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1
Isiksal, Hüseyin. "Asymmetric negotiations : dichotomous international order and Turkey-Europe relations." Thesis, Keele University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602798.
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This study critically analyses Turkey-Europe relations with the new conceptualisations, design, and interpretation. Specifically, dichotomous international order, asymmetric negotiations, and hermeneutical interpretation are the tools of this new investigation that are the main pillars of this thesis. The research initially reads the theoretical and historical discussions regarding the international order from the dichotomy perspective. Simply it is argued that there are two patterns of modern international order, with different and mostly contrasting objectives, and different normative and institutional arrangements. This dichotomy caused the asymmetric negotiations in Turkey-Europe relations. The study supported its theoretical assumptions with the case studies of human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem as empirical explanations of the consistent and continuous patterns of political standards of Europe for Turkey. Hermeneutical interpretation is used as the main research approach. With a critical scrutiny of the contending texts, the historical and social dynamics seek to be identified for the interpretation of the meaning of events/ factions/behaviour from Turkey's point of view. While doing this, the cultural, political, and social forces that influenced the actor's outlook are identified. In this way, the research aims to make modest contribution to explain Turkey's international behaviour and position on certain key political issues including human and minority rights, and the Cyprus problem, and contribute to the understanding of the existing problems between Turkey and the EU.
2
Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
3
Nisancioglu, Kerem. "The Ottomans in Europe : uneven and combined development and Eurocentrism." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48353/.
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This thesis challenges the Eurocentric division of international history into distinct 'Western' and 'Eastern' strands by demonstrating the intensive historical interactivity between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. Addressing Weberian, Marxian and postcolonial inspired historiography, it seeks to overcome a series of interconnected binaries- East versus West, tradition versus modernity and inside versus outside- that characterise the one-sidedness of these approaches. This thesis argues that Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) is a theoretical framework primed to overcoming precisely such partialities, and can therefore make an original contribution to Ottoman historiography. More specifically the thesis tackles problems in Ottoman historiography across three key junctures. Through a treatment of the origins of the Empire, I demonstrate that the Ottoman tributary state was a product of international determinations- a form of combined development. Analysing the Ottoman apogee of the sixteenth century, I argue that Ottoman geopolitical pressure on Europe created sociological conditions for that emergence of capitalism. Finally, I show that Ottoman decline was inextricable from the uneven and combined development of capitalism over the course of the long nineteenth century. These historical analyses offer distinct contributions to historical sociological debates around the 'tributary mode of production', the 'Rise of the West' and 'modernisation' respectively. Theoretically, I show that any historical study from a singular spatial vantage point will always tend to be partial. Instead, multiple vantage points derived from multiple spatio-temporal origins better capture the complexity of concrete historical processes. In presenting this argument, this thesis offers a theoretical reconstruction of U&CD as the articulation of spatio-temporal multiplicity in mode of production analysis, which overcomes the fissure between international relations and historical sociology. It thus extends the theory of U&CD onto the terrain of 'big questions' surrounding pre-capitalist social relations and capitalist modernity.
4
Kouider, Mohamad. "Syrian Secondary Migration : A study on push and pull factors behind the irregular migration of Syrians from Turkey to Europe." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-40330.
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This research aims to gain a detailed understanding of the push and pull factors that lead many Syrians in Turkey to migrate to Europe. Syrians are pushed to migrate for various reasons, including socio-economic difficulties in Turkey. It explores the Syrians’ experiences in Turkey and the elements that have deterred them from gaining the fundamental rights of accommodation, access to the labor market, and refugee status. The pull factors refer to the gains that the Syrians might achieve when migrating to Europe. These gains are socio-economic gains that assure a better future for them in Europe in comparison to their presence in Turkey. In this case, this research also explores how the Syrians plan to migrate to Europe by employing the influence of their social networks to conduct their secondary migration. This qualitative study uses seven semi-structured interviews and analyzes the experiences of the interviewees in order to reach concrete conclusions. The results of this study, according to the interviewees’ experiences, show that restrictive Turkish policies and procedures have pushed many Syrians to migrate. At the same time, the Syrians are attracted to migrating to Europe for better protection for them and their children. The findings also demonstrate that social ties influenced Syrians in their decision to migrate to Europe and avoid being deported to Syria.
5
Yagmurlu, Filiz. ""." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615598/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes EU's education and training policy together with EU-Turkey relations and Turkey'
s path in candidacy regarding the education and training policy. Treaty base of the European Union Education and Training Policy together with is chronological development and its institutions of ET policy, the benchmarks in education and training, strategic objectives and European Union and Education Youth Programmes will be discussed. Moreover, since Helsinki, Turkey'
s legislative regulations and adaptations, institutional arrangement and changes, national and regional projects/campaign in line with the EU'
s education objectives, programmes and funds benefitted will be examined with a case study, this thesis will be trace the impact of education and training action programmes on education in Turkey within the context of impact on personal and professional development, impact on institutional cooperation and capacity building.
6
Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?
Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
7
Aydin, Hanifi. "Turkey-European Union relations: great expectations." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7815.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedSince 1963 Turkey has been struggling to join the European Union (EU) . Despite strong Turkish aspirations, it appears unlikely that Turkey will be accepted as an EU member in the near future due to Turkey's shortcomings in its political, economic and social structure. Applications submitted prior to December 1999, were rejected by the EU Commission on the basis of poor democracy, human rights abuses, restrictions on political and cultural rights, a high level of influence of the Turkish military in political affairs, weak economy, and disputes with Greece and the Cyprus problem. The EU has certain criteria for membership: a functioning democracy, respect for rule of law, protection of minority and human rights, functioning market economy and settlement of disputes with other member states prior to accession. Turkey is seeking an immediate EU membership to improve economy and democratization, and take an undisputable place inside the European order and civilization. To this end, Turkey has to adopt the necessary reforms and regulations that will help strengthen democracy, economy and social and cultural rights in Turkey. However, Turkey's present domestic infrastructure does not provide a suitable situation to commence key radical political reforms in the immediate future.
8
Buhari, Makbule Didem. "Turkey-European union relations in world polity." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/items/77786ee4-e13b-efb3-4c79-027c62978565/1/.
