Journal articles on the topic 'Europe, Western – Politics and government – 1989'
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Wojnicki, Jacek. "The constitutionalization of political parties in Poland – evolution or change?" Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 57 (September 15, 2020): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.57.4.
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The article discusses the evolution of constitutional solutions concerning the, issue of political groups. The subject of the analysis includes successive Polish constitutions, beginning with the March Constitution1. At the same time the development of statutory, regulations referring to the functioning of political parties is shown. These Polish regulations, are aligned with the European tendency to constitutionalize political parties. Although, Poland experienced a delay compared to the countries of Western Europe, as a result of the, nondemocratic system of the Polish People’s Republic, the principle of political pluralism has, been the key principle underpinning the system of government found in the Constitution of, the Republic of Poland since December 1989.
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Sussman, Leonard R. "The MacBride Movement: Old ‘New Order’ leads to the new." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, no. 2-3 (October 1992): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000202.
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‘The MacBride Movement’ was the culmination of the campaign by the Non- aligned Movement to secure a better share of the global communications flows, while improving coverage by the dominant Western news media of Third World information and political objectives. The Soviet bloc, for its own Cold War objectives, joined the Nonaligned's bid for some ‘new world information and communication order’. With the MacBride Commission's report in 1980, following the relatively moderate Mass Communication Declaration at Unesco in 1978, the Nonaligned Movement's drive for NWICO reached its peak. This was the result, I maintain, mainly of 1) the changed global geopolitics, demonstrated spectacularly in 1989–91, and 2) the opportunities for diversity of information flows provided by the new communications technologies. They had already demonstrated they could generate and sustain political revolutions in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The paper traces the ‘Hegelian dialectic’ of events preceding and during the rise of the MacBride Movement: the ‘old order’ (Thesis, or Western dominance) from 1946 to 1976, the old ‘new order’ (Antithesis, or Nonaligned-Soviet challenge) from 1976 to 1989, and the new ‘New Order’ (Synthesis, or coming age of ISDN) from 1989. ISDN, integrated systems of digital networks – the networking of networks, worldwide – provides 'small’ communications capabilities (telephone, fax, copier, computer, radio particularly FM) tied to the long-distance lines (satellites, fiber optics, computer links). The cost of linkage will drop dramatically as each new facility is mass-distributed, and as competition – especially system competing against system – reduces the cost to the citizen. There are, indeed, dangers in mass linkage. The Orwell warning is appropriate. But this paper argues that competition and government regulation (replacing censorship in many places) will prevent the monopolization by commercial interests, as diverse communication machines in the hands of citizens will prevent government monopolies. As a consequence, there were mainly winners in the decade-long debates in Unesco over NWICO. The developing countries are beginning to receive aid in building communication infrastructures, Western coverage of their news is improving, and developing-world citizens will increasingly have access to the domestic as well as international information flows. The West, meanwhile, has ended the bitter debates over NWICO, and the perceived threat of new forms of media censorship from governments or intergovernmental organizations.
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Blokker, Paul. "Dissidence, Republicanism, and Democratic Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 2 (April 15, 2011): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410387642.
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The dramatic changes of 1989 have been widely understood as the confirmation of Western, liberal democracy as the ultimate model of the modern polity. The fact that 1989 was about a dual language that not only emphasized the rule of law and the implementation of rights, but also articulated ideas of democracy alternative to the mainstream liberal-constitutional idea, has not been at the forefront of interpretations of post-1989 trajectories. This does not mean, though, that 1989 has not had implications for the democratic imaginary and structures emerging in the new democracies. Dissidence has had important even if less visible implications for democratic imaginary and structure in ways that are still being played out. It should be recognized that the events of 1989 and dissident thought also indicated alternative, republican democratic models that have had implications for the democratic structures emerging in the wake of 1989. In the contribution, the author will first briefly discuss the one-sidedness of interpretations of democracy in post-1989 Central and Eastern Europe and, subsequently, highlight one alternative understanding of democracy that has emerged in some of the dissidents’ ideas prior to and in 1989, in particular in terms of notions of republican democracy. Second, the author will discuss some instances—predominantly referring to the experiences in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland—in which the influence of dissident ideas on constitutional and legal-institutional transformations, in particular regarding local self-government and direct democracy, becomes visible.
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Story, Jonathan. "Les politiques ouest-européennes et le dollar : Dépendance nationale ou autonomie régionale." Études internationales 14, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 683–744. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701579ar.
