. However, through 17 pieces of legislation, colonists, governors, and London administrators actually encouraged towns in the Chesapeake through the seventeenth century. Despite the environmental and agricultural constraints of tidewater tobacco, both colonies wrestled with a perceived need for towns, which consistently appeared to represent the best means to engineer the region's political economy and local social order. Shifting demographics, a changing labour system, religious conflict, and increasing imperial pressure for control created an atmosphere in which the promise of urbanization could be a powerful tool for various Atlantic actors seeking to shape the emerging plantation system to their purposes. They shared a desire to urbanize the region, but quarrelled because they had contradictory definitions of precisely what a town was, how it should function, and how it should be governed. These divergent visions sprang from and contributed to a contemporaneous European contest between ancient boroughs and modern cities, civic humanism and the emerging nation-state. Towns in the Chesapeake only became widespread in the mid-eighteenth century, once the broader questions of political order in England's boroughs and its plantation empire had been resolved.;Piecing together a range of sources, this dissertation emphasizes the political, economic, and cultural context of the region's many urban plans---and especially the subtle differences in context between Virginia and Maryland---in order to demonstrate how and why town building remained a vital weapon in broader constitutional and commercial disputes. its transatlantic source base connects the Chesapeake's planners and proposals with the contests in English boroughs and Whitehall; spatial, ceremonial, sensory, and cultural analyses uncover the overlooked significance of urban foundations that remained only paper plats or collections of warehouses. The project highlights how proto-urban spaces fit within, or challenged, the emergence of a plantation landscape on the physical, cultural, and political levels.;Part 1 explores urban plans in seventeenth-century Virginia, their connections to English commercial and political rivalries during the Civil War, their role in provoking Bacon's Rebellion, and finally their part in a 1680s transatlantic contest over corporate government. Part 2 offers a parallel story of town-founding efforts in Maryland, exploring how Lord Baltimore's proprietary authority distinguished the complexion of urban development there. Part 3 addresses the entire Chesapeake region after 1689 (once both colonies had fallen under royal control), tracing Governor Francis Nicholson's efforts to reshape the definition of urbanity in the empire by founding Annapolis and Williamsburg and demonstrating how they pushed the concept of the imperial city to the centre of Atlantic political discourse. The fault lines of this debate had become so entrenched by the 1710s that it was abandoned entirely, and during the eighteenth century both colonies developed new kinds of plantation cities, freed from the bitter Atlantic disputes of the previous century.
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Demirdag, Serap. "Harmonisation In European Union On Industrial Property Rights Protection Procedures: Effects On Turkey Within The Framework Of Customs Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604962/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims at answering two questions under the topic of Harmonisation of
Industrial Property Rights Protection Procedures in the European Union. The
questions researched are: &ldquoWhat are the current systems of Industrial Property Rights protection in the world, in the European Union and Turkey?&rdquo
and &ldquo
Is there a way for Turkey to be included within the EU Industrial Property protection system in the future while still being under the relation of Customs Union?&rdquo
. To answer these questions current systems of Industrial Property Rights protection in the world, in European Union and Turkey is briefly analyzed and following this analysis, a proposal for a closer cooperation in Industrial Property protection system of Turkey with the European Union is given backed up with a comparison of statistical data of EU, Turkey and candidate countries.
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Dunbar, Cameron A. "Walking a Fine Line: Britain, the Commonwealth, and European Integration, 1945-1955." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1505144142763366.
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Hendricks, Christopher E. "The Planning and Development of Two Moravian Congregation Towns: Salem, North Carolina and Gracehill, Northern Ireland." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625413.
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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.
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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
29
Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972." Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.
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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
30
Lanzillotti, Ian Thomas. "Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408624340.
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Nebel, Deanna T. "Scottish Fiddling in the United States: Reviving a Tradition and Maintaining a Community." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1429628404.
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Mecking, Bettina. "Der Beitrag des Projekts der Europäischen Politischen Gemeinschaft zur Entwicklung des europäischen Gemeinschaftsrechts /." Hamburg : Kovač, 2006. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/3-8300-1935-1.htm.
