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1
ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Bogaturov, A. D. "Anattempt to rebuild the world "in the American way"." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 5 (November 1, 2021): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-5-80-49-64.
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Trump’s foreign policy was controversial, resulting in division into its supporters and adversaries both at national and international levels. Donald Trump managed to be flexible in relations with the Legislative, ignoring the democratic majority in the House of Representatives. However, it was possible only before the Covid-19 pandemic. Donald Trump’s foreign policy prioritized American capital that determined US relations with the EU, Canada, and Latin America. As for relations with Russia, they were defined by the Ukrainian crisis. Disarmament is still a cornerstone in Russian American relations. The US has complicated relations with countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf despite all efforts. The UN’s reform and the Security Council, where the three great powers primarily make decisions, are still questioned. The US divides Europe into three parts; Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia with Belarus. These Europes have different views on US foreign policy. Republican administration aimed at the expansion of the national power and provision of global leadership. However, the implementation methods were questionable and led to some unpleasant consequences for the US allies. Some of them decided to wait, some prepared for the worst, some tried to adapt to Trump’s policy since it reflected the long-term changes of the US standing in the world regardless of the party or the president. As a result, such policy led to the defeat of the Republicans and brought Joe Biden to power.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Vinogradova, Ekaterina. "Latin American TV Series as the Channel for Intercultural Communication with Europe." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020112118.
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The study of intercultural communication within large cultures is particularly relevant in the 21st century in an era of globalization. Nowadays, thanks to the development of new information channels, such as social networks, as well as public diplomacy, branding of culture and art, popularization of national cultural traditions has become an integral part of the cultural diplomacy of Latin American countries. Despite globalization that has led to the global hybridization of television production, Latin American television series still retain the characteristics of unique products, introducing the foreign viewer to the culture and traditions of the Latin American region. In the 21st century, leading Latin American TV companies have changed the content of TV series aimed at different groups of target audiences. Social topics related to inequality, the emergence of civil society, problems of young people, and criminalization of society have found their way beyond the Latin American continent and have received a strong response in European countries. The Netflix site has become an important communication channel for Latin American television serial products. Television series, as the main marketing product of the leading Latin American media conglomerates, have contributed to the development of intercultural communication with European target audiences, where Latin American television stations have found similar social and cultural features and have become a kind of brand of this television genre. The popularity of Latin American serial products in Europe is due to the emergence of hybrid series and joint Latin American-European production of this type of entertainment television products. The article explores the stages of Latin American TV series' distribution in European countries and their impact on intercultural communication between Latin America and Europe.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Kosevich, E. "EU – Latin America: Institutions for Cooperation and Latin Americans' Trust in Them." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 2 (2023): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-2-114-129.
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Relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean have been rather unstable. Despite several significant successes achieved in the framework of the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean Summits (EU–LAC), in fact, in the late 1990s they entered a period of stagnation. The vision of the key tasks of multilateral cooperation between the European Union and LAC was different. For the EU interaction with Latin America was important, both from the point of view of greater consolidation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and from the point of view of its greater involvement in the world agenda already in the positions of a prominent actor, broadcasting its authority outside the traditional sphere of influence. For LAC, relations with Europe were considered as a mechanism capable of activating, first, intra-regional processes. This article discusses the development of cooperation between the European Union and Latin America, which is traditionally special for both regions, at the present stage. Despite the different vision of the main goals and objectives of interregional relations, the partnership between the EU and LAC are built around three main institutions of cooperation: political dialogue, assistance and trade. These three thematic vectors were identified at the I EU-LAC Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in 1999, as the basis for bilateral cooperation. The author examines in detail all three institutions of multilateral interaction, including their achievements and obstacles. The mechanisms of cooperation launched under the pressure of new global challenges are identified. A separate section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the results of public opinion polls, which sheds light on the attitude of Latin America towards the European Union and its regional policy. The author approaches the analysis of the EU-LAC cooperation model comprehensively and bilaterally: from the standpoint of common tasks in the international arena of both the EU and Latin American countries, considered in close connection with the ongoing global and regional latest processes.
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LORCA, ARNULF BECKER. "Alejandro Álvarez Situated: Subaltern Modernities and Modernisms that Subvert." Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no. 4 (December 2006): 879–930. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156506003694.
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Alejandro Álvarez's professional trajectory forces us to rethink the traditional modes of reading and writing the history of international law. Álvarez was central to the development of modern international law. He also happened to be a Latin American international lawyer. Should we interpret his work and life against the background of the intellectual and political history of Europe? Are the contexts that relate to the crisis of the European balance of power or the rise of nationalism the only ones that explain the emergence of a modern international legal discourse? This article situates Álvarez's scholarship within the intellectual, economic, and political history of Latin America. Interpreting Álvarez in the context of a genealogy of modernist Latin American thinkers illustrates the extent to which his work was part of a broader regional effort to appropriate European cultural artefacts in ways that granted them both a cosmopolitan and a distinctively Latin American character. Álvarez's modernism reinvented the meaning and uses of international law as a strategic foreign-policy tool in the interest of Latin American countries, a reinterpretation that contributed also to the construction of a Latin American identity and thought.