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By ‘bringing in' the global dimension, this thesis aims to explain the main reasons for Turkey's failure to comply with EU conditionality. Existing studies in the field either look at the hardships in Turkish-EU intergovernmental bargains or at the ‘cultural mismatch' that triggers opposition in the conservative circles of both Turkey and Europe. Such tendencies mislead many students to miss the ‘bigger picture'; in other words, the global legitimation processes underlying Turkey's interactions with the EU. By introducing World Polity theory, an innovative sociological institutionalist theory developed by a Stanford University sociologist, John W. Meyer, since the 1970s, this thesis promises a fuller analysis of the difficult relations between Turkey and the EU through the study of three key sectors where EU-led reforms prove particularly problematic: foreign land ownership, ombudsmanship, and Turkey's Cyprus policy. Benefiting from original interview and survey findings, the thesis demonstrates that the likelihood of EU-led reform depends on the extent to which it is perceived as globally legitimate in the candidate country, Turkey. The main argument is that Turkey-European Union relations should be considered within the context of a wider global cultural environment in which they are deeply embedded and which constitute their agency. This argument is innovative in three ways. First, it adds the global context, which is severely neglected in the prevailing studies on EU-Turkey relations, as a constitutive element to the analysis. Second, it offers new analytical tools to rethink the EU as an ‘organizational carrier' of world models and better explain the domestic motivations behind compliance with EU conditionality. Finally, it contributes to World Polity research that is increasingly criticized for having a top-down approach and lacking in-depth case studies on how world models spread.
9
Fazlioglu, Akin Zulal. "Cultural Policy in Turkey – European Union Relations." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1502860978590657.
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10
McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth. "Global Positioning Semantics: President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306898793.
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11
Thomas, Jordan K. "The European Union's Impact on Turkey's pattern of civil-military relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FThomas.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): John C. Leslie, Barak A. Salmoni. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-67). Also available online.
12
Becan, Petek. "The Influence Of Orientalism On European Union - Turkey Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609210/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the influence of Orientalism on Turkey&rsquos relations with the European Union (EU) since Turkey&rsquo
s application for full membership. EU-Turkey relations are elaborated in the context of how Europe constitutes its relations with Turkey as an oriental &lsquo
other&rsquo
. Thus arguments on the role of the other in identification process, self/other conceptualization and Orientalism as an othering mechanism of the west are presented to provide a theoretical framework. The question of how Turkish-European affairs have developed since the eighteenth century is answered in order to constitute a historical background of EU-Turkey relations, adopt theories of othering and observe construction of Orientalism. Lastly the traces of Orientalism since Turkey&rsquo
s application for membership in 1987 are searched in the official documents of the EU and statements of European statesmen. Religion, culture and civilization are analyzed as differentiating factors in the hegemonic relationship between the west and the Orient, between the EU and Turkey. It will be concluded that Orientalism continues to be an influential factor in EU&rsquo
s enlargement process, specifically in Turkey&rsquo
s accession.
13
Ongur, Hakan Ovunc. "An Analysis Of The Minorities Issue In Turkey-european Union Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607346/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the minorities issue within the Turkey-European Union relations. In the study, international, European and Turkish perspectives in minority understanding will be explored, respectively. The main argument will read: &ldquoMinorities issue is a highly politicized matter upon which neither legal nor academic standards are reached commonly in international, European or Turkish perspectives
thus, it must not constitute one of the focal points in Turkey-EU relations&rdquo
. The analyses of historical development, legal background, political influence as well as a conceptual analysis will be followed for all three perspectives. A textual and descriptive research method will be employed throughout the thesis. The conclusion will be drawn with regards to the controversial position of the minorities issue, overall, and specifically for the membership negotiations between Turkey and European Union. This road of approach would contribute to the perception of those reluctant to the political intervention of the European Union towards candidate states, as well as would help locate Turkey&rsquo
s future position regarding Protection of Minorities and minority rights.
14
Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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15
Demirci, Berat. "Impact Of European Unioin On Civil - Military Relations In Greece And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611433/index.pdf.
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Studying on civil-military relations requires a multi-dimensional approach that analyzes both domestic and external factors. In this study which aims to compare the civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey and to indicate how European Union re-shapes the nature of these relations, the emphasis will be given to two important factors. The domestic factor is democratization processes of the states in question, that depend not only on domestic politics, but also the international environment. The other factor is an external one: the EU as a promoter of democracy through civilianization in politics. The general picture of the nature of civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey indicates a parallelism during 1950s and 60s. However, the 1970s, characterized by centrifugal tendencies of states in Cold War conditions as well as the EU accession perspective, has brought about an alteration in the role of military in politics in Greece, whereas Turkey did not do much towards reducing the role of army. Since late 1990s, EU has been the prominent goal in Turkish Foreign Policy. The conditions for membership include democratization through civilianization and declination of military&rsquos role in policy making. Making a projection of how EU will influence civil-military relations in Turkey might be possible in the light of the outcome of this study that utilizes the Greek case as an example.
16
Uzgoren, Elif. "Globalisation, the European Union and Turkey : rethinking the struggle over hegemony." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12745/.
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The research approaches Turkish membership question to the European Union as an open-ended struggle among social forces. It aims to address whether there is a hegemonic pro-membership perspective and if any, which social forces are supporting it. Is there any alternative contesting and resisting membership and neo-liberal restructuring? Can disadvantaged groups from globalisation form a united struggle, and if not, how can we account for the lack of an alternative? At the theoretical level, it dismisses mainstream integration theories as debate is mainly stuck to the dichotomy between membership or not (form of integration), that in return is a non-debate. It introduces Gramscian historical materialist framework that paves the way to account for socio-economic content and power relations underpinning ongoing integration process. The argument proceeds by delving into a debate on theoretical coordinates regarding hegemony in Gramscian analyses and the theory of discourse introduced by Laclau and Mouffe in the Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Ultimately, it dismisses theory of discourse and conceives class struggle in relation to discipline of capital over society within social relations of production. The empirical data relies on semi-structured interviews conducted with capital and labour, political parties, state officials and women rights/feminist groups and human rights groups. Additionally, particular sectors, textile, automotive and agriculture are examined in parallel with Gramscian historical materialist coordinates on intra-class struggle. I shall argue that pro-membership perspective, whose socio-economic content is consolidation of neo-liberal restructuring, is hegemonic. It is pioneered by internationally oriented capital and conveyed as the means to stimulate competitiveness and economic growth and to consolidate democracy. It draws support from nationally oriented capital analogous with delocalization of production and integration to transnational production via outsourcing and contract manufacturing. Yet, it is possible to identify two rival class strategies that contest neo-liberal pro-membership project, neo-mercantilism that is supported by nationally oriented labour, nationalist political parties, centre-left political parties and Ha-vet (No-Yes) that is underpinned by internationally oriented labour, social democratic fraction among the Left, particular women rights groups and human rights groups. On the one hand, position of social forces underpinning neo-mercantilism is weakened in economy and ideas that echo import-substitution policy under Keynesian welfare state regime and developmentalist state in periphery are defeated analogous with globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring. The only criticism of neo-mercantilist project remains on national sensitivities. Put bluntly, the critique is anti-imperialist though not anti-capitalist. At the final analysis, membership is interpreted in relation to modernization and westernization with a populist discourse. On the other hand, although social forces within Ha-vet read European Union as a capitalist economic integration model, they conceive internationalisation of labour and European Social Model as the only viable mechanism to struggle against globalization and transnationalisation of production. Moreover, European integration is received positively as a democratization project. Ultimately, neither neo-mercantilism that supports ‘membership on equal terms and conditions’, nor Ha-vet that adopts the motto of ‘another globalisation and Europe is possible’, stands as an overall alternative.