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Scheidt, Emma Camille. "The Gesamtkunstwerk of a Reunifying Metropolis: Berlin’s Kunsthaus Tacheles." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/54.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the city of Berlin was faced with the challenge to reunify in both political and cultural realms. Berlin is noted throughout history as a metropolis that is characterized by flux; the Post-Wende [Post-Wall] era is another remarkable transitional phase in Berlin’s history. During this era, the city was extremely porous and susceptible to cultural forces that could easily define the city’s malleable future. This essay discusses such forces and events that were planned by the city government, as well as an organic grassroots force that was especially significant in the cultural reunification. This force is the squatting culture that was spurred by the excess of unused and unclaimed buildings in the center of Berlin. Many of the squatters are coalitions of artists who embody the renitente Kultur [unruly culture] that characterizes Berlin.
Analyzed in this essay is a group of squatting artists, known as “Gruppe Tacheles das Kunsthaus” who inhabited the ruins of a historical building in the Mitte neighborhood located in the center of Berlin. The creators of Tacheles breathed life back into the ruins by establishing ateliers, a restaurant, a club, a movie theatre, a sculpture garden, and a bar in the building that became an artists’ haven with international fame. Artists, both residential and visiting, have treated the crumbling building like a makeshift giant canvas and it is now covered in layers of graffiti and stands as the Gesamtkunstwerk [total and universal ideal work of art] of the reunifying Berlin that has become an international hub for artists.
Due to escalation in property value, an effective owner of the property on which Tacheles stands has stepped forward and taken actions to evict the artists and demolish the building in order to build luxury offices. Most of the artists have left the site, leaving it as a ghostly shell of the bustling community it once was. Near twenty artists remain and protest the actions to destroy their work of art that had come to live symbiotically with the city. At this point, there is one appropriate event to occur next in the lifeline of the site: the building must be demolished in a ceremonious explosion to mark the passing of its vitality, so that its legacy can live on untainted in the future phases of Berlin’s culture.
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Nichter, Luke A. "Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.
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Ellis, Susannah Mary. "Rewriting community for a posthuman age in the works of Antoine Voloine, Michel Houellebecq, and Maurice G. Dantec." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:270b1582-f9a3-4d1a-a16a-13aab278ac2d.
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The heterogeneous field of posthuman theory allows for an account of community under the convergence of late capitalism and high technology and its spread to a global scale. Spanning bioconservative fears of a potential loss of agency and a human ‘essence’ through advances in technology, ‘transhumanist’ hopes for a biological transformation that would fulfil liberal goals for human development, as well as postmodern, feminist interpretations of the posthuman as instantiating a liberating break with liberal ideology and patriarchal structures, theories of the posthuman offer a productive starting point for exploring the transformations in understandings of human subjectivity and community at the turn of the twenty-first century. Placing the concept of community against a background of past totalitarianism and a possible future of an uncontested globalised neoliberal regime that high technology risks intensifying, the present study enquires into the possibility of a community that would escape the metaphysical logic of mastery subtending both past and present models of community and suggests that problematizing representations of the creation of what a strand in contemporary philosophy terms a non-totalising ‘communauté désoeuvrée’ and implicit proposals not for the revival of community as a teleological ‘oeuvre’, but for its rewriting may be found in works by Maurice G. Dantec, Michel Houellebec, and Antoine Volodine, works which have been labelled posthuman themselves by virtue of their incorporation of posthuman themes or structures that come in the shape of representations and problematisations of high technology and its intersection with late capitalism and narrative structures that mimic or subvert conceptions of subjectivity that can loosely be termed posthuman. These novelists write in a context of an ideological, technological, and commercial constraint that hampers literary and political agency and which is problematized both implicitly and explicitly in the use these writers make of representations of violence and literary strategies such as irony, ambiguity, and hermeticism. These representations and strategies, it will be suggested, could be read as subtle attempts to bypass those constraints and restore the potential of literary production to comment on and even intervene in the creation of community in a posthuman age.
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Charlton-Stevens, Uther E. "Decolonising Anglo-Indians : strategies for a mixed-race community in late colonial India during the first half of the 20th century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:254b43ad-a0d6-4416-b451-c1ebff58ecce.