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SCHMIDT, DÖRTE. "In Between: Cultural Exchange and Competing Systems." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (October 2020): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857222000016x.
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AbstractAfter the Second World War, cultural politics has become a central medium for international relations. Owing to the particular conditions of their development, the relations between Latin America and Europe constituted an interesting case study in which the positioning of different nations in the realm of two competing political systems and the politics of memory concerning the recent war are intertwined. This article highlights five ‘moments’ in West Germany with respect to the relationship between Europe and Latin America in the field of music: the papers of the German Federal Foreign Office, the Berlin Festival week, the Darmstadt summer courses, the DAAD Berlin Artists Program, and the Horizonte Festival in Berlin. These sources invite an observation as to how – from the perspective of cultural politics – contrasting notions of the ‘international’ have tended to ‘fade out’ after the end of Cold War polarizations, leading to a more or less common acceptance of a notion of the ‘global’ as a privileged concept in contemporary cultural debates.
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Weyland, Kurt. "The Diffusion of Revolution: ‘1848’ in Europe and Latin America." International Organization 63, no. 3 (July 2009): 391–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090146.
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AbstractWhat accounts for the spread of political protest and contention across countries? Analyzing the wildfire of attempted revolutions in 1848, the present article assesses four causal mechanisms for explaining diffusion, namely external pressure from a great power (such as revolutionary France after 1789); the promotion of new norms and values—such as liberalism and democracy—by more advanced countries; rational learning from successful contention in other nations; or boundedly rational, potentially distorted inferences from select foreign experiences. The patterns in which revolutionary contention spread and eyewitness reports from all sides of the ensuing conflicts suggest that bounded rationality played a crucial role: cognitive heuristics that deviate from fully rational procedures drew attention to some experiences but not others and induced both challengers and defenders of the established order to draw rash conclusions from these experiences, particularly the French monarchy's fall in February 1848. My study also shows, however, that other factors made important contributions, for instance by preparing the ground for the wave of regime contention.
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Shkunov, Vladimir. "Brazil's foreign trade from 1822 to the end of the XIX century: the search for identity." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 5 (2022): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019543-6.
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The article is devoted to the problems of the development of Brazil's foreign trade during the XIX century. The author proposes a periodization of the history of Brazil's foreign trade in the period under review. Special attention is paid to the evolution of foreign trade relations with leading trading partners in Europe, the USA, Latin America, and the peculiarities of coffee trade. The article reveals the importance of the slave trade as a specific sphere of Brazil's foreign trade, and provides examples of Russian-Brazilian trade. The author uses mostly little-known and rarely used pre-revolutionary sources in Russian, English, Spanish and Portuguese, from which valuable statistical materials characterizing the dynamics and volumes of Brazil's foreign trade during the XIX century are extracted.
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Xavier, Medina González Vinicio. "Key aspects and consequences of Rafael Correa´s left-wing rule in Ecuador." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-22-25.
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The article analyzes the main directions of political radicalism inEcuador, in particular the “left turn” of the Ecuadorian government led by R. Correa. It is proved that the new geopolitical situation in the modern world has led to changes in the political and economic strategy of Latin America, when one of the leading political and ideological trends in recent times in the region has become the “left turn” of a number of Latin American governments, which emerged as an alternative direction in search of achieving social equality and improving the economic situation. The article explores the goal of radical socio-economic transformations inEcuadorin 2007, their main tasks and consequences. An analysis of the key achievements of the government of the “civil revolution” R. Correa is made, their negative consequences are revealed, the analysis of the main effects of radical reforms affecting the political, economic and social situation in Ecuador is carried out. It was revealed that in foreign policy the main tasks forEcuadorwere to reduce dependence on theUnited States, eliminate geopolitical isolation from Europe andAsia, and diversify international relations.
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Jenne, Erin K. "Populism, nationalism and revisionist foreign policy." International Affairs 97, no. 2 (March 2021): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa230.
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Abstract Over the past decade, we have seen the rise of populist nationalist heads of state across a number of important electoral democracies—all of whom have made some version of the promise to make their countries ‘great again’. However, scholars are divided over whether these leaders' sometimes bombastic rhetoric has consistent or predictable effects on state foreign policy. This article introduces a framework for mapping the effects of populism and nationalism in foreign policy. In doing so, it draws on Essex School discourse analysis and sociological frame analysis to argue that representational crises at the sub-state level increase the popular resonance of ‘sovereigntist frames’ that diagnose the causes of perceived gaps in representation of the ‘authentic’ sovereign community at the international level and enjoin chief executives to resolve these gaps through revisionist foreign policy practices. The ethno-nationalist master frame prescribes policies and practices of lateral revisionism (conflict with neighbours or rival states), the populist frame prescribes systemic revisionism (conflict with allies and the international ‘establishment’), while the ethno-populist frame prescribes omni-revisionism (conflict with both). The article illustrates the effects of these disparate sovereigntist movements across three paired case-studies drawn from Europe, Latin America and the United States. It concludes that nationalism has greater destructive effects for the international system when combined with populism, demonstrating the importance of distinguishing nationalism and populism conceptually in order to isolate their separate and combined effects on foreign policy.