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The lack of autonomy of Western European states, that is, the limitations which they confront in terms of translating their policy preferences into authoritative actions, cannot be considered solely in terms of idiosyncratic domestic political institutions and cultures, or as the result of greater sensibility and vulnerability to interdependence through the flow of goods, capital and technology. The argument develops around the generalisation that during the period of "détente" from 1965 to 1979, the United States, as the world central bank, inflated the world political economy ; thereafter, the questioning of détente accompanied a United States-led policy of world deflation. European politics, in a variety of intricate ways, followed the rythm set by the United States, with a period of state policy activism in the late 1960s to mid-1970s followed by more sceptical attitudes by public officials, supported by conservative or liberal parties, on the limitations of state action. But while it could be argued that the autonomy of OECD European states was strictly limited in economic policy by the integration of national into European and world markets, it is also demonstratable that the most sensitive of these markets - the world financial markets - are most susceptible to state policy, particularly that of the United States. In turn, the influence exerted on government preferences by world financial markets has grown to such an extent that by 1983, Western European governments are all aligning priorities on what are taken to be market criteria. If fact, they are aligning their priorities on the preferences of the great powers in a period of heightened international tension. Thus, the lack of autonomy of Western European states is of political origin: their subordination through lack of continued regional autonomy in defense and finance. Implicitly, this article suggests a move in Western Europe to a confederal armed force and a European Reserve Bank, as the precondition for a revitalised Atlantic alliance.
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Schubert, Klaus. "Reviews : Delivering Public Services in Western Europe: Sharing Western European Experience of Para-Government Organisation Christopher Hood and Gunnar Folke Schupper (eds), (SAGE modem politics series, Vol. 16, London, Newbury Park, Beverly Hills, New Delhi, 1989)." Public Policy and Administration 6, no. 3 (December 1991): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679100600307.
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YANG, Joonseok. "Song Chin-woo’s Perception of the International Landscape and Thoughts on State Building." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.451.
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Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism but also expressed a willingness to cooperate with them in the interest of independence. He refused to follow China's religion and politics but emphasized friendly relations. He thought of Europe as a champion of universal human rights and ideas, but he was wary of its expansionary policies in Asia. Song Chin-woo insisted on establishing a Western democracy immediately after liberation based on longstanding international recognition, while emphasizing the injustice of establishing a communist government.
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Abăseacă, Raluca. "Collective memory and social movements in times of crisis: the case of Romania." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 671–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1379007.
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Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the difficulties of the protesters to delimit themselves from nationalist actors, to develop global claims, and to target austerity and neoliberalism. Therefore, even in difficult economic conditions, Romanian movements found it hard to align their efforts with those of the Indignados/Occupy movements. More generally, the case of Romania proves that activism remains rooted in the local and national context, reflecting the memories, experiences, and fears of the mobilized actors, in spite of the spread of a repertoire of action from Western and southern Europe.
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00143.
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After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organization. From 1984 onward, the organization sought to influence senior politicians and governments and became an important reminder to the Western world of the Polish crisis, as well as providing financial and material aid to the banned Polish trade union. However, it did not have a definitive impact on policymaking and remained largely dependent on its allied organizations.
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Schemers, Henry G. "Human rights in Europe." Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (July 1986): 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1986.tb00542.x.
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Through the ages many common legal values have developed in western Europe. Notwithstanding the differences in legal systems there is a remarkable uniformity in the basic concepts of legal thinking. All western European states are democracies with constitutional restrictions to the power of the government. They all have similar defences against absolutism and one of these defences is the protection of fundamental human rights against government interference. The existence of such legal restrictions is a distinguishing feature of western European politico-legal development.
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Gusnelly, Gusnelly. "DIASPORA DAN IDENTITAS KOMUNITAS EKSIL ASAL INDONESIA DI BELANDA." Jurnal Kajian Wilayah 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jkw.v8i1.760.