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Anglo-Indians, a designation acquired in the 1911 Indian Census, had previously been known as Eurasians, East Indians, Indo-Britons and half-castes. ‘Anglo-Indian’ had previously denoted, and among some scholars continues to denote, Britons long resident in India. We will define Anglo-Indians as a particular mixed race Indo-European population arising out of the European trading and imperial presence in India, and one of several constructed categories by which transient Britons sought to demarcate racial difference within the Raj’s socio-racial hierarchy. Anglo-Indians were placed in an intermediary (and differentially remunerated) position between Indians and Domiciled Europeans (another category excluded from fully ‘white’ status), who in turn were placed below imported British superiors. The domiciled community (of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans, treated as a single socio-economic class by Britons) were relied upon as loyal buttressing agents of British rule who could be deployed to help run the Raj’s strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, and who were made as a term of their service to serve in auxiliary military forces which could help to ensure the internal security of the Raj and respond to strikes, civil disobedience or crises arising from international conflict. The thesis reveals how calls for Indianisation of state and railway employment by Indian nationalists in the assemblies inaugurated by the 1919 Government of India Act threatened, through opening up their reserved intermediary positions to competitive entry and examination by Indians, to undermine the economic base of domiciled employment. Anglo-Indian leaders responded with varying strategies. Foremost was the definition of Anglo-Indians as an Indian minority community which demanded political representation through successive phases of constitutional change and statutory safeguards for their existing employment. This study explores various strategies including: deployment of multiple identities; widespread racial passing by individuals and families; agricultural colonisation schemes; and calls for individual, familial or collective migration.
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Venosa, Robert Donato. ""Freedom Will Win—If Free Men Act!": Liberal Internationalism in an Illiberal Age, 1936-1956." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1588271691660565.
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Esno, Tyler P. "Trading with the Enemy: U.S. Economic Policies and the End of the Cold War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1486807359479029.
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Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "Fighting for Air: Cold War Reorganization and the U.S. Air Force Security Service, 1945-1952." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461432022.
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Battiss, Samir. "Les relations transatlantiques dans le cadre de la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense (PESD) : l’Alliance atlantique face à l’émergence d’un acteur stratégique européen (1989-2009)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020056.
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Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégiqueThe European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture
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Joseph, Darel. "The Adversity Pop Culture Has Posed." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1877.
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I am a collage artist working with multiple mediums such as paint, photography, video, audio, and performance. As a New Orleans’ native, I have a unique history that is unflattering, for my history echoes that of America’s historical misdeeds. I make sociopolitical art because I am of a historically oppressed people. I make art that celebrates my diverse culture that is a collage of Native American, African, and New Orleans’ French Creole.
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Tuaillon, Demésy Audrey. "L'histoire vivante médiévale. Approche socio-anthropologique." Phd thesis, Université de Franche-Comté, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01062398.
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L'histoire vivante est une manière de présenter le passé, qui peut se décliner en fonction d'époques variées ; celle qui est prise en compte dans cette recherche concerne la période médiévale. La pratique s'expose à travers deux activités distinctes mais complémentaires : la reconstitution historique et les Arts martiaux historiques européens, couramment nommés AMHE. L'étude menée répond à un travail de terrain interdisciplinaire, mêlant des approches ethnologiques et sociologiques. Les données recueillies proviennent d'observations participantes, mises en place lors de différents événements, d'entretiens (semi-directifs ou directifs) auprès de divers informateurs et, enfin, de deux séries de questionnaires. C'est une méthodologie aussi bien qualitative que quantitative qui a été utilisée, afin de permettre une compréhension globale de l'objet d'étude.La problématique retenue, en fonction d'une dialectique constante entre le terrain et la théorie, questionne les modalités d'expressions d'une pratique culturelle génératrice d'identités. Plusieurs axes ont ainsi pu être dégagés. C'est d'abord sous l'angle de la diffusion des connaissances (actions culturelles, rapport au patrimoine, liens entretenus avec la mémoire et principe de transmission) que l'histoire vivante est abordée. Ensuite, la recherche porte sur les éléments de définition associés à la démarche, entre activité de loisir et professionnalisation. Les thématiques présentées renvoient autant au fait associatif qu'au développement technique, en passant par les enjeux touristiques et les ambivalences relatives au concept de fête. Enfin, le dernier point évoque la pratique sociale, créatrice de liens entre les participants. Du profil sociologique des enquêtés au principe de communauté, les investigations réalisées invitent à appréhender les normes et valeurs spécifiques à ce type d'activités. L'un des principaux enjeux consiste à afficher les mécanismes relatifs à la délimitation identitaire d'un groupe particulier : c'est en fonction du rapport à l'altérité et des normes véhiculées par un ensemble précis que le lien social se maintient ou se délie. La faible reconnaissance dont dispose l'histoire vivante favorise ainsi une approche en termes de jeu identitaire, fécond pour l'analyse globale d'une démarche contemporaine en expansion.