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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.
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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.
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Rana, Kishan S. "China’s Foreign Ministry: Fit for Purpose in the Era of Xi Jinping, BRI and ‘Major Country Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics’?" China Report 55, no. 3 (August 2019): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519853696.
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President Xi Jinping has raised the bar in China’s engagement with the world: first, in launching in 2012 the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) as the idiom for intensive eco-political engagement with a wide swathe of states in Asia, Europe and Africa, plus Latin America; and second, in framing heightened global expectations for this self-avowed ‘major country’ that has moved out of the shadow of Deng Xiaoping’s 1989 hide our capacities and bide our time dictum. This places unprecedented demands on the foreign ministry, its diplomatic mission and personnel, and on all the other agencies that make up what we may call the foreign affairs network. The year 2018 has seen several new developments in the institutional structures and the work methods that connect with this enhanced priority to foreign policy implementation. This essay examines the challenges that China currently faces in pursuing its ambitious external objectives, in a fraught international environment and contestation among the world’s leading and emerging powers. Domestic challenges in coordinating actions are visible in BRI projects, which are a high national priority. The Chinese foreign ministry now receives better political support, but it remains unclear if this will suffice in meeting the major challenges they face, both abroad and at home—in working with domestic stakeholders.
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GRESKOVITS, BÉLA. "The postsocialist transformation in Central and Eastern Europe." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 22, no. 4 (December 2002): 579–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572002-1270.
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ABSTRACT What is attempted in the East is catching up with the West from a recent position of worse-than-Latin-American economic backwardness. Until now, populations that were sentenced to political patience by the logic of poor democracies have reluctantly backed this enormous effort. Central and Eastern Europe’s post-socialist path is characterized by an increasingly discredited ideology of a return to Europe and a non- European combination of substitute institutions of development: radical opening towards the world economy, damaged institutions of labor representation, eroded state capacity, and often strong private and foreign dominance in the financial and other strategic sectors. There is a chance for a few countries to succeed. Yet various development traps may be more likely in the end than a “Great Spurt” in the Gerschenkronian sense.
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Tkach, Oleg, and Anatoly Tkach. "SOFT POWER AS A CHARACTERISTIC FEATURE OF THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF A GREAT POWER IN THE CONDITIONS OF A MULTIPOLAR WORLD IN THE LATIN AMERICAN REGION." Politology bulletin, no. 80 (2018): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.80.77-85.
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Formulation of the problem: The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods — descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods — empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. For empirical research, the factual basis was used, which was compiled by an expert survey of Ukrainian specialists-political scientists. Practical and systematic methods were used to analyze the system of relations in the Caribbean region from four perspectives: the United States — the Caribbean, the United States — reginal poriegn policy influence, as well as relations between the Caribbean countries. Functional and general historiographical methods were also used. Methods of analysis and synthesis allowed exploring the features of the U.S. foreign policy in the Caribbean. In order to implement these methods, such methodological techniques as analogy, comparison, generalization and extrapolation were used. When detecting inertia signs in the U.S. foreign policy at the global and regional levels, diachronic analysis was used. The method for analyzing the situation (studying documents, comparing, etc. ) was used to study international and political processes in the Caribbean region, exploratory methods (in particular, content analysis) for the analysis of high-level documents and speeches, which in turn helped identify and outline the trends in foreign policy of the countries of the region. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. In modern terms «soft power» should be considered the focus of global socio-political, economic and cultural processes. They form a new, radically different from the past, the system of world politics, where classical hierarchical model of relations between political actors giving way to networks. As part of the current international policy becomes «soft power» — complex instruments resolve foreign policy problems using the capabilities of civil society, information and communication, humanitarian and other alternative methods of classical diplomacy and technology. The author analyzed and identified the peculiarities and trends of the Security Dimension of LAC Foreign Policy under the influence of operating conditions of the LAC security environment at national, regional and international levels. The relevance of the topic is determined by the need of comprehensive scientific-practical analysis of the Security Dimension of LAC Foreign Policy because of the fundamental meaning of the term «security». The author used the term «security dimension of foreign policy» to mean the set of objectives, tools and actions, distributed within the system of LAC foreign policy for the purpose of detecting, preventing and neutralizing of security threats. To achieve these purposes the author has set the following tasks:analyzing conceptual and theoretical approaches of the Security Dimension of LAC Foreign Policy; determining the state and factors of transformation of the LAC’s security environment; analyzing the U.S. and influences on LAC’s security policy; defining the role of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy for LAC; examining LAC’s multilateral security cooperation within the framework and multilateral coalitions. For the first time in the international political science there is a comprehensive research of the Security Dimension of LAC Foreign Policy, the peculiarities of the LAC’s security environment as well as the level of dependence of LAC foreign policy strategy on the security issues. It is substantiated and proved that LAC y was transformed from importer to exporter of security. Being a growing geo-economic and security player, it has the status of «reluctant leader» of Europe. LAC foreign policy strategy is characterized by situatedness, emphasis on «soft