17
Ozer-Afsar, Kivanc. "A Normative and An Empirical Analysis on Conflicts Between Turkey and European Union During The Ongoing Process of Turkey's Membership To The Union." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3572388.
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18
Cankaya, Mine. "The European Union Factor In The United States-turkey Rekations: 1995-1999." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1177005/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
THE EUROPEAN UNION FACTOR IN THE UNITED STATES-TURKEY
RELATIONS: 1995-1999
Çankaya, Mine M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Fulya Kip Barnard September 2003, 188 pages This study seeks to analyze the imperatives underlying the United States policy of supporting Turkey&
#8217
s full membership to the European Union from 1995 to 1999. It is basically composed of four parts. The first part discusses the US security policy in the regions surrounding Turkey following the demise of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the US security policies towards Russia, the Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Central Asia and the Caucasus are examined. The second part is devoted to the examination of American-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era. The third part deals with the role of the EU in Turkish domestic politics in the post- Cold War era. The last chapter serves as the essence of the study. It aims to focus on the implications of Turkey&
#8217
s relations with the EU for the US security policy. Within this framework thedomestic changes in Turkish politics especially the rise of Islam and nationalism in the mid 90s and their implications for the US security policy are explained. Second, Turkey&
#8217
s role in the emerging European security framework and its implications for the US security policy are scrutnized. Having elaborated these factors, this study concludes with a brief analysis of the basic points of the study. Keywords: The US security policy, American-Turkish relations, Turkey-EU relations.
19
Patsiaouras, Konstantinos. "Democratic Peace Theory and Greek-Turkish relations in the context of the European Union." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FPatsiaouras.pdf.
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Thesis (Master of Arts in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Siegel, Scott. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Greece, Turkey, Democratic Peace Theory, economic interdependence, intergovernmental organizations, NATO. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-116). Also available in print.
20
Su, Esra. "Turkey'." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610257/index.pdf.
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Turkey has been one of the few countries that signed the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees with the provision of maintaining geographical limitation to that of offering protection only to European nationals. This is, however, expected to change as Turkey heads towards EU membership. Since 1999, Turkey has been declared as a candidate country to the European Union (EU), in the Helsinki Summit. It is expected to adopt EU Asylum Acquis into its legislation and to lift the geographical limitation of the
1951 Geneva Convention.
This study aims to analyze EU&rsquos Common Asylum Policy in order to present a comprehensive overview to EU Asylum Acquis and practices that are expected to be adopted by Turkey during the pre-accession process. The aim of this thesis is to analyze deficiencies of European Common Asylum Policy and its potential positive and negative effects on Turkey&rsquo
s asylum policy.
21
Cilingir, Sevgi. "Discourses Of Kemalism And Islamism On The Political Dimension Of Eu - Turkey Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606320/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims at defining and analyzing the positions of Kemalism and Islamism about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, with respect to identity and political reform. The study is conducted by the usage of academic literature and examples of the writings of intellectuals from both positionsin order to analyze their discourses on the issue.With respect to the political dimension of EU - Turkey relations, the problems and EU demands on democracy, human rights, minority rights - with emphasis on the Kurdish problem - and Cyprus are explained. The viewpoint and discourses of the two positions on these issues are discussed in relation to their historical attitudes towards the West and the EU.
22
Yesiltas, Ozum. "Civil Society And Democratization In Turkey: A Critical Evaluation Of Civil Society-democracy Relationship In The Context Of Turkey-eu Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607779/index.pdf.
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This thesis tries to analyze the role of civil society within the process of democratization in Turkey with special reference to the impact of civil society policies of the EU on the internal operating styles of civil society organizations in Turkey. In this respect, a critical evaluation of the said issue was tried to be put forward in the sense that the extensive discussions on the concept of civil society were examined and gathered with the observations and empirical evidence gained on the subject in order to reach an answer on the very nature of civil society-democracy relationship. In doing this, the purpose was to uncover the reasons behind the recent popularization of the concept as an indispensable precondition of democracy and to question whether certain circumstances exist under which the term may rather harm than enable the process of democratization. Within this framework, the consideration of the civil society policies of the EU implemented in Turkey was seen as all the more necessary because of the fact that the process of Turkey&rsquos EU membership has major implications for not only the process of democratization in Turkey, but also on the development of civil society as a significant part of this process. In accordance with the purpose of the study, in order to understand the extent of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey and the impact of the EU in that sense, a field research was conducted in Ankara, Turkey with the participation of 46 CSOs active mostly in the fields of women, children, disabled, human rights and environment. Through the field research, the main purpose was to understand the dynamics of the internal operating styles of those organizations, their views concerning the relations between CSOs as well as between the CSOs and the state on the one hand, to measure the extent to which their participation to civil society programs of the EU influence their intra-organizational structures on the other. According to the results of the field research, over the experience of 46 participant organizations, an analysis of the extent to which the EU-implemented civil society programs serve for the building of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey was tried to be made.
23
Piccoli, Wolfango. "Turkey's ambivalent relations with the European Union : a question of identity." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410722.
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24
Topkaya, Burcu. "Competing And Shifting Hegemonic Discourses: The Turkey-eu Relations Between 1999 And 2005." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608316/index.pdf.
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In this thesis, the competing and shifting hegemonic discourses in Turkey-EU relations in the period between 1999 Helsinki European Council and 3 October 2005 are discussed in the framework of neo-Gramscian perspectives. In this study, initially the classic theories of European integration are analyzed and on the basis of the argument that the classic theories of European integration exhausted their potentials in explaining the European integration process, the neo-Gramscian perspectives are presented as an alternative theoretical framework. Deriving from the wavering character of Turkey-EU relations, the turning points in the related time period are defined and competing and shifting hegemonic discourses for both sides are discussed. The main argument of this thesis is that, since the very beginning of Turkey-EU relations, it has a wavering character and these relations are reproduced through the redefinition of competing and shifting hegemonic discourses with the active contribution of social actors in the related time period.