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Dubois, Franck. "Approche des questions environnementales par les institutions européennes : 1949-2002." Thesis, Dijon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013DIJOL037.
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Ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d'étudier la construction de l’Europe institutionnelle en parallèle de l'émergence des questions environnementales et interroger dans le cadre d'une évolution historique, les interactions entre les décideurs, les administrations et les citoyens autour des questions de société, pour en observer les mécanismes de mutation. Il s'agit de questionner la capacité des Institutions européennes à faire intégrer à ses Etats membres des exigences environnementales. Nous observerons le glissement opéré depuis un principe de conservation de la nature à l’assurance d’un développement durable, en passant par une protection de l’environnement puis une préservation de la biodiversité où seront analysés les leviers d'action privilégiés pour imposer aux Etats des réglementations contraignantes. Les travaux développés dans cette recherche analysent les changements de « modèle », de cadrage législatif, de comportements, de conscience, de mode de vie en Europe, et leurs conséquences dans des solutions dites réalistes pour le modèle de croissance. Pour conduire à l’explication de ce phénomène, le présent ouvrage s’articulera autour de trois logiques utilisées successivement : la mise en place d’une politique de la nature, prenant en compte les contraintes des logiques existantes à travers le modèle de développement productiviste, puis une contestation caractérisée du modèle de développement proposant une protection de l’environnement, et enfin une prise en compte consciente et orchestrée des questions d’environnement par les institutions européennes vers la structuration d’un modèle caractérisé par la mise en œuvre de la Stratégie Européenne Développement DurableApproaching the European construction from 1949 till 2002 within environmental questions wish to bring a new prism for complex systems understanding. The present work sustain an interactional analysis between stakeholders, administrations and citizens thoughts across society matters to observe mutation mechanisms. In a Historical study of the Twentieth Century common decision making tools, we will observe how European Institutions contribute strengthening its territory. From nature conservancy to an insurance of a sustainable development, via an environmental protection then biodiversity preservation, an approach of related concepts and their evolvement wants to show presuppositions and difficulties to explain clearly what kind of empowerment tool is become Europe. Because citizen and political fights escort the discovery of environmental matters. Because painless degradation of the European natural heritage brought conflicts between countries which had contracted peace. The natural and industrial disasters management, limitations of a productivist development "model", the increase of societal individualization, urban spread and research of support and membership will drive the European Community in building operational targets before the rise of an "Environmental Economy". Facing dissimilar perceptions and trade-off in taking into account environmental questions inside community agenda, European institutions asked to develop understanding tools able to support, to control and manage its patrimony. In its successive enlargements, European Community will encourage the preservation, the protection, the improvement of environmental quality and public health, a wise use of natural resources or even international promotion of standards designed to face-off regional and planetary biodiversity matters. The European Union is finally able to suggest to the U.N. members a practical Sustainable Development Strategy Scheme ready to implement
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Dufresne, Catherine. "The first Indochina war and the failure of the European Defense community 1950-1954." Thesis, 2006. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/9192/1/Dufresne_C_2006.pdf.