power» and willingness to take on more responsibility in the international relations, especially in the security sphere due to the growing threats in security environment of country. There is an improvement in theoretical approaches to researching security dimension of the LAC foreign policy and peculiarities of the LAC security policy within international organizations as well as international coalitions. The results of the thesis may have scientific interest and being used in further researches of experts on LAC foreign and security policy, LAC-Ukrainian relations as well as on European and international security. Some provisions of the thesis have applied research interest and can be used by public authorities of LAC in the process of formation of foreign and security policy strategy. Research of the basic «soft power» strategies of the USA and LAC, their cause-effect relations with the practice of the foreign and security policy under conditions of defining international impacts potential and their effectiveness in the international relations. The integral political and systems research of the evolution of the «soft power» concepts in the international relations was conducted. It is pointed to the fact that nowadays the «soft power» strategy is transformed into the «wise power» strategy as the priority factor of the foreign and security policy. The article is based on the theoretical and methodological researches of the scientific problem, the generalization of the foreign and domestic political scientists’ points of view and the fact resources such as strategic documents on the issues of the national security and foreign policy of the world’s leading political actors, analytical, scientific and research centers groundwork, official speeches of the US and LAC leaders.
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Junior, Oswaldo Biato. "Brazil–Ukraine: Partners at Sea or Overseas Partners." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-16.
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The interview provides information on the diplomatic path of Oswaldo Biato Junior, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Federative Republic of Brazil to Ukraine. It articulates the idea that future transformations in Ukraine The article provides estimations on future changes in Ukraine will reverberate on social and political changes across the entire Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Special attention is drawn to the beneficial strategic position of Ukraine. The article puts emphasis on the activities of the Embassy of Brazil to Ukraine aimed at strengthening cooperation between the two states. It is also noted that Brazilian society has a positive attitude towards Ukraine. The article provides data concerning the project Ukrainian Prizm, responsible for foreign policy analysis on a regular basis. It is stressed that the project is a useful initiative, since politicians can find out information on the progress made and results achieved in its framework. The article suggests that Ukraine should work upon its potential and avoid presenting itself solely as a victim of the Russian aggression. Instead, it should position itself as a country with huge trade, investment, and education capacity. The Ambassador reminds that Brazil and Ukraine have always maintained friendly diplomatic relations, which is only reinforced by the fact there are almost 500,000 Ukraine-born Brazilians. It is stressed Ukraine should be promoted in Latin America, especially given the less and less Europocentric character of the world. The articles focuses on the fact that Brazil does not and will not admit the Crimean peninsula as part of the Russian Federation. Special attention is drawn to the project of the Cyclon-4 carrier rocket. The reasons for the termination of activities in this sphere as well as new cooperation prospects are described. The interviews also offers an insight into the information on achievements in certain realms of economy in the course of the establishment of the Ukrainian-Brazilian dialogue. Key words: Ukrainian-Brazilian relations, Ambassador, Ukrainian Prizm, Latin America, bilateral cooperation.
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Poghosyan, Benyamin. "U.S. Foreign Policy under President Trump: The Middle East, Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea Regions." Analytical Bulletin 14 (November 1, 2022): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-17.
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The current phase in international relations can be best characterized by one word – transition. The Post-Cold War order is rapidly disappearing, creating strategic ambiguity for all actors. The U.S. hegemony is over or close to over despite the fact that militarily Washington will be safely far out of reach for several decades to come. However, the growing national debt, the looming crisis in the Social Security and Medicare systems, uncontrolled migration, growing populism and partisan fighting does not bode well for the future of U.S. dominance. At the same time, no nation, be it China, Russia, India or Brazil, has the necessary resources or will to compete for the new world hegemony. The absence of a world hegemon means that no state has the power to enforce the implementation of key international rules and norms. Regardless how one perceives the international principles – as balanced or biased – the rule-based order at least provides a minimal level of stability since the actors involved on the international stage have a clear understanding what may and may not be done. However, since the late 2000s the situation has changed. We are increasingly facing an international security architecture where key actors may easily break the norms and rules, and this will eventually bring us to a situation upon which no rules can be based. The election of President Trump sent shock waves through the United States’ political establishment and surprised international relations pundits worldwide. Despite the apparent growth of the right-wing populist movements in different parts of the world, the culmination of which was presumably the BREXIT referendum held in June 2016, few if any could imagine that a real estate developer and reality TV star had any chance of defeating one of the most respected representatives of the US political establishment. The November 2016 elections had widespread implications on both American domestic and foreign policies. President Trump’s decision to denounce globalism created a situation where the so-called “vertical globalism” (Western-led efforts to spread a liberal international order all over the world through the promotion of democracy and a market economy) might be transformed into a “horizontal globalism” based on regional integration models covering vast territories of Europe and Asia, Africa and Latin America. In this paper we will analyze President Trump’s foreign policy in several key geographical areas and its implications. However, in order to better understand the significant changes in U.S. foreign policy ushered in by President Trump and make predictions for future developments, it is worth starting with an examination of Trump’s foreign policy perceptions as well as of the ongoing debates within the foreign policy establishment itself.