25
Tezer, Ozgur. "A Constructivist Analysis Of Turkey-eu Relations Within The Context Of Five Phase Spiral Model:." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609773/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The 1990's witnessed the emergence of Constructivist approach in the International Relations theory. Constructivism rejecting the rationalist precepts of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism brought a sociological point of view to the world politics mentioned the role of ideational factors in the constitution process of interests and identities. Constructivism assumes that there is a mutual constitution process between states and normative structures in which states internalized existing international societal norms with efforts of international non-state actors seen as active teachers guiding states to initiate policies that are congruent with international civilized norms of behaviour. Today human rights are defined as civilized normative patterns. At this point five phase spiral model reveals itself and introduces explanations for how states understand, interpret and internalize international human rights norms. The model assumes that target state'
s identity, interest and behaviors are influenced by international human rights norms as it progresses through the model'
s five phased spiral process. The model in this process emphasizes roles and efforts of international organizations. v This work assesses the usefulness of the five phase spiral model and Constructivism as an explanation of the changes in the Turkish government&rsquo
s human rights practices. As case study effect of the European Union over normative transformation in the field of human rights in Turkey will be given. The thesis bringing criticisms to the model&rsquo
s assumptions in Turkey case will assert that Turkey, from the 1980 Military intervention to the end of 2007 has made progressive steps in line with the phases mentioned in the spiral model.
26
Georgakis, Abbott Stefanie Florence. "Bordering the Mediterranean: Liminality and Regioncraft at the Center of the World." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/56624.
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In this dissertation, I theorize that the Mediterranean, broadly conceived of as a geo-cultural-political entity and experience, is a locality for the investigation into the processes through which representations of continents and civilizations come into focus. A fundamental argument in this dissertation is that borders (like the Mediterranean) do not represent the limits to territorially fixed entities, but are rather continually ongoing projects that come to be negotiated and reified through political practices that are focused, in this instance, on asserting where the outside of Europe begins. The arguments of this dissertation are twofold. First, the Mediterranean is theorized as a fluid and porous space. Secondly, and more importantly, the Mediterranean is a key site for an investigation into the (re)production of politically and culturally saturated discourses of belonging and otherness. Thus, this project takes into focus three distinct, yet inextricably interrelated, processes of the borderization of the Mediterranean. These processes work to maintain the space as a global axis of sorts, upon which academic and popular discussions and representations of the East versus the West or the North versus the South emerge. It is an underlying argument of this study that links the examples of the Barcelona Process, discussions of a migration crisis, and Turkey's accession to the EU as processes of borderization of the European Union. While they are often analyzed as separate phenomena, all are indicative of these spatial and temporal borders represented by the Mediterranean, seen together they have the capability of highlighting the interconnectedness of the varying threads of Mediterraneanism. To understand how categories like European, Asian, or African come to have such salient political suggestiveness and meaning, one must bring into question how the borders that divide these imagined spaces are complex sites of the convergence of practices and discourses acquire their fortitude and who gets to tell the stories that outline their parameters.Ph. D.
27
Ozkan, Duygu. "The Shifting Influence Of The United States On European Union-turkey Relations:a Neoclassical Realist Approach." Master's thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615745/index.pdf.
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This thesis explores how and why the United States (U.S.) support for Turkey&rsquos participation in the European Union(EU) shifted from being an asset to a liability for Turkey between the years of l995 and 2005. There have been some earlier studies that analyzed the impact of U.S. support for Turkey&rsquo
s inclusion in the EU on EU-Turkey relations. The purpose of this study is to contribute further to that literature with a plausible explanation for the shifting influence of the United States on EUTurkey relations, utilizing the multi-dimensional approach of neoclassical realism. This thesis focuses on the changing EU-U.S. relations in the altered international climate after the end of the Cold War
the attempts and strategy of the U.S. in supporting Turkish membership in the EU
and why the reactions of EU leaders and politicians to U.S. interventions turned in a much more negative direction during the early 2000s. By applying neoclassical realism and its flexible methodology, this thesis is highly sensitive to the multi-levels of influence behind given policy outcomes by balancing the role of external structural factors with domestic contexts and constraints. This analysis demonstrates that besides the international climate, a range of EU level and domestic factors operated together in influencing the EU decisions about Turkey and reactions to US interventions during the early 2000s. In turn, this analysis supplies evidence that, consistent with the perspective of neoclassical realism, external influences as well as a range of domestic influences should all be taken into consideration for a complete understanding of international policy outcomes and postures.
28
Atan, Serap. "Turkish peak business organizations and the europeanization of domestic structures in Turkey: meeting the European Union membership conditions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210468.
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This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.
We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.
We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
29
Sen, Ugur. "An Assessment Of Principle Of Conditionality: The Case Of Cyprus In The Context Of Turkey-eu Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611411/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze Cyprus issue in the context of the principle of conditionality in Turkey &ndashEU relations. In this regard, the conditionality principle is examined both in international level and in European Union&rsquo
s approach. The implementation of conditionality by the European Union in relation with the Cyprus question is the second point of analysis. Finally, the evaluation of the conditionality and its implications in Turkey-EU relations regarding the Cyprus issue is overviewed. The assessment is made through historical periods of the relations between Turkey and EU. Finally, the comparison between the theoretical framework and practical application of conditionality in Cyprus issue is done as part of assessment.
30
Magalhaes, Margaux. "Les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE. Du soutien américain aux ambitions européennes d’Ankara au délitement de la relation triangulaire (1993-2017)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA051.
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Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis militent en faveur de l’intégration de la Turquie à l’UE et deviennent, sous la présidence Clinton, les plus ardents défenseurs de la cause turque, avant même Ankara. Comment expliquer ce positionnement de la superpuissance mondiale, elle qui n’appartient pourtant pas au continent européen et ne dispose pas d’un pouvoir décisionnel dans l’UE ? Cet activisme s’explique par la mutation des enjeux et des défis au XXIe siècle : résurgence éventuelle de la Russie, influence iranienne dans le monde musulman, montée de la menace djihadiste ou « choc des civilisations » prédit par Huntington. Pour y faire face, Washington regarde l’alliance de l’UE chrétienne à la Turquie musulmane comme une stratégie préventive : l’adhésion d’Ankara, outre son aspect symbolique qui permettrait de contrer la rhétorique des djihadistes tout en signalant aux musulmans vivant en Europe qu’ils ne sont pas étrangers au continent, ferait de la Turquie un modèle pour l’ensemble de son voisinage et une force de projection occidentale dans le monde musulman. L’UE, grâce à son pouvoir normatif, est indispensable à cette fin : sans elle, la démocratie ainsi que le libéralisme politique et économique pourraient-ils s’implanter en terre d’Islam ? Sans elle, la Turquie restera-t-elle un Etat laïc ancré à l’Occident ? Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 propulsent cette stratégie au sommet des priorités des administrations Bush : elle s’intègre désormais dans leur Freedom agenda. Si la survenue des printemps arabes en 2011 aurait dû rendre indispensable l’ancrage de la Turquie à l’UE afin de s’assurer qu’elle puisse influencer les événements en propageant les valeurs occidentales auprès de ces populations en quête de démocratie, l’Amérique cesse pourtant progressivement son militantisme envers une adhésion qui devient chimérique. Au lieu de souder l’alliance entre les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE, les printemps arabes auront fissuré les fondations déjà écornées de ce partenariat, si bien qu’à la fin du mandat d’Obama, la relation triangulaire est déliquescenteIn the aftermath of the Cold War, the US has asserted a strong lobbying in favor of Turkey’s accession to the EU, and became the first supporter of this integration, before Ankara itself. How could we explain the US involvement since it doesn’t belong to the European continent? The new world order brought new challenges for the 21st century. Therefore, such an integration was perceived as a preventive strategy by Washington to deter upcoming threats facing the West, such as Russian resurgence, Iranian influence in the Muslim world, jihadism, or the « clash of civilizations ». Indeed, it would help bridging the growing gap between the West and the Muslim world by uniting under the same roof Christian countries within the EU, and the former Caliphate. It would also enable Turkey to be a Western projection force in its neighborhood — stretching from the Balkans to the Middle East — by becoming a model. To do so, Turkey has to become more liberal politically and economically. However, would it be possible without European prospects? From a US perspective, the normative power of the EU is necessary to see Turkey succeeding in proving that Islam, secularism and democracy are compatible and to spread Western values in its neighborhood while anchoring Ankara firmly in the West. 9/11 reinforced the significance of this strategy, which got integrated into the Freedom agenda and the global war on terror. Therefore, supporting Ankara’s accession became a top priority of Bush administrations. Barack Obama maintained this policy, even though the US lobbying slowed down, since it appeared this integration might never occur. The Arab awakening could have been the perfect occasion to bring closer together Turkey and the EU so that Ankara could become the model Arabs were calling for. However, instead of strengthening the US-Turkey-EU relations, those events damaged their alliance, which was already strained. At the end of Obama’s presidency, this triangular relation seemed on the verge to collapse
31
Susler, Bugra. "Turkey's foreign policy cooperation with the European Union during the Arab Spring, 2011-13." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3587/.