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Previous scholarly works pointed to the connection between the failure of the European Defence Community and the Indochina conflict, but no one has analyzed the development of this link. What were the repercussions of the Indochina-EDC link on the policies of the three French Foreign Ministers who succeeded each other between 1950 and 1954? How did international and national events influence the French Foreign Ministry in its dealings with the Indochina-EDC link? Based on evidence from the unpublished diplomatic archives of the Quai d'Orsay, this thesis sheds new light on the significance of the Indochina-EDC link. Foreign Ministers Robert Schuman, Georges Bidault and Pierre Mendès-France had to deal with the EDC and the Indochina questions under severe international and national constraints arising from economic problems, political instability in Paris and Cold War tensions. Foreign Minister Schuman used the EDC-Indochina link to advance France's policies. The lack of progress on the EDC proposal and French setbacks in Indochina undermined the efforts of his successor, Georges Bidault. Mendès-France, Bidault's successor, had to promise to find quick solutions to both problems. This paper explains how the EDC first served France's imperial policy, but turned into a political liability that finally led to the dramatic end of France's involvement in the Indochina conflict and to the rejection of the EDC proposal by France, guaranteeing the fall of the Fourth Republic and precipitating the end of Franco-American cooperation.
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KUZNETSOV, Evgeny. "Inventing and reinventing European defence : from EDC to MLF." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25415.
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Defence date: 19 July 2007Examining board: Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI Supervisor) ; Prof. Arfon Rees (EUI) ; Prof. Beatrice Heuser (Potsdam University and Department of War Studies, King's College, London) ; Prof. Eric Remacle (Université Libre de Bruxelles)
First made available online: 26 July 2021
In 1962 in an article published in Foreign Affairs eminent Italian Federalist Altiero Spinelli noted that ‘Western Europe, thanks to American protection, has become a paradise of political, military and social irresponsibility’. The political dominance of NATO during the Cold War prevented the creation of a strong independent European defence. The NATO and the United States military guarantees to Europe on the one hand gave the Europeans the opportunity to concentrate more on economic and social issues, but on the other prevented Europe from creating common defence institutions and closer political Union, which from a long term perspective would have been more valuable than NATO.
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VAN, DER HARST Jan. "European union and Atlantic partnership : political, military and economic aspects of Dutch defence, 1948-1954, and the impact of the European Defence Community." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5831.
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Defence date: 1 February 1988Examining Board: Prof. A. S. Milward (supervisor), London School of Economics and Political Science ; Prof. R.T. Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Prof. A. Kersten, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden ; Prof. Dr. W. Loth, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster ; Prof. R. Poidevin, Université de Strasbourg III
First made available online 21 March 2019
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MITZNER, Veera. "Research for growth? : the contested origins of European Union research policy (1963–1974)." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28044.
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Defence date: 4 July 2013Examining Board: Professor Kiran Klaus Patel (University of Maastricht) – Supervisor Professor Federico Romero (European University Institute) Professor John Krige (Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta) Professor Johan Schot (Eindhoven University of Technology).
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis examines the difficult creation of a common European research policy as part of the process of the emergence of the European Community (EC)/European Union (EU) as an increasingly powerful global political and economic actor. It shows that strong discursive continuity and institutional path-dependency, together with the ability of the promoters of the common research policy to adapt their claims to a broader ideational framework, were the key factors that enabled the EC to enlarge its role in a field in which it originally lacked policy competence, and in which states have traditionally been reluctant to pool national sovereignty in supranational institutions. Moreover, the concept of EC/EU research policy, and the concrete steps towards its realisation, would not have been possible without three fundamental ideational and political transformations: the changing relationship between science and the state and the subsequent establishment of national institutions and practices to promote and orient scientific activity the emergence of economic growth as an ubiquitous political objective in all industrialised countries and the increasing conceptualisation of science in economic terms the rapid liberalisation of the world markets, where knowledge soon became regarded as a vital resource for power and money. These three developments were the origins of the crucial change in perception of the European policymakers concerning not only scientific research but also the major goals of European integration.
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"Imagining independence: London's Spanish-American community, 1790-1829." Tulane University, 1996.