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This paper is the result of research on Indonesian migration that focuses on the diaspora of the exile community in the Netherlands. The purpose to discuss this issue is to tell about the existence of an Indonesian community that has been exiled from the country for decades and became stateless or lost citizenship, because its passport was revoked by the Indonesian government. They are the generation who have been forced to move to several countries and choose to seek asylum in various Western European countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The history of their existence abroad as a result of the event of G30S/1965. They were abroad when the G30S occurred in the country. Their departure abroad was in the leftist (socialist) countries of the mid-1960s not because of political affairs but for various interests, but in fact it was related to the occurrence of the G30S/1965. In 1989 with the fall of communism and the end of the cold war after the collapse of the superpower of the Soviet Union, most of them have registered themselves as asylum seekers to several countries in Western Europe, including to the Netherlands. As a Dutch citizen, their descendants get education and work in the Netherlands. Their descendants feel that the Dutch or Europeans are his identity but the exiles keep their nationalism for Indonesia. We call that with long-distance nationalism.Keywords: Dutch, diaspora, exile community, asylum, citizenshipABSTRAKTulisan ini merupakan hasil penelitian tentang migrasi orang Indonesia yang fokus pada diaspora komunitas eksil di Belanda. Tujuan untuk membahas masalah ini adalah untuk menceritakan tentang keberadaan komunitas Indonesia yang sejak puluhan tahun terbuang dari tanah air dan menjadi stateless atau kehilangan kewarganegaraan, sebab pasportnya dicabut oleh pemerintah Indonesia. Mereka merupakan anak bangsa dari satu generasi yang terpaksa pindah ke beberapa negara dan memilih mencari suaka ke berbagai negara Eropa Barat pascaruntuhnya Uni Soviet. Sejarah keberadaan mereka di luar negeri sebagai akibat dari peristiwa G30S tahun 1965. Mereka sedang berada di luar negeri ketika terjadi peristiwa G30S di dalam negeri. Kepergian mereka ke luar negeri yaitu di negara-negara beraliran kiri (sosialis) di pertengahan tahun 60-an bukan karena hanya karena urusan politik, tetapi untuk berbagai kepentingan, namun pada kenyataannya disangkutpautkan dengan terjadinya peristiwa G30S tahun 1965 tersebut. Pada tahun 1989 dengan kejatuhan komunisme dan berakhirnya perang dingin setelah keruntuhan negara adi kuasa Uni Soviet sebagian besar mereka telah mendaftarkan diri menjadi pencari suaka ke beberapa negara di Eropa Barat, termasuk ke Belanda. Sebagai warga negara Belanda, anak keturunannya mendapatkan pendidikan dan bekerja di Belanda. Anak-anak keturunannya merasa Belanda atau Eropa adalah identitasnya akan tetapi orang eksil tetap menjaga nasionalisme mereka buat tanah airnya yaitu Indonesia. Kami menyebutnya dengan nasionalisme jarak jauh. Kata Kunci: Belanda, diaspora, komunitas eksil, suaka, kewarganegaraan
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Schofield, Norman. "Stability of coalition governments in Western Europe: 1945–1986." European Journal of Political Economy 3, no. 4 (January 1987): 555–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0176-2680(87)90012-7.
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Iheukwumere, Emmanuel, David Moore, and Temitope Omotayo. "Investigatingthe challenges of refinery construction in Nigeria: A snapshot across two-timeframes over the past 55 years." International Journal of Construction Supply Chain Management 10, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14424/ijcscm100120-46-72.
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he sub-optimal performance of state-owned refineries in Nigeria has led to a significant gap in the supply of refined petroleum products (RPPs) in the country. More so, the growing demand for these products has further widened the gap to the range of 500,000 –600,000 barrels per day (bpd). Consequently, most of the imports for RPPs in Nigeria are being filled from the United States and North-Western Europe at the expense of the Nigerian economy. However, given the abundance of petroleum resources in Nigeria and its long history in the production of oil, it is unfortunate that the local refineries are hardly maintained to meet the needs of the local population. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian state to build additional refining capacity to cushion its domestic supply gap for RPPs has become a major concern. With more than 40 licenses issued to private companies since 2002, only two companies (Niger Delta Petroleum Resources Refinery and Dangote Oil Refinery) have made noticeable progress in new refinery construction.This paper is focused on investigating the current challenges of refinery construction in Nigeria. This is done with a view of comparing the drivers and enablers of productivity in construction in this sector during the period of 1965 –1989 and how they differ from the current period of 2000 -2019 in Nigeria.A systematic literature review within the academic journals, source documents from the industry, relevant interviews from published news media and consulting organisations were used to identify and categorise these challenges. The findings of this study were validated by interviews from experts across key industries in this sector.The study reveals that change of ownership structures from the government sector to the private sector between the two eras, present additional challenges. These challenges cut across availability of capital, inconsistent government priorities and access to land for construction. Others include cronyism and corruption, weak political will, unstructured refinery licensing scheme, security challenges and economic factors regarding the regulated downstream market inNigeria. Key recommendations proffered to help solve these problems include a private sector-led partnership with the government in the form of public private partnerships (PPPs), a review of existing methods for licensing refineries for private organisations, the development of local manpower with relevant technical skills to help lower the cost of expatriate labour and the establishment of more designated clusters as free trade zones within the oil-producing Niger Delta. These recommendations will help lower the entry barriers for private organisations in this sector
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Croci-Angelini, Elisabetta. "M. Tracy, Government and Agriculture in Western Europe 1880-1988." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 8, no. 2 (October 1, 1990): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907345153.
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Ferreira Jr., Amarilio. "The British National Union of Teachers (NUT) against the background of the Cold War: An International Peace Conference between teachers in Western and Eastern Europe." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.175.
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The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.
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Heywood, Paul. "Spain: 10 June 1987." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 390–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00063.x.