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32
Topcuoglu, Merve Mehlika. "Energy Indicators For Sustainable Development: Comparison Of Turkey And Selected European Union Countries." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613555/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this study is to compare the sustainable development perspective of Turkey
with selected European Union countries in terms of Energy Indicators for Sustainable
Energy between 1980-2008. The study is conducted in a comparative and descriptive
way by using energy indicators. The common energy policy priorities of Turkey and
European Union are determined in the light of recent literature. An energy indicator set
is constructed according to energy priorities, namely, energy efficiency and energy
intensityenergy security and fuel mix
and environmental concerns. The analysis of relevant indicators demonstrates that Turkey does not meet the sustainability criteria in terms of energy use. In general, findings of the study indicate that Turkey does not use energy efficiently and energy intensities in the economy do not decrease except for the industry sector, for the period 1980-2008. Import dependency has increased and fuel mix of energy sources is dominantly carbon based. Expectations about increasing renewable energy share do not exhibit a significant trend thus energy security and fuel mix are still important issues for Turkey. Lastly, environmental protection in terms of decreasing GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation could not be achieved as GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation have increased in Turkey during 1980- 2008 period.
33
Öztürk, Zeki. "Le rôle du Conseil de l'Europe dans la démocratisation de la Turquie." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG014.
Full textAbstract:
La Turquie est membre du Conseil de l’Europe (COE) depuis 1949. Ainsi, elle fait partie intégrante de l’histoire de la construction démocratique de l'Europe. Cette thèse fait une histoire quasi exhaustive de la démocratisation en Turquie inspirée par le COE de 1949 à 2013. Les acteurs sont l’Assemblée Parlementaire, le Comité des Ministres, la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme, les autorités compétentes turques et la société civile. Les principales sources de ce travail sont les archives du COE, celles de la Grande Assemblée Nationale de Turquie et des organisations du secteur privé et civil et les ouvrages académiques et littéraires. Dans ces relations durant 64 ans, quatre étapes se surviennent. 1. L’intégration de la Turquie aux institutions européennes, 2. Les interventions militaires en Turquie, 3. L’approfondissement de la démocratie en Turquie à la suite de la guerre froide, 4. Les procédures de suivi appliquées par les mécanismes du COE sur la démocratisation en TurquieTurkey is a member of the Council of Europe (COE) since 1949. Thus, it is an integral part of the history of European democratic construction.This thesis is a nearly complete history of democratization in Turkey inspired by the COE from 1949 to 2013. The actors are the Parliamentary Assembly, the Committee of Ministers, the European Court of Human Rights, the competent authorities of Turkey and civil society. The main sources of this work are the archives of the COE, those of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and organizations in the private and civil sector and the academic and literary works. In these relationships for 64 years, four steps occurred. 1. The integration of Turkey to the European institutions, 2. The military interventions in Turkey, 3. The deepening democracy in Turkey after the Cold War, 4. The monitoring procedures followed by the mechanisms of the COE on democratization in Turkey
34
Lofca, Izzet. "Respect for human rights and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey: Adoption and diffusion of the European Union acquis in the Turkish National Police." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3945/.
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This study is an exploration of the European Union acquis adoption in the Turkish National Police. The research employed the Diffusion of Innovations, Democratic Policing, and historical background check theoretical frameworks to study the decision-making of the TNP regarding reforms after 2003 as a qualitative case study which triangulated the methodology with less-dominant survey and several other analyzing methods. The data were collected from several sources including semi-structured interviews, archival records, documentary evidences and the European Commission Regular Reports on Turkey. The research interest was about the decision mechanisms of the TNP towards reforms and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey. During the study, internationally recognized human rights standards were given attention. As the data suggested, the police forces are shaped according to their ruling governments and societies. It is impossible to find a totally democratic police in a violent society and a totally violent police in a democratic society. The study findings suggested that reforming police agencies should not be a significant problem for determined governments. Human rights violations should not be directly related with the police in any country. The data suggested that democratic policing applications find common application when the democracy gets powerful and police brutality increases when authoritarian governments stays in power. Democratic policing on the other hand is an excellent tool to improve notion of democracy and to provide legitimacy to governments. However, democratic policing is not a tool to bring the democracy, but a support mechanism for it.
35
Gasimova, Esmira. "La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG014.
Full textAbstract:
La présente étude est consacrée à la politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales. Ce pays du Caucase du Sud accédant à l'indépendance en 1991 affirme sa singularité, entre confrontation et coopération avec ses voisins proches ou lointains. La question centrale est donc de savoir comment l'Azerbaïdjan peut justifier et éventuellement renforcer sa présence sur l'échiquier international alors qu'il se trouve au cœur des grands enjeux géopolitiques et économiques. Sa position le place au centre des rivalités entre des puissances telles que la Russie, l'Iran et la Turquie et, au-delà de son voisinage immédiat les États-Unis et l'Union européenne. Le pays est contraint à une politique étrangère équilibrée afin de ne pas s'aliéner les partenaires de l'ouest comme de l'est. Il tente également de tirer profit de l'exploitation des hydrocarbures de la Caspienne en vue de résoudre la question cruciale du conflit du Haut-KarabakhThis thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh
36
Lofca, Izzet O'Connor Brian C. "Respect for human rights and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey adoption and diffusion of the European Union acquis in the Turkish National Police /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3945.