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An intellectual and cultural history which examines the process of national identity formation in a foreign environment, this dissertation argues that Great Britain provided more than just military backing, commercial opportunities and financial support to Spanish American independence leaders, it also offered a powerful social and cultural model for the construction of post-independent nationhood. Francisco de Miranda and Andres Bello emerge as the central figures of London's Spanish American community. Through their house on Grafton Street passed virtually all the major military and intellectual figures of the three creole movements for independence: Bernardo O'Higgins, Simon de Bolivar, Jose de San Martin, Fray Servando Teresa de Mier, Bernardino Rivadavia, Antonio Jose de Irisarri, Vicente Rocafuerte, Juan Garcia del Rio, Agustin de Iturbide, Jose Joaquin de Olmedo, Miguel Garcia Granados and many others. London was the nexus at which members of Spanish America's regional independence movements first met each other; it was there that they discovered their common interests and began to work together on projects that concerned them all. Furthermore, these Spanish Americans sought advice and assistance from important British reformers including Jeremy Bentham, William Wilberforce and Joseph Lancaster whose ideas all contributed to the intellectual and cultural milieu that produced a particular type of creole Americanism It is important that Spanish America's independence leaders began to imagine their future societies while residing in dynamic, Anglican, industrial Britain during the Napoleonic era. Besides its overwhelming material culture, England's historical position as the enemy of both Spain and revolutionary France allowed Spanish Americans of the era to reject both their colonial heritage and Jacobin-style social revolution by providing them with a positive alternative model. Education, constitutions, laws, a free press, public opinion, History, language, patriotic civic culture and the idea of usefulness to the nation emerge as the central themes of interest to this generation. This dissertation is the first to examine Latin American national identity as a product of foreign residence and treats this group as a coherent, unified intellectual generationacase@tulane.edu
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MOURLON-DRUOL, Emmanuel. "The emergence of a European bloc? : a trans-and supranational history of European Monetary Cooperation, from the failure of the Werner Plan to the creation of the European Monetary System, 1974-1979." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14487.
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Defence date: 21 June 2010Examining Board: Prof. Harold James (Princeton University - EUI) – supervisor; Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (LSE); Prof. Kiran Patel (EUI); Prof. Éric Bussière (Paris IV-Sorbonne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) represents one of the landmarks of post-war European economic and political history, and constitutes a fascinating case-study of the formation of an incipient trans- and supranational polity, namely the European Economic Community (EEC). This thesis is the first detailed archivally-based study of European monetary cooperation from the mid- to late 1970s. It is based on an extensive multi-archival and multinational research, including archives of the French, British and German governments, as well as of EEC institutions (Commission, Council of Ministers, Monetary Committee, Committee of Central Bank Governors). This thesis analyses the complex interaction between the numerous actors involved in the process (Finance Ministers, heads of government, central bankers, economic advisors, academic economists) at various levels (domestic, EEC, international), and explains why and how the attention shifts from one level to another. In order to explain the reasons, modes and the extent to which Western European governments were willing to further their monetary cooperation through the EEC, it is essential to go beyond a strictly intergovernmental approach based on 'material interests.' Instead, this thesis delves into a more sophisticated and refined understanding of the process, looking at different modes of governance (transnational, international, supranational), as well as the interplay between different policy areas (transatlantic relations, trade, common agricultural policy) and various connected issues (political, political-psychological, economic, institutional, financial). Contrary to the conventional account of the EMS negotiations, which focuses primarily on the year 1978, this thesis presents a different way of understanding the creation of the EMS by highlighting two longer-term processes: a transnational learning process among a transnational monetary elite, and the impact of the emergence of the European Council on the monetary discussions in the EEC. The interaction of these two features explains why the EMS fundamentally was a fairly trivial technical step, but a tremendously important political one. This thesis therefore shows that more profound trends considerably influenced the inception of the EMS, which remain crucial to a thorough understanding of today's economic and financial world.
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ASBEEK, BRUSSE Wendy. "West European tariff plans, 1947-1957 : from study group to Common Market." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5708.
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Defence date: 23 May 1991Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017