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ON 22 JUNE 1986, THE PARTIDO SOCIALISTA OBRERO ESPAÑOL (PSOE) achieved a remarkable triumph in the Spanish general elections. Hard on the heels of his success in the highly controversial and close-run referendum on Spain's NATO membership, the Prime Minister, Felipe González, managed to consolidate the PSOE's hold on political power by winning an absolute majority in both the Cortes and the Senate. At the age of 44, with his ability to confound the sceptics seemingly still intact, González appeared to be the most firmly ensconced head of government in Western Europe. Moreover, to underline the magnitude of his achievement, the Socialist leader had reached this position against the prevailing trend of a resurgent Right evident in much of the rest of Europe. Whereas the PSOE's counterparts in Britain, Germany, France and Portugal had suffered a series of demoralizing electoral defeats throughout the 1980s, the Spanish Socialists, with overwhelming successes in 1982 and 1986, seemed set fair to remain in power until the next century.
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Selvage, Douglas. "From Helsinki to “Mars”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 4 (2021): 34–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01039.
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Abstract After the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, the Soviet Union sought to compel the West to accept its vision for détente. This meant, on the one hand, the acceptance of the political and social status quo within the Soviet bloc and, on the other hand, the “completion” of the existing political détente with “military détente”—namely, East-West arms control agreements that preserved or augmented existing Warsaw Pact advantages. To this end, the KGB and its Soviet-bloc partners undertook two parallel campaigns of active measures, “Synonym” and “Mars.” Despite tactical successes, both campaigns failed to achieve their goals. The United States, supported by other Western governments, continued to pressure the Eastern-bloc governments on human rights violations, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) continued to modernize its forces in Europe, most importantly with the stationing of U.S. Euromissiles in 1983 in accordance with NATO's dual-track decision of December 1979.
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De Groot, Michael. "Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852698.
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This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.
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Patel, I. G. "On Taking India into the Twenty-First Century (New Economic Policy in India)." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (April 1987): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013780.
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On one of his many visits to India Kingsley Martin was once asked how he saw the prospects for Western Europe. His reply was that he was very optimistic as most of the leaders of Western Europe then were very old. If the transition from age to youth in national leadership is a sufficient basis for hope, we certainly have much to be grateful for in India. And our young Prime Minister has already struck a very responsive chord among large sections of Indian society by his promise of change. His mother had won the 1980 election on the promise of a ‘Government that works’. Mr Gandhi promised in 1984 a ‘Government that works faster’—thus heralding a promise of greater efficiency in general. When asked about the objective of his new Government, he used the now famous phrase that his objective was to take India into the twenty-first century. Taken at its face value, this was a rather vacuous phrase. It is not necessary for anyone to carry India, Atlas-like, into the twenty-first century. It would arrive at our doorstep in due course, as it will at everyone else's, and most probably without even a whimper.
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PONS, SILVIO. "Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.
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AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
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Hamann, Kerstin, Alison Johnston, and John Kelly. "Striking Concessions from Governments: The Success of General Strikes in Western Europe, 1980–2009." Comparative Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1, 2013): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041513807709356.
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Minkenberg, Michael. "Leninist beneficiaries? Pre-1989 legacies and the radical right in post-1989 Central and Eastern Europe. Some introductory observations." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 445–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.002.
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A central topos in the study of Central and Eastern European contemporary politics in general, and of its radical right politics in particular is the emphasis on the extraordinary relevance of history and geography. In fact, the entire transformation process after 1989 is often clothed in terms of historical and geographical categories, either as a “return of history” or a “return to Europe”, or both. In these various scenarios, the radical right claims a prominent place in this politics of return, and the study of this current echoes the more general concern, in the analyses of the region, with historical analogies and the role of legacies. Sometimes analogies are drawn between the post-1989 radical right and interwar fascism, in terms of a “Weimarization” of the transformation countries and the return of the pre-socialist, ultranationalist or even fascist past e the “return of history”. Others argue that since some Central and Eastern European party systems increasingly resemble their Western European counterparts, so does the radical right, at least where it is electorally successful e the “return to Europe”. According to yet another line of thought, the radical right in the region is a phenomenon sui generis, inherently shaped by the historical forces of state socialism and the transformation process and, as a result and in contrast to Western Europe, ideologically more extreme and anti-democratic while organizationally more a movement than a party phenomenon. In all these approaches, the key concepts of “legacies” and the radical right are often underspecified. This volume takes a closer look at the intersection of history or particular legacies, and the mobilization of the radical right in the post-1989 world of the region, while attempting to provide a sharper focus on key concepts. Regardless of the different approaches, all contributions show that with the radical right, a peculiar “syncretic construct” (Tismaneanu) has emerged in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989, which is derived from both pre-communist and communist legacies.
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Michelmann, Hans. "Review: Western Europe: Politics and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no. 1 (March 1985): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000116.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Heringa, Aalt Willem. "Book Reviews: Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (June 1994): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.