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Rupprecht, Tobias. "Socialist high modernity and global stagnation: a shared history of Brazil and the Soviet Union during the Cold War." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 505–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100043x.
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AbstractThis article questions a prevailing bipolarity of traditional Cold War history by examining commonalities and interactions between the Soviet Union and Brazil in the 1950s and 1960s. After outlining the common characteristics of both states around 1960, it analyses the cultural diplomacy of the post-Stalinist Soviet Union towards Brazil. Transforming its hitherto prevailing image as the cradle of world revolution and communist class struggle, the USSR now represented itself as a role model for the quick industrialization of the economy and education of the masses. Many Brazilian intellectuals and political reformers from President Kubitschek to President Goulart shared with the Soviets an interest in what is here called ‘socialist high modernity’. Contacts with the Soviet Union were connected to the putsch and the end of Brazilian democracy in 1964. However, the new military leaders also had their own interests in, and surprisingly good relations with, the stagnating Soviet Union. This was again based on a set of commonalities in the historical development of the two ostensibly idiosyncratic and distant states on either side of the Iron Curtain. Eschewing teleological interpretations of the period and exploring the ideational basis of actors in the conflict, this article – based on new documents from Moscow archives and recently declassified sources from the Brazilian Foreign Ministry – aims to link Cold War historiography to the debates on global history, which have lately neglected both Latin America and eastern Europe.
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Salhi, Hanifa. "The development in West and East: between model and modelling." Acta Europeana Systemica 3 (July 14, 2020): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/aes.v3i1.57433.
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The recurring question asked for more than a century is why does the West dominate the world? Is it a matter of fate shifting between the West and the East? Does this supremacy result from the fact that developed countries in the western world impose their economic determinism and organizational methods upon developing countries? Does this power relationship inhibit the aspirations of vulnerable people to straighten the balance of power? Or is the East simply waning with the slow and tedious pace of development? Such as Iam MORRIS indicates that the supposed greatness of the West would be less the result of a Western power that of a decline in the East? The remarkable mounted of some emerging countries of Eastern Europe and Latin America appears as a dynamic regulator of this dominance, but announced in part, against serious economic problems (financial crisis, depletion of energy resources, new technology revolution, uneven development, food insecurity, climate change ...) and possibly social (relations between state and market deregulated social contract violated in the context of increasing inequality). Under these conditions the ascent tends to refer this absolute Western domination and calls to speculate on the issue of economic dynamism and structural weakness of an established model that is the Western model. Our work will lay out the ideas that discuss the failure to import foreign models by vulnerable countries and the need for a creative modelling work in a systemic perspective, and will hence tackle the conception of civilization and development from an eastern point of view.
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Shevchenko, Nataliya. "Latin American and the Caribbean countries approaches to the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.10.
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The aim of this article is to study the positions of the leading states of the Latin American region and the Caribbean on the issue of Ukraine’s territorial integrity in the context of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and problem-chronological and integrated approaches, comparative and analytical methods, which helped to trace the positions of the states of the region on this issue when voting for the UN General Assembly resolution on the territorial integrity of Ukraine of March 27, 2014 and to determine internal and external factors that might affect them. The scientific novelty of the study is based on the fact that for the first time in the Ukrainian historical science the author conducted a comprehensive analysis of the positions of the LAC states on this issue. Obtained results will help our Ministry of Foreign Affairs in shaping Ukraine’s strategy in this region, including in the context of the implementation of the «Crimean Platform». Conclusions: In their attitude to the territorial integrity of Ukraine, the LAC countries were divided into several regional groups. Mainly the countries of the Pacific Alliance and some states of Central America and the Caribbean supported the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation was supported by the main members of the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) – Bolivia, Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua. The members of the regional association MERCOSUR and part of the English–speaking states of the Caribbean have shown «restrained» positions. The «Crimean precedent» has become not only a «challenge» for regional security, but also a «challenge» at the global level. This showed that the LAC countries, which for the past several decades in a multipolar world have tried to position themselves in the international arena as states that do not recognize the division into «spheres of influence» during the Cold War and build their relations on the basis of equal partnership, in fact have demonstrated not just solidarity with the Russian Federation, but the recognition of its sphere of geopolitical influence in Ukraine and, more broadly, in the post–Soviet space and in Eastern Europe. And this, in turn, could potentially lead to attempts to restore «spheres of influence» in other parts of the world, including the Western Hemisphere itself.