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Yucel, Umut. "The Cohesiveness And Voting Alliance Of The Politicsl Groups In The European Parliament On Turkey: 1980-1996." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12607807/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the cohesiveness, and voting likeliness of the political groups in the European Parliament on Turkey between 1980-1996. The thesis consists of two main parts: in the first part the structure, and historical evoluation of the European Parliament has been analyzed. In the second part, the changes in Turkish politics between 1980-96, and the cohesiveness, and voting alliances of the political groups have been analyzed by using roll call vote data.
38
Alkan, Yavuz Selim. "The Effectiveness Of The European Union As A Normative Power: Human Rights Conditionality In The Case Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610073/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis it is attempted to shed some light upon the limits and effectiveness of the role of the European Union (EU) as a normative power has played in the transformation of Turkish politics especially in the case of human rights issues. First of all, this study reviews the original and current debates over the civilian and normative power Europe ideas, searches to find common elements underlying those accounts and assesses to what extent they offer an adequate categorization of the EU&rsquos international significance. One of the main arguments of this thesis is that the EU is generally considered as the catalyst or the anchor of the reform process in the candidate countries to become members. With this in mind, an account of the development of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality vis-à
-vis the third countries and the typology of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality within the framework of enlargement are also examined. The massive wave of transformation with regard to human rights issues undertaken in Turkey during its pre-accession relations with the Union is a case point in this thesis. Within the scope of the study, it is attempted to analyze the impact of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality upon the related state of affairs in Turkey with a view to exploring to what extent and under what conditions it could be regarded as the independent variable of the domestic reform process in the country.
39
Fjader, Christian Olof. "The Problem of the 'Borderline States' in Regionalism: 'Rationalist' and 'Ideational' Approaches." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6350.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the theoretical and methodological development of the study of Regionalism in International Relations. It rests on the assumption of a dichotomy in Regionalism studies between Rationalist and Ideational approaches, hampering the understanding of the motives for and nature of Regionalism. The “Rationalist” approach focuses on material interdependency as the main driving force behind integration. Thus, Regionalism is seen as a consequence of rational calculations and bargains by rational agents. In contrast, the “Ideational”, or Social Constructivist approach, emphasizes shared regional identity and culture as driving forces that produce levels of “cognitive interdependence”. As will be demonstrated, however, neither approach alone provides a satisfactory explanation to the motives for and nature of Regionalism, including the process of enlargement. This thesis thus, aims to test, challenge and further develop explanatory models in the theory of Regionalism.In particular the thesis aims to add to the understanding of the process of enlargement, as well as its motives, through deploying those models to the problem of the ‘borderline states’. The problem of the ”borderline states” is demonstrated by the means of two case studies: Australia and Turkey in the context of their relationship with their respective regions - European Union and emerging Regionalism in East Asia, and in particular their position in European and East Asian Regionalism. They are labelled ‘borderline states’ not for their geographical properties, but for the permanent partiality of their inclusion within their regions. Such states are in constant flux, varying their degree of belonging depending on the criteria of enclosure. As this thesis demonstrates, Rationalist approach has a particular strength in analysing the process of enlargement, whilst Ideational approach is required for analysing the motives of enlargement. Moreover, it argues that a potential point of converge between the two approaches is analysing the stability of enlargement. It then further argues that analytical eclecticism can be useful in terms of identifying and framing problems that are significant, but for ontological and epistemological reasons have a tendency to be ignored by the paradigmatic approaches. Finally, the thesis proposes new definitions of region and Regionalism to accommodate a more eclectic understanding of what constitutes a region, what drives Regionalism and in particular how a region’s membership is determined.
40
Fjader, Christian Olof. "The Problem of the 'Borderline States' in Regionalism: 'Rationalist' and 'Ideational' Approaches." University of Sydney, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6350.
Full textAbstract:
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis deals with the theoretical and methodological development of the study of Regionalism in International Relations. It rests on the assumption of a dichotomy in Regionalism studies between Rationalist and Ideational approaches, hampering the understanding of the motives for and nature of Regionalism. The “Rationalist” approach focuses on material interdependency as the main driving force behind integration. Thus, Regionalism is seen as a consequence of rational calculations and bargains by rational agents. In contrast, the “Ideational”, or Social Constructivist approach, emphasizes shared regional identity and culture as driving forces that produce levels of “cognitive interdependence”. As will be demonstrated, however, neither approach alone provides a satisfactory explanation to the motives for and nature of Regionalism, including the process of enlargement. This thesis thus, aims to test, challenge and further develop explanatory models in the theory of Regionalism.In particular the thesis aims to add to the understanding of the process of enlargement, as well as its motives, through deploying those models to the problem of the ‘borderline states’. The problem of the ”borderline states” is demonstrated by the means of two case studies: Australia and Turkey in the context of their relationship with their respective regions - European Union and emerging Regionalism in East Asia, and in particular their position in European and East Asian Regionalism. They are labelled ‘borderline states’ not for their geographical properties, but for the permanent partiality of their inclusion within their regions. Such states are in constant flux, varying their degree of belonging depending on the criteria of enclosure. As this thesis demonstrates, Rationalist approach has a particular strength in analysing the process of enlargement, whilst Ideational approach is required for analysing the motives of enlargement. Moreover, it argues that a potential point of converge between the two approaches is analysing the stability of enlargement. It then further argues that analytical eclecticism can be useful in terms of identifying and framing problems that are significant, but for ontological and epistemological reasons have a tendency to be ignored by the paradigmatic approaches. Finally, the thesis proposes new definitions of region and Regionalism to accommodate a more eclectic understanding of what constitutes a region, what drives Regionalism and in particular how a region’s membership is determined.
41
Korkusuz, Sermin. "Turkey And Its Relation To The European Union From A Radical Nationalist Perspective: The Nationalist Action Party From The Early 1990." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609571/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this study is to analyse the discourse (from 1990s onwards) of the radical nationalist perspective about Turkey-EU relations. The EU is discussed as an actor within the globalization process. Therefore, in a broader context, the study presents the situation of the radical nationalist perspective in Turkey within the globalization process. In the study, the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi/MHP (Nationalist Action Party) has been selected as the political representative of radical nationalism in Turkey. The party&rsquo
s official discourse concerning the relations with EU is focused. In this framework, the party&rsquo
s perception of the EU, of Turkey-EU relations, of Turkey&rsquo
s position, of itself and of other actors in these relations are analysed. It is analysed which themes are prominent in its discourse. While doing this, I also try to reveal possible contradictions, uncertainties and ambivalences.