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Harrison, R. J. "V. Bogdanor (ed), Coalition Government in Western Europe, (London, Heinemann, for Policy Studies Institute, 1983), 282 pages." Political Science 37, no. 1 (July 1985): 81a—84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878503700111.
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Wallace, Kyle. "Turkish Politics: Between Europe and Islam." Constellations 2, no. 2 (June 7, 2011): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10498.
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Since the inception of Turkey as an independent state, the country has based itself on Western modes of governance, with secularism being a hallmark of the nation. In recent years, Islamic parties have made inroads in government, causing consternation among the old guard and allies in Europe. Much of the modern arguments against Turkey's inclusion in the EU rely on psuedo-Orientalist ideas; Turkey is somehow so different and alien from "European" culture that they simply do not belong in the EU. Historical notions of Turkey and Islam as fundamentally different are then propagated to remove Turkey from contemporary Europe. Islamic politics in Turkey do not represent a shift to a more fundamentalist ideology; in actuality, Turkish Islamic parties are very modern movements based in progressive ideas. The rise of Islamic parties in Turkey signals a shift away from a dogmatic following of the strictly secular West into a more hybrid political identity, unshakably tied to the West but allowing for a greater expression of its Middle Eastern Muslim heritage.
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Little, Douglas. "Pipeline Politics: America, TAPLINE, and the Arabs." Business History Review 64, no. 2 (1990): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115583.
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The Arabian American Oil Company's plan to build a pipe-line from eastern Saudi Arabia to the Mediterranean seemed to many an ideal project for business-government cooperation. A sound business project for the company would give American policymakers more and cheaper oil to aid plans to rebuild Western Europe, as well as a significant presence in the Middle East. Events in that tumultuous region, however, soon embroiled both the company and the U.S. government in a more complex relationship than had been envisioned.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, no. 6 (2022): 439–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32.
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The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.
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Yungblud, V. T., and M. V. Bakshaev. "“We Will Not Change Our Attitude Towards You, Until You Change Your Attitude Towards Us”. How Washington Considered the Reaction of Western European Communist Parties to The Events in Afghanistan, 1978–1985." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (September 9, 2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-7-42.
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The invasion of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan at the end of 1979 caused a mixed reaction among the Communist parties in Europe. Some of them subject the actions of the USSR leadership to sharp criticism. The article reveals to what extent the US administration was aware of the critical attacks against the USSR and the CPSU by the most powerful Western European Communist parties to determine how the factor of Eurocommunism influenced the Afghan vector of the US policy in 1979-1982 and how the American course turned out for the Communist parties themselves. The study is based on published documents (including electronic collections) of the Administration of the President of the United States J. Carter, the State Department, and the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, as well as unpublished documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Modern History, press materials and memoirs. It is concluded that 1) the invasion of Soviet military units into Afghanistan provoked a fierce battle of superpowers on the periphery of the Cold War, and in fact, became its peak; 2) one of the results of the Soviet operation was a deeper split in the world communist movement with its subsequent decline; 3) the United States sought to take advantage of the escalated disagreements between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the largest communist parties in Western Europe (especially Italian, to a lesser extent Spanish and French) and encouraged the actions of the European Communists aimed at distancing themselves from the CPSU and severing relations with the USSR. At the same time, Washington avoided public statements and actions that could look like a manifestation of solidarity with the Communist parties of Western Europe (primarily with the ICP), including the relation to the USSR policy in Afghanistan, giving priority to the policy to exclude completely the possibility for communists to participate in the governments of NATO states. Such a policy, against the background of the ongoing war in Afghanistan and the decline in the USSR's international prestige, contributed to the isolation of the European communist parties in their countries and the weakening of their electoral opportunities.
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Magnusson, Warren. "Marxist Local Governments in Western Europe and JapanBogdan Szajkowski ed. London: Frances Pinter, 1986, pp. xvii, 216." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (March 1988): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900055931.
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Keating, M. "The Invention of Regions: Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 4 (December 1997): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.
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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and political mobilization all play a role. Regionalism must now be placed in the context of the international market and the European Union, as well as the nation-state.
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Momin, A. R. "Islamization of Anthropological Knowledge." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2697.