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Yakovleva, Nailya. "LATIN AMERICA IN PORTUGAL'S FOREIGN ECONOMIC STRATEGY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.07.
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The article deals with the current and insufficiently explored issue of Portugal's international relations with Latin American countries. It is shown that after a series of crises, the Portuguese economy managed to reach a growth trajectory, change the image of a European outsider and gain the authority in the world community. Special attention is paid to the current stage of structural modernization, the characteristic of which is the innovatization and digitalization of production processes, the development of high-tech industries. The ongoing changes have led to significant edits in the foreign economic strategy of the Portuguese authorities and the transition to an offensive export policy. The growth of the economy, the course towards its internationalization by supporting exports and expanding foreign economic relations have contributed to the intensification of cooperation with other regions of the world, including Latin American countries. It is noted that the Latin American direction is an important element of the foreign policy activities of the Portuguese authorities. Historically, Portugal's relations with the countries of the region have been built in different formats: at the bilateral level and through participation in regional and interregional groupings. In recent years, there has been an increase in the expansion of Portuguese business in Latin America. And although the process of trade development of Latin American markets faces objective difficulties and develops relatively slowly, the region is assigned the role of a promising partner of Portugal in the implementation of the strategy of export diversification, increasing the share of innovative products of high processing in it. It is emphasized that in every Latin American country, Portugal is trying (sometimes very effectively) to find its trade and economic niche. At the same time, Brazil has a special status in Portugal's relations with Latin American partners.
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Kudeyarova, Nadezhda. "Europe ‒ Latin America: Migratory Space Development." Contemporary Europe 102, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope220215062.
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The migration ties between Latin America and Europe at the beginning of the XXI century were manifested in a massive migration flow, resulting in the dramatic growth of the number of South American natives in Europe. The Migratory Space concept is applied to the current stage of transatlantic mobility, which makes it possible to determine the territorial limits of the involved states, to distinguish the transatlantic space from the general panorama of the Latin America migration movement as well as from the European migration context. At the present stage, the South American states are mainly the migration donors, while the European states are recipients. The historical ties between continents, their linguistic commonality and the social networks between migrants contributed to the transatlantic mobility. The majority of the Latin American migrants is localized in Spain and Italy. The high degree of integration into the host communities contributed to generally favorable public opinion about the migrants in the recipient countries. A large-scale migration presence also became an important factor in strengthening economic and political ties in the Iberoamerican Community of Nations.
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Roy, Ash Narain. "Latin America in India’s Foreign Policy." International Studies 47, no. 2-4 (April 2010): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088171104700420.
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Mikoyan, Sergo A. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Latin America." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 1990): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009445402.
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Abbott, Malcolm, and Alexis Esposto. "Australia's foreign policy links with Latin America: distant relations." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 1 (October 27, 2015): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2015.1085956.
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Singh, Devesh, and Zoltán Gal. "Economic Freedom and its Impact on Foreign Direct Investment: Global Overview." Review of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0004.
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AbstractThe purpose of this research is to examine the economic freedom (EF) along with its macroeconomic determinants impact on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflow in South Asia, East Asia, Latin America, Middle East, and North Africa, Northern Europe, Southern Europe, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and Sub Saharan Africa. We use Heritage Foundation economic freedom index data over the period of 1999 to 2018 and employ the stepwise multi regression on variables of business freedom, government spending, tax burden, government integrity, property rights, investment freedom, trade freedom and monetary freedom. The results show that EF has a significant positive impact in South Asia, Latin America, East Asia, North Europe and West Europe. However, for the Middle East and North Africa, East European and South European economies EF has an insignificant influence on FDI inflow.
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Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. "The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.
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It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.
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Ayres, Isabel. "Viewpoint: Art information in Latin America." Art Libraries Journal 40, no. 3 (2015): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200000286.
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Several museums and libraries in North America and Europe house in their collections expressive works of art from Latin America. An understanding of the source of such collections requires study of their history and of the background from which they come, even if, as a matter of fact, collecting works of art and bibliographical assets on such a theme is not new. The interest in studying artworks which do not belong to the so-called western canon enables a wider knowledge of the art in Latin America. Notwithstanding the reasons behind such interest, it is worth noting that some facts related to their development are still lively, such as the interests roused by the travelling artists in the 19th century, who departed in search of the unknown or exotic and came back to their homeland with an imagination full of images from the New World. It is undeniable that Latin America has had a key role in the major changes that occurred during the age of discovery, when Europe focused on its colonies. Nowadays, as we observe the recurrence of such a foreign look at Latin America, we might ask ourselves how Latin America sees itself.