42
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Full textAbstract:
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
43
Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Tutkun, Secil. "Exhaustion Of Industrial Property Rights In The European Union And Its Implications On The Application Of This Principle In Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606973/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the reconciliation of industrial property rights with the principle of free movement of goods in the EU and the implications of this solution on trade relations between the EU and Turkey in the scope of the Decision No. 1/95 of the EC-Turkey Association Council. In the second chapter, patents, trademarks, industrial designs and utility models then the EU regulations and the international regulations concerning the protection of the relevant right in the EU region is examined. Although, the need for &ldquoEU wide protection of industrial property rights&rdquo
is not covered by these regulations, there are special provisions which stipulate &ldquo
regional exhaustion&rdquo
for trademarks and industrial designs. In the EU region there are systems for granting Community Trademark and granting Community Industrial Design which are co-exist with the national systems. However there is no system for granting Community Patent or Community Utility Models and there is no special provision which determine the geographical boundary of the exhaustion of patents and utility models. Nevertheless, the principle of regional exhaustion was accepted through ECJ decisions long before the above mentioned regulations which are very recent. In the third chapter of the thesis, firstly the provisions of the Rome Treaty regarding the free movement of goods, then the process that ECJ had faced until the regional exhaustion doctrine was reached and the implementation clauses of this doctrine is examined. Implementation of this doctrine affects both the trade relations among EU Member States and the trade relations between Member States and the non-EU countries. In the fourth chapter of the thesis, the provisions of the Decision No. 1/95 which regulates the free movements of goods between Turkey and the EU are examined with the articles of national legislation concerning the exhaustion of industrial property rights in Turkey. By considering above mentioned provisions and the different views in the doctrine, the trade relation between the EU and Turkey is examined with the economical, political and legal aspects.
45
Zeginis, Dimitris A. "Nationalism and the reality of the nation-state : the case of Greece and Turkey in relation to the European orientation in the two countries." Thesis, University of Essex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333473.
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Kale, Basak. "The Impact Of Europeanization On Domestic Policy Structures: Asylum And Refugee Policies In Turkey&." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606927/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the impact of Europeanization on domestic policy structures in states which are not European Union (EU) members within the framework of asylum and refugee policies. It focuses on the influence of Europeanization during Turkey’
s pre-accession process to the EU after 1999. This thesis has three main goals. The first one is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics behind Europeanization of asylum and refugee policies. The second goal is to highlight the institutional, administrative and ideational environment in which these policies take place. Finally, it aims to analyze how the dynamics of European integration through legislative harmonization creates systemic transformation in domestic governance systems in the EU candidate countries in their pre-accession process.
47
Pamuksuzer, Ayse Eda. "European Union’s Extraterritorialisation of Migration Management: The Expanding and Diminishing Agency of States, Migrants and Refugees : How can we understand the European Union’s use of extraterritorial management of migration?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44388.
Full textAbstract:
In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’ and increased irregular migration flows, EU member states have taken up extraterritorial actions to address their migration problems. This thesis introduces three critical notions; the modern state, the agency of the third states and the agency of the migrant, to create an inclusive framework prior to analysing EU’s extraterritorial management of migration. It then explores the EU’s extraterritorial management of migration by investigating the EU’s relations with four different non-EU states, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Libya, Morocco and Turkey. Throughout the analysis power imbalances between the EU and third states and issues of state sovereignty are brought up. It is argued that the third states see their agency diminished as a result of the EU’s border reaffirmation attempts. Border reaffirmation is done through offshoring responsibility and accountability by providing financial aid and other forms of support to third states. As a result of this form of offshoring, agency of migrants and refugees are also diminished as they have limited agency over their destination and see their rights being abused in the processes of extraterritorialisation of migration management. This thesis underlines the mismatches between the EU’s commitments to human and refugee rights and their actions of extraterritorialisation.
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Gulbahar, Cunillera Zehra. "Des "imams importés" aux "théologiens natifs" : formation des cadres religieux musulmans en France et en Allemagne." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0096.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse de doctorat retrace les trajectoires personnelles, scolaires et professionnelles des jeunes musulmans, étant nés et ayant grandi en France et en Allemagne, qui partent en Turquie pour étudier la théologie, à travers un programme interétatique, destiné à la formation des cadres religieux musulmans natifs et appelé « théologie internationale ». Retournant dans les pays de leur naissance avec un diplôme d’État, ces jeunes sont engagés par les associations religieuses en tant qu’imam-khatib, prédicateur, enseignant du Coran ou responsable des mosquées. Notre travail inscrit ces trajectoires dans un contexte européen marqué par un « problème de l’imam », dont la solution serait une « formation adéquate » sous le contrôle des États séculiers, qui cherchent à réguler la « nouvelle religion de l’Europe ». Sur la base d’une recherche empirique réalisée en France, Allemagne et Turquie, la thèse analyse ce processus, à l’échelle nationale, en tant que moyen d’intégrer les musulmans à la société globale par une reconnaissance de leurs revendications religieuses, les renvoyant dans le même temps à leurs communautés spécifiques. Dans la mesure où l’État séculier requiert un interlocuteur bien délimité afin de pouvoir nationaliser l’islam et « naturaliser » les musulmans, le cadre des structures juridico-politiques existantes les oblige à se définir comme des communautés religieuses. Ce processus dévoile les soubassements éminemment chrétiens de la laïcité française et de la sécularité allemande, deux modèles différents de sécularisme européen ayant des difficultés à accommoder les structures historiquement établies régissant les relations État-Église afin d’y inclure l’islam. À l’échelle de la subjectivité, cette thèse explore les manières dont les politiques gouvernementales assujettissent ces « imams-théologiens natifs », dans les deux sens du mot : à la fois en faisant d’eux des sujets tout en les soumettant aux nouvelles techniques de gouvernementalité, dont le but est de fabriquer des acteurs musulmans « compatibles » avec les démocraties européennes . Ces jeunes cadres religieux musulmans exercent leur capacité d’agir dans les interstices de nouveaux désirs et d’anciens liens : la volonté de servir l’islam en français et en allemand, d’une part, et la nécessité de reconfigurer leurs relations complexes avec la langue turque et la Turquie, d’autre part, mais aussi avec les institutions religieuses appartenant aux premières générations d’immigrés. Leurs engagements au sein des mosquées européennes et des centres de dialogue interreligieux créent également de nouveaux espaces, dans lesquels l’islam turc en Europe ainsi que les frontières entre les trois monothéismes européens sont en cours d’être redéfinies par des élaborations théologiques comparatives. De