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The expansion of Western coloniaHsrn during the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies brought in its wake the economic and political domination andexploitation of the Third World countries. Western colonialism andethnocentrism went hand in hand. The colonial ideology was rationalizedand justified in terms of the white man's burden; it was believed that theWhite races of Europe had the moral duty to carry the torch of civilizationwhichwas equated with Christianity and Western culture-to the dark comersof Asia and Africa. The ideology of Victorian Europe accorded the full statusof humanity only to European Christians; the "other" people were condemned,as Edmund Leach has bluntly put it, as "sub-human animals, monsters,degenerate men, damned souls, or the products of a separate creation" (Leach,1982).One of the most damaging consequences of colonialism relates to a massiveundermining of the self-confidence of the colonized peoples. Their culturalvalues and institutions were ridiculed and harshly criticized. Worse still, theWestern pattern of education introduced by colonial governments produceda breed of Westernized native elite, who held their own cultural heritage incontempt and who consciously identified themselves with the culture of theircolonial masters.During the nineteenth century Orientalism emerged as an intellectualally of Western colonialism. As Edward Said has cogently demonstrated,Oriental ism was a product of certain political and ideological forces operatingin Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and that it wasinextricably bound up with Western ethnocentrism, racism, and imperialism(Said, 1978).Most of the colonized countries of the Third World secured politicalliberation from Western powers during the early decades of the present century.Regrettably, however, political liberation was not always followed byideological, cultural, and intellectual jndependence. For one thing, most ofthe ex-colonial countries continued with the colonial pattern of education.Secondly, most of them were drawn into the political and cultural orbit ofeither the United States or Soviet Russia. A subtle but pervasive form of ...
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Loescher, Gil. "Refugees and the Asylum Dilemma in the West." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 1 (January 1992): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006473.
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In recent years, political asylum and refugees have become acute issues in public debate in Western Europe and North America. The debate has become especially heated since 1989 and the breaching of barriers between Eastern and Western Europe, with East Germans, Albanians, Romanians, and Yugoslavs all trying to move west. Most asylum-seekers continue to come from the Third World. Those who manage to enter the West face growing hostility, poverty, and even violent attacks. In France immigration has already shifted political discourse sharply to the right, testing the nation's tolerance toward foreigners and shaking its liberal foundations. Xenophobia and brutal physical attacks on foreigners by skinheads and extreme right-wingers throughout Germany have caused politicians in Bonn to reconsider their country's asylum provisions. Governments everywhere appear reluctant to open their doors when they are not sure how many will benefit from their hospitality and for how long. To many industrialized countries, asylum-seekers are perceived mostly as economic migrants in search of a better life. Actual migratory pressures from the South and perceived threats of exodus from the East have only served to reinforce this restrictive attitude to asylum. The refugee problem has reached such a critical point that the very institution of asylum is being threatened.
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Skrobacki, Waldemar A. "The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.
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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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Dunn, James A. "Coalition Government in Western Europe. Edited by Vernon Bogdanor. (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemen Educational Books, 1984. Pp. vi + 282. $42.00.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 3 (September 1985): 863–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956884.
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C. Van Hook, James. "Translating Economics into Politics in Cold War Germany." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250207.
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Economics and economic history have a fundamental role to play in our understanding of Cold War Germany. Yet, it is still difficult to establish concrete links between economic phenomena and the most important questions facing post 1945 historians. Obviously, one may evaluate West Germany's “economic miracle,” the success of western European integration, or the end of communism in 1989 from a purely economic point of view. To achieve a deeper understanding of Cold War Germany, however, one must evaluate whether the social market economy represented an adequate response to Nazism, if memory and perspective provided the decisive impulse for European integration, or if the Cold War ended in Europe because of changes in western nuclear strategy. Economic history operates in relation to politics, culture, and historical memory. The parameters for economic action are often as determined by the given political culture of the moment, as they are by the feasibility of alternative economic philosophies.
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Biondi, Peter. "Morfologie van het partijbureau bij de CVP en de BSP in de jaren vijftig." Res Publica 41, no. 1 (March 31, 1999): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v41i1.18540.
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The party executive is the most important organ within a political party especially in Belgium which is charaterised as one of the strongest particracies in Western Europe. Focusing on the functioning of the party executive within the CVP (1959-1960) and the BSP (1956-1957) at a moment both parties govern with the Liberal Party as coalition partner, the attendances and interventions within the party executive show a group of approximately fives persons playing a predominant role in the decision making process. In both cases the party president is the most important and powerful person. The almost complete absence of government membres within the party executive of the CVP forms a remarkabledifference to the BSP. The relationship between party and government is quite different in both parties. In the BSP the cooperation and support between party and government is much better than within the CVP.
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Wiesław Lizak. "Libya – Road to Dysfunctionality." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.03.
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The developments of the Arab Spring of 2011 extended, among others, to Libya. As a consequence of the armed anti-government uprising supported militarily by the air forces of the Western powers (under the auspices of NATO), the regime of Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, who has controlled the state since the 1969 military coup, was overthrown. The collapse of the current regime has initiated the path to the social, political and economic transformation of the Libyan state. However, the rivalry of local political forces which is a reflection of tribal, regional and ideological divisions, prevented the emergence of an effective political system. As a result, Libya has evolved into a dysfunctional state and the processes of internal destabilization and lack of state borders control generate threats also for the international environment of the country (West Africa, East Africa, Europe).