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Klochkovskii, D. "Latin America: Problems of Economic Modernization." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2013): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-12-47-55.
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The Latin American nations badly need to undertake a dramatic turn to modernization and innovative way of development. However, low growth rates of 1980-s and second half of 1990-s, marginal level of accumulation and investment, low investment activity of the governments, slow growth of productivity and several other reasons of economic and political nature prevent an effective modernization process in the region. In order to solve these problems Latin American countries should map out a concrete program of actions. This program should clearly determine the governments’ role in modernization. The relationships with the foreign capital should be revised and the foreign economic strategy of the region should be adjusted.
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Prokhorenko, Irina L’vovna. "Foreign Policy Thinking in Latin America: Concepts, Approaches and Research Directions." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-177-186.
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The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to develop. It is non-Western essentially, taking into account the belonging of the Latin America and the Caribbean countries to the periphery and/or semi-periphery of the global world. The following factors have been also important: common civilizational basis and similar institutional and political characteristics of the formation and dynamics of the Latin America countries and societies, many general development problems, common regional challenges and threats which require collective efforts for searching effective responses on them. Similarly, the significant role of external factors and global actors that influence country and international political processes in the Latin America region is noted. And also those possibilities which the trend towards polycentric world order paves the way for the leading powers in the region are taken into consideration. The author focuses on the concepts of the autonomy and dependency (or dependence development) when Latin America scholars analyzing the foreign policy of the concrete countries in the region and integration processes which construct the regional and sub-regional transnational political spaces. Attention is paid to the specificity of comparative foreign policy studies and spatial turn in the Latin America international relations studies.
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BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.
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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.
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Pires, Marcos, and Lucas Gualberto Nascimento. "The Monroe Doctrine 2.0 and U.S.-China-Latin America Trilateral Relations." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-03-08.
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The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington’s elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.
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Daudelin, Jean. "Foreign Policy at the Fringe: Canada and Latin America." International Journal 58, no. 4 (2003): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203889.
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Hurrell, Andrew. "Europe and Latin America in the world economy." International Affairs 72, no. 2 (April 1996): 367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624374.
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Yakovlev, Petr Pavlovich. "USA and China in Latin America: Contours of Competition." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-47-58.
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In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.
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Cruz, Rodolfo Cerdas. "New Directions in Soviet Policy towards Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014401.
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This study explores some of the changes currently taking place in the USSR and the possible impact of changing Soviet foreign policy on Latin America. The article begins with an analysis of the possible effects of the attempts to separate Party and State on foreign policy and on the interpretation and observance of the so-called internationalist obligations of the Soviet Union towards Latin America. It goes on to investigate the possible impact of perestroika on the internal relations of COMECON countries and any weakening in the commitment of its members to political and social changes in the Latin American republics. These changes are looked at particularly, though not uniquely, with reference to Cuba and Nicaragua. Some predictions are also made as to the possible future moves the USSR might make to strengthen and improve its relations with the largest countries in the region such as Brazil and Argentina.
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Horváth, Emőke. "Foreign Relations between Hungary and Latin America in the Early Years of the Cold War (1947–1959)." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010006.
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Abstract This article examines Hungarian foreign relations toward Latin America in the period between the end of World War ii and the victory of the Cuban Revolution and characterizes the problems raised by the general guidelines of Hungarian foreign policy toward the region. It seeks to answer the following questions: What political influences triggered Hungary’s turn toward Latin America? Is it possible to distinguish subperiods with independent characteristics within the analyzed period, and if so, what were the incentives of the subperiods? The article also analyzes the extent to which the fluctuations in Soviet–Latin American relations influenced the development of Hungarian trade and diplomatic relations, and how it reshaped Hungarian interest in the region.
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Klochkovsky, L. "New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
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There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
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Pérez, Louis A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Latin America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800112.
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Dabagyan, E. "Latin America and Iran." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2014): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-12-91-101.
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The article reviews the general vectors and the spheres of cooperation between Latin America and Islamic Republic of Iran at present. The major attention is given to the analysis of the Teheran relationships with the countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America. It is mentioned that these contacts were mostly based on the anti-American and anti-imperialistic ideas. There are also highlighted the fields of cooperation and the visits of the senior officials which played an important role in the regulation of political, trade, economic and humanitarian relationships, in creating the joint strategy for the world scene. The attitude of the ruling circles toward Iran’s nuclear program is investigated. The article evaluates H. Chávez’s contribution to the development of strategic alliance with Iran under M. Ahmadinedjad. It is noted that each of this group of countries put forward its own reasons for strengthening of mutual relations. The difference of approaches of Latin American giants is emphasized. Brazil, taking on the status of the great power, tried to contribute to solving the old nuclear problem, while Argentina turned sharply from total hostility to building constructive partnership. The special attention is paid to Iran president’s visit to 4 countries of the region in January 2012. It was considered as an intention to overcome the isolation at the moment of toughening of the sanctions imposed by the West. The US response to intensifying presence of Iran in the region is stated and the wide ranging opinions on the problem are shown. The article considers the future trends in the relations after the election of 2014 in Iran which brought to power moderate M. Rouhani, whose adjustments in the foreign policy affairs affected Latin America.
