Academic literature on the topic 'Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America'

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Journal articles on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.

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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Bogaturov, A. D. "Anattempt to rebuild the world "in the American way"." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 5 (November 1, 2021): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-5-80-49-64.

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Trump’s foreign policy was controversial, resulting in division into its supporters and adversaries both at national and international levels. Donald Trump managed to be flexible in relations with the Legislative, ignoring the democratic majority in the House of Representatives. However, it was possible only before the Covid-19 pandemic. Donald Trump’s foreign policy prioritized American capital that determined US relations with the EU, Canada, and Latin America. As for relations with Russia, they were defined by the Ukrainian crisis. Disarmament is still a cornerstone in Russian American relations. The US has complicated relations with countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf despite all efforts. The UN’s reform and the Security Council, where the three great powers primarily make decisions, are still questioned. The US divides Europe into three parts; Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia with Belarus. These Europes have different views on US foreign policy. Republican administration aimed at the expansion of the national power and provision of global leadership. However, the implementation methods were questionable and led to some unpleasant consequences for the US allies. Some of them decided to wait, some prepared for the worst, some tried to adapt to Trump’s policy since it reflected the long-term changes of the US standing in the world regardless of the party or the president. As a result, such policy led to the defeat of the Republicans and brought Joe Biden to power.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Vinogradova, Ekaterina. "Latin American TV Series as the Channel for Intercultural Communication with Europe." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020112118.

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The study of intercultural communication within large cultures is particularly relevant in the 21st century in an era of globalization. Nowadays, thanks to the development of new information channels, such as social networks, as well as public diplomacy, branding of culture and art, popularization of national cultural traditions has become an integral part of the cultural diplomacy of Latin American countries. Despite globalization that has led to the global hybridization of television production, Latin American television series still retain the characteristics of unique products, introducing the foreign viewer to the culture and traditions of the Latin American region. In the 21st century, leading Latin American TV companies have changed the content of TV series aimed at different groups of target audiences. Social topics related to inequality, the emergence of civil society, problems of young people, and criminalization of society have found their way beyond the Latin American continent and have received a strong response in European countries. The Netflix site has become an important communication channel for Latin American television serial products. Television series, as the main marketing product of the leading Latin American media conglomerates, have contributed to the development of intercultural communication with European target audiences, where Latin American television stations have found similar social and cultural features and have become a kind of brand of this television genre. The popularity of Latin American serial products in Europe is due to the emergence of hybrid series and joint Latin American-European production of this type of entertainment television products. The article explores the stages of Latin American TV series' distribution in European countries and their impact on intercultural communication between Latin America and Europe.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.

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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.

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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Kosevich, E. "EU – Latin America: Institutions for Cooperation and Latin Americans' Trust in Them." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 2 (2023): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-2-114-129.

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Relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean have been rather unstable. Despite several significant successes achieved in the framework of the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean Summits (EU–LAC), in fact, in the late 1990s they entered a period of stagnation. The vision of the key tasks of multilateral cooperation between the European Union and LAC was different. For the EU interaction with Latin America was important, both from the point of view of greater consolidation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and from the point of view of its greater involvement in the world agenda already in the positions of a prominent actor, broadcasting its authority outside the traditional sphere of influence. For LAC, relations with Europe were considered as a mechanism capable of activating, first, intra-regional processes. This article discusses the development of cooperation between the European Union and Latin America, which is traditionally special for both regions, at the present stage. Despite the different vision of the main goals and objectives of interregional relations, the partnership between the EU and LAC are built around three main institutions of cooperation: political dialogue, assistance and trade. These three thematic vectors were identified at the I EU-LAC Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in 1999, as the basis for bilateral cooperation. The author examines in detail all three institutions of multilateral interaction, including their achievements and obstacles. The mechanisms of cooperation launched under the pressure of new global challenges are identified. A separate section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the results of public opinion polls, which sheds light on the attitude of Latin America towards the European Union and its regional policy. The author approaches the analysis of the EU-LAC cooperation model comprehensively and bilaterally: from the standpoint of common tasks in the international arena of both the EU and Latin American countries, considered in close connection with the ongoing global and regional latest processes.
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LORCA, ARNULF BECKER. "Alejandro Álvarez Situated: Subaltern Modernities and Modernisms that Subvert." Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no. 4 (December 2006): 879–930. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156506003694.