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Geymbukh, Nadezhda G. "On the State Structure of the Federal Republic of Germany at the adoption of the Basic Law of 1949." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 44 (2022): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/44/3.
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The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Weisskircher, Manès. "The Electoral Success of the Radical Left: Explaining the Least Likely Case of the Communist Party in Graz." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.14.
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Recently, scholars have shown a growing interest in radical left parties (RLPs). In terms of electoral success, the rise of the KPÖ Graz, the Communist Party in Austria’s second biggest city, represents perhaps the most counterintuitive case in Western Europe. Adding to previous studies, the rise of the KPÖ Graz contradicts many of the claims made and patterns found about the conditions for the electoral success of RLPs. While the national KPÖ was voted out of parliament in 1959, the Graz branch has been a member of local government since 1998. Since then, the party has managed to gain 20 per cent of the vote in three out of four elections. In 2017, the KPÖ defended its place as the second largest party in local legislature and stayed ahead of the radical right FPÖ, on the rise at the national level. In stark contrast to the Communists’ current strength, however, they did not gain even 2 per cent of the vote in 1983. This analysis shows how the party has managed to ‘own’ the issue of housing and to exploit local political opportunities in order to be electorally successful. The findings point to the importance of agency and the subnational level for RLPs, and highlight more general questions in the study of this party family.
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Pisani, J. A. du, M. Broodryk, and P. W. Coetzer. "Protest Marches in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 4 (December 1990): 573–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054744.
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The year 1989 will in future generations be known as the annus mirabilis, not only as far as developments in Eastern Europe are concerned, but also within the context of South African politics. The September general elections for the tricameral Parliament marked a turning point in the direction of governmental policies. Nowhere has the changing mood been more clearly demonstrated than in the streets of the cities and towns. A countrywide spate of protest marches has occurred since the historic first government-approved peaceful anti-apartheid march in Cape Town on 13 September 1989, and these have become the most visible symptom of the advance to the so-called ‘new South Africa’.
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Richardson-Little, Ned, Hella Dietz, and James Mark. "New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (November 22, 2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602004.
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In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists in the evolution of human rights concepts and politics has not received sufficient attention. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research for the history of the Cold War, dissent as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not merely human rights antagonists, but contributed to shaping the international arena and human rights politics, motivated both strategically as well as ideologically. And the Eastern Bloc was not merely a region that passively absorbed the idea of human rights from the West, but a site where human rights ideas where articulated, internationalized and also contested.
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Anikin, Daniil A., and Andrey A. Linchenko. "Memory Wars in the East European Frontier: In Search of Research Methodology." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/6.
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Within the framework of this article, the theoretical and methodological framework of the philosophical interpretation of the concept “memory wars” was analyzed. In the context of criticism of allochronism and the project of the politics of time by B. Bevernage, as well as the concept of the frontier by F. Turner, the space-time aspects of the content of memory wars were comprehended. The use of Bevernage's ideas made it possible to explain the nature of modern memory wars in Europe. The origins of these wars are associated with an attempt to transfer the Western European project of “cosmopolitan” memory, in which Western Europe turns out to be a kind of a “referential” framework of historical modernity, to the countries of Eastern Europe after 1989. The uncritical use of Western European historical experience as a “reference” leads to a superficial copying of the politics of memory, which runs counter to the politics of the time in Eastern Europe. In Eastern Europe, the idea of two totalitarianisms is presented as a single and internally indistinguishable era, and the politics of modern post-socialist states are based on the idea of a radical spatio-temporal distancing from their recent past. The article analyzes the issue of the specifics of the Eastern European frontier, the conditions for its emergence and the impact on modern forms of implementation of the politics of memory. The frontier arises as a result of the collapse of the colonial empires and becomes a space of symbolic struggle, first between the USSR and Germany, and then between the socialist and capitalist blocs. The crisis of the globalist project of the politics of memory and the transfer of the German model of victimization to the territory of the Eastern European frontier leads to the competition of sacrificial narratives and the escalation of memorial conflicts, turning into full-fledged memory wars. The hybrid nature of the antagonistic politics of memory in the conditions of the frontier leads to the fact that not only the socialist past, but also the national trauma of individual states becomes the subject of memory wars. The increasing complexity of the mnemonic structure of the frontier is associated with the emergence of a number of unrecognized states, whose memory politics, in contrast to the national discourses of Eastern European states, is based on a synthesis of the Soviet legacy and individual elements of the imperial past.
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Costăchescu, Adriana. "Les soviétismes en roumain et dans les langues romanes." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (March 7, 2018): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0009.