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Kinoshita, Yuko, and Nauro F. Campos. "Foreign Direct Investment and Structural Reforms: Evidence From Eastern Europe and Latin America." IMF Working Papers 08, no. 26 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451868883.001.
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Molokoedov, Daniil Igorevich, and Syatsin Sun'. "US-China Rivalry in Trade and Economic Relations with Latin American Countries." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2023): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39613.
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This article is devoted to the analysis of trade and economic relations between the United States and China with Latin American countries. This region is a sphere of competitive confrontation between the two countries not only for foreign policy ties, but also for trade and economic ones. The authors in this article show the peculiarities of the bilateral relations between China and the United States with Latin America and describe the process of changing US policy towards Latin America after 2017, when it radically changed after the Trump administration came to power, and Beijing, taking advantage of this opportunity, began to compete with Washington in this region. Also, in this article, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the indicators of trade and economic relations between China and the United States with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that, using the example of the transition of leading positions towards China, the authors, within the framework of the theory of "power transit" (Power transition theory), describe the competitive struggle of states in this region in trade and economic terms, which is inextricably linked with political relations. The main conclusions are that the United States is still an external force that cannot be ignored in Latin American international relations, while China has every chance of gradually displacing the United States from the foreign market in Latin America thanks to its economic projects with the introduction of leading Latin American countries in the economic sphere. The United States of America, in turn, is trying to maintain its position in this region by easing its economic and financial constraints and, thereby, inclining the political leadership of Latin American countries to its side.
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Mahoney, James. "Authoritarian Legacies and Democracy in Latin America and Southern Europe." Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (December 2004): 870–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592704600582.
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Jones, Charles. "Foreign investment, debt and economic growth in Latin America." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623189.
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Reis da Silva, André Luiz, and Lilia Ilikova. "The Russian Foreign Policy and its Relations with Latin America and Brazil." IBEROAMERICA, no. 4 (2022): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37656/s20768400-2022-4-04.
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Tkach, Anatoly. "NEW REGIONAL RESPONSIBILITY IN A FOREIGN POLICY IN RELATION LAC-AMERICAN REGION OF ADMINISTRATIONS OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND BARACK OBAMA." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.83-90.
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The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.
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Olivares, Javier Vidal. "Latin America in the internationalisation strategy of Iberia, 1946–2000." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619832276.
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Since 1946, Iberia, the Spanish flag carrier, was one of the most useful instruments of Spanish foreign policy, focusing, after the Second World War, on connections between Europe and Latin America. Taking advantage of many bilateral agreements between Spain and Latin American countries, Iberia increased its traffic in the region and in the 1950s consolidated an extensive Latin American network. After 1965, its top managers deployed a new policy in Latin America, scaling up its technical cooperation and financial support. In order to cope with the global liberalisation and privatisation of flag carriers, in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s Iberia attempted to further escalate its penetration, acquiring many Latin American airlines, and to impede the access of European competitors in this region, but this strategy failed.
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Majeed, Abdul, Ping Jiang, Mahmood Ahmad, Muhammad Asif Khan, and Judit Olah. "The Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Financial Development: New Evidence from Panel Cointegration and Causality Analysis." Journal of Competitiveness 13, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7441/joc.2021.01.06.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) is seen as a prerequisite for gaining and maintaining competitiveness. Simultaneously, the relationship between FDI and financial development (FD) has important implications for the researched economy and its competitiveness. This domain has not been sufficiently investigated, with diverse and contradictory findings evident in the literature. Therefore, this study investigates the effect of FDI on FD for the selected 102 Belt and Road Initiative countries on four continents: Asia, Europe, Africa, and Latin America. Based on data from 1990 to 2017, a set of quantitative techniques, including feasible generalized least squares, and augmented mean group techniques, were used in this study. Our findings indicate that FDI, trade openness, government consumption, and inflation have a statistically significant relationship with FD. FDI, trade openness, and government consumption increased FD in Asia, Europe, and Latin America but decreased in Africa. Inflation shows a negative influence on FD in all continents. Furthermore, the Dumitrescu–Harlin panel causality test confirms a two-way causality relationship among FDI, trade openness, and FD in Asia and Europe. In contrast, a unidirectional relationship exists between FDI and FD in Latin America. The income-wise results reveal that low- and middle-income countries attract more FDI than high-income countries due to high factor costs. These empirical results provide new insights for policymakers, presenting several policy implications for FD competitiveness in the reference regions.