manière plus générale, ce travail aborde les enjeux que la nouvelle pluralité religieuse pose à la fois aux États séculiers et aux acteurs religieux, conduisant les uns vers une désabsolutisation de la laïcité ou de la sécularité comme la norme hégémonique régissant les relations États-religions, et incitant les autres à une redéfinition théologique de leur religion respective à pied d’égalitéThis Ph.D. dissertation describes personal, academic and professional trajectories of young Muslims, born and raised in France and Germany, who attend Turkish universities through an interstate program for the training of native Muslim religious personnel called “International Theology.” Returning to their countries of birth, after having a B.A. degree in theology, these young Muslims are employed by religious associations as imam-khatib, preacher, Coran teacher or representative of mosques. This work places their trajectories within a European context in which imams or religious leaders have come to be regarded as a problem even a threat, whose solution is to be found in “proper training” under the control of the secular states seeking to regulate “Europe’s new religion” more efficiently. Based on empirical research in France, Germany and Turkey, the dissertation analyzes this process as a means of integrating Muslims to the larger society by recognizing some of their religious claims while at the same time sending them back to their particular community. Since the secular state needs a well-defined representative body as an interlocutor for the nationalization of Islam and “naturalization” of Muslims, integration to the larger society requires defining Islam as a religion and Muslims as a “religious community” within the framework of existing legal-political structures. This process reveals the well-entrenched Christian underpinnings of French laicity and German secularity, which represent two different systems of European secularism. Both have difficulties adapting Islam to fit within long established structures that have historically managed State-Church relations. At the subjective level, the dissertation explores the ways in which governmental policies empower young Muslims as the “native imams-theologians” while at the same time subjecting them to new techniques of governmentality, which aim at constituting Muslim subjects “compatible” with European democracies. The main argument of the dissertation is two-fold. First, these young Muslim religious personnel exercise their agency in the interstices of new desires and old ties: to serve Islam in French or in German, on the one hand, and, on the other, to reconfigure their complex relations with the Turkish language, with Turkey, and with the institutions built by the first generations of Turkish migrants in Europe. Second, their engagements in the European mosques and at the centers of interfaith dialogue create new spaces in which Turkish Islam in Europe is being redefined along with the boundaries between the three monotheisms. At a more theoretical level, this work broaches the stakes of religious plurality in the twenty-first century, driving European governments to de-absolutize their secular norms in dealing with religions and ushering in new religious social actors, Muslim as well as Christian, to re-theologize interfaith relations on more equal terms
49
Antunes, Camille. "Le rôle, l'importance et l'implication de la Turquie dans la construction de l'Europe de la défense : perspectives et opportunités." Phd thesis, Université de Strasbourg, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00863870.
Full textAbstract:
L'intégration de la Turquie à l'Union européenne pose la question de l'essence de cette construction, de ses origines, de son devenir et de sa sécurité. Cette thèse a pour objet de proposer une analyse de l'évolution des coopérations politiques et militaires entre l'Europe et la Turquie, d'en envisager les perspectives et les opportunités futures, à travers l'étude des paramètres passés et actuels de la Politique de défense et de sécurité commune, mais également de l'implication et du rôle de la Turquie dans la construction de l'Europe de la défense depuis 1945. Il s'agit de cerner les enjeux de ce débat, à la lumière des approches convergentes et divergentes de la sécurité européenne et internationale des deux partenaires. Il s'agit également de circonscrire les lacunes, définir les besoins et déterminer le cadre adéquat de l'existence de ce partenariat, au regard des mutations récentes de la scène internationale. Du début de la République kémaliste à nos jours, la Turquie, dans l'étau des continents européen et asiatique, a préféré s'associer et imaginer son futur avec les Européens. La position inédite de la Turquie dans l'architecture de la défense européenne repose sur l'attachement de la Turquie au cercle occidental, à ses valeurs et à ses desseins. Elle a toujours cherché à participer et à peser dans l'équation de la sécurité en Europe. La Turquie est membre de l'OTAN, de l'OSCE et coopère avec les Européens en matière de sécurité, grâce aux multiples forums institutionnalisés à cet effet et auxquels elle contribue. La Turquie est européenne dans sa démarche de sécurité. Elle est de culture plurielle mais toujours liée aux intérêts occidentaux, dont elle partage les valeurs et les comportements de sécurité. Malgré une Histoire contemporaine commune, échaudée par des différends encore d'actualité, comme la situation sur l'île de Chypre, elle n'est pas perçue par la communauté internationale comme faisant définitivement partie du bloc occidental. La Turquie est considérée comme un pont, un rempart ou une médiatrice entre deux mondes, que certains analystes comme Samuel Huntington, aime opposer. La Politique de sécurité et de défense commune de l'Union européenne souffre de nombreux maux. Les Etats membres n'accordent pas suffisamment de crédits à cette politique non intégrée et ne lui offre pas les moyens capacitaires de mettre en oeuvre la Stratégie européenne de sécurité. Elle est mise en échec par le manque de détermination politique des Etats membres et par leur trop faible engagement diplomatique et militaire. Les différentes politiques mises en place depuis la signature des accords Berlin plus ont certes permis la conduite de nombreuses opérations militaires et civiles, mais elles ont maintenu certaines problématiques, accentuées par l'élargissement de l'Union européenne. Néanmoins la clarification des relations transatlantiques, dont la Turquie est à l'initiative, peut être considérée comme l'alpha de la légitimation du développement d'une Europe de la défense parallèle à l'OTAN. La démarche constructiviste privilégiée dans cette thèse, invite le lecteur à lire le chantier de la sécurité européenne comme construit par les apports et les perceptions, intérieurs et extérieurs au projet européen. [...]
50
Blumen, Sacha Carl. "Granularity and state socialisation: explaining Germany’s 2015 refugee policy reversal." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111430.
Full textAbstract:
Between late August and mid-November 2015, the German Government
liberalised its refugee policy to allow an unlimited number of
people to claim asylum in the country, and then made a
near-reversal on this policy by calling for European-wide quotas
on the number of refugees entering the EU and a reduction in the
number of refugees Germany would admit. The German Government’s
decisions to liberalise and then backtrack on its refugee policy
within a short time period, at a time when many people were still
seeking asylum from the Syrian civil war, present a puzzle to the
dominant International Relations theories of state
socialisation—constructivism and rational choice—which do not
explain well this type of observed real world behaviour.
By using the Foreign Policy Analysis literature to augment the
constructivist and rational choice approaches, I argue that a
more granular approach can help explain
Germany’s backtracking on refugee policy in 2015. I focus on
the domestic actors, institutions, and the contested processes of
their interactions from which state policy emerged. Using this
approach, I explain Germany’s backtracking on its refugee
policy as the result of varying sets of interactions over time
among actors who had different and potentially changing interests
and beliefs. This focus on granularity and contestation within
state policy making processes provides a more precise
understanding of the dynamics of policy making from which we gain
a greater insight into this puzzling example of state behaviour.
Such approaches may also help explain other examples of state
behaviour that are similarly mysterious.