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AbstractThe article focusses on the fate of Sovietisms in modern Romanian, i.e. the situation of words or phrases borrowed from Russian in the period of Soviet control over Eastern Europe (1945–1989). The borrowings reflect relevant concepts of Soviet-Communist economics, culture, politics and propaganda. Romanian received the largest number of Sovietisms of all Romance languages, mainly because of its close political relationship with the URSS. The use of terms which implicated a critical attitude towards the Soviet-Communist dictatorship (samizdat ‘samizdat’, aparatcic ‘apparatchik’, gulag ‘goulag’, etc.) was forbidden both in the URSS and in socialist Romania, but they passed into Russian and Romanian through western radio broadcasts, mainly Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Today, most of those Sovietisms are no longer in use in Romanian.
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Farquharson, J. "Marshall Aid and British policy on reparations from Germany, 1947–1949." Review of International Studies 22, no. 4 (October 1996): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118625.
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The object of this article is to examine the impact of the Marshall Plan (ERP) on the strategy of reparations from Germany that was pursued by the British government in the postwar era. In order to put this into some kind of context it will first be necessary to provide a brief survey of the mechanism of reparations and then of the rationale behind the system of financial assistance afforded by the USA to Western Europe known as Marshall Aid (its title derived from the US Secretary of State, George Marshall, who pioneered the scheme). The idea of extracting some form of compensation from Germany, to be apportioned among the victors, came to be debated in Whitehall during hostilities, but little attempt was made to coordinate plans among the Allies until the conference at Yalta in February 1945. No consensus could be attained there among the participants (the UK, the USA and the USSR). Stalin lodged a claim for $10 billion of reparations in ten years, which entailed that the Soviet Union would be allocated half of all payments from Germany. The lack of assent from the Western powers led to a new body, the Allied Reparations Commission (ARC), being convened in Moscow, which also failed to reach a conclusion. Reparations were then settled at the Potsdam Conference between the same three powers in July–August 1945.
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Naumenko, Olena. "Politics of the British government for the repatriation of soviet DPs from Western Europe in 1944-1948." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.101-113.
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The article describes the legal aspect of repatriation of displaced people in British government; The article describes the legal aspect of British politics on repatriation of displaced people; briefly outlines and analyzes the decisions of international meetings of senior officials, that were called upon maintain the organization and operation of this process; discloses the essence and significance of the Yalta agreements for the return of displaced people. In particular, after the Yalta conference, we can clearly see the formation of two separate approaches to repatriation. Thus, we can make a conclusion, that at first time the USSR people’s repatriation had a forcing nature, according to Yalta agreements and clarified protocol to them. But in future, the USA and Great Britain’s governments, especially, after the beginning of Cold War, were giving all kinds of legal and material help DPs, which, because of personal reasons and motives, didn’t aspire to come back, that, in return, on the other hand, considerably deteriorated inter union relations. The Soviet government sought to return all displaced people without any exception, while the Great Britain gave an alternative to all those people, who didn’t want to return to their homeland. In view of this claim, such people were transferred automatically from the category of displaced people to the category of refugees eligible for shelter in Western Europe. The approaches of the British side to different ethnic groups of repatriates are traced; the categories of displaced persons who have not been able to avoid forced return to the USSR under interstate agreements have been identified. As of the end of 1945, with the rise of crisis trends between the governments of the Big Three countries and the controversy surrounding the repatriation issue, the British government decided to halt the forced return of Soviet DPs. In particular, its concerned soldiers of the Waffen SS Galychyna Division, who did not partially come under the conditions of forced return to the USSR, but were able to use the refugee shelter in the Great Britain.
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Kaase, Max. "A New Government – A New Democracy? The Red–Green Coalition in Germany." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (May 2000): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900000165.
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With the 1989 eclipse of communist ideology and power in Central and Eastern Europe, the political order of democracy has, on the one hand, proved to be the superior way of organizing a society where in politics the pluralist interests of the people can be articulated and represented freely without fear of repression through competitive elections and otherwise, and where particularly through the operation of market mechanisms citizens are furnished with reasonably satisfactory economic circumstances to conduct their everyday lives. On the other hand, quite different from what many contemporary observers had anticipated, liberal democracy has been subjected to closer and closer critical internal scrutiny, and with this also alternate conceptions of how to organize a democratic polity are now more than before a matter of debate and controversy.
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Gamir, Jordi Palafox. "M. Tracy: Government and Agriculture in Western Europe, 1880–1980, 3.a ed., Herfordshire, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989, 382 pp." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 8, no. 2 (September 1990): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900008260.
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Chubb, Judith. "Marxist Local Governments in Western Europe and Japan. Edited by Bogdan Szajkowski (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1986. xvii, 216p. $25.00 cloth; $10.00 paper)." American Political Science Review 82, no. 1 (March 1988): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958125.
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