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Alejandro Álvarez's professional trajectory forces us to rethink the traditional modes of reading and writing the history of international law. Álvarez was central to the development of modern international law. He also happened to be a Latin American international lawyer. Should we interpret his work and life against the background of the intellectual and political history of Europe? Are the contexts that relate to the crisis of the European balance of power or the rise of nationalism the only ones that explain the emergence of a modern international legal discourse? This article situates Álvarez's scholarship within the intellectual, economic, and political history of Latin America. Interpreting Álvarez in the context of a genealogy of modernist Latin American thinkers illustrates the extent to which his work was part of a broader regional effort to appropriate European cultural artefacts in ways that granted them both a cosmopolitan and a distinctively Latin American character. Álvarez's modernism reinvented the meaning and uses of international law as a strategic foreign-policy tool in the interest of Latin American countries, a reinterpretation that contributed also to the construction of a Latin American identity and thought.
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SCHMIDT, DÖRTE. "In Between: Cultural Exchange and Competing Systems." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (October 2020): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857222000016x.

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AbstractAfter the Second World War, cultural politics has become a central medium for international relations. Owing to the particular conditions of their development, the relations between Latin America and Europe constituted an interesting case study in which the positioning of different nations in the realm of two competing political systems and the politics of memory concerning the recent war are intertwined. This article highlights five ‘moments’ in West Germany with respect to the relationship between Europe and Latin America in the field of music: the papers of the German Federal Foreign Office, the Berlin Festival week, the Darmstadt summer courses, the DAAD Berlin Artists Program, and the Horizonte Festival in Berlin. These sources invite an observation as to how – from the perspective of cultural politics – contrasting notions of the ‘international’ have tended to ‘fade out’ after the end of Cold War polarizations, leading to a more or less common acceptance of a notion of the ‘global’ as a privileged concept in contemporary cultural debates.
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Weyland, Kurt. "The Diffusion of Revolution: ‘1848’ in Europe and Latin America." International Organization 63, no. 3 (July 2009): 391–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090146.

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AbstractWhat accounts for the spread of political protest and contention across countries? Analyzing the wildfire of attempted revolutions in 1848, the present article assesses four causal mechanisms for explaining diffusion, namely external pressure from a great power (such as revolutionary France after 1789); the promotion of new norms and values—such as liberalism and democracy—by more advanced countries; rational learning from successful contention in other nations; or boundedly rational, potentially distorted inferences from select foreign experiences. The patterns in which revolutionary contention spread and eyewitness reports from all sides of the ensuing conflicts suggest that bounded rationality played a crucial role: cognitive heuristics that deviate from fully rational procedures drew attention to some experiences but not others and induced both challengers and defenders of the established order to draw rash conclusions from these experiences, particularly the French monarchy's fall in February 1848. My study also shows, however, that other factors made important contributions, for instance by preparing the ground for the wave of regime contention.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Schade, Daniel. "The European Union's Latin America policy : a study of foreign policy change and coordination." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3537/.

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This thesis explores the evolution of the European Union’s (EU) Latin America policy through an analysis of factors internal to the EU’s foreign policy decision-making system. Its policy towards the region has changed in important ways over time and appears to have come to be more and more incoherent. Adapting existing Foreign Policy Analysis frameworks to the specific context of the EU’s foreign policy, this thesis seeks to understand how factors of bureaucratic politics shape the EU’s foreign policy towards third actors. It is hypothesized that where an analytical perspective which evaluates the EU’s increased policy incoherence towards Latin America as the result of rational decision-making is not satisfactory, bureaucratic politics need to be considered instead. Under this perspective, the EU’s policy incoherence is influenced by policy inertia arising out of previous commitments, the divergence of views between different internal EU actors, the autonomy of these to take decisions without prior consultation or coordination with others, and lastly the complexity and duration of EU foreign policy decision-making processes themselves. This research framework is then applied empirically by analysing the EU’s negotiations for international agreements with partners in the Latin American region, and particularly those with regional organizations since the 1990s. This thesis finds that despite attempts to strengthen foreign policy coordination and coherence in the EU over time, the coherence of its Latin America policy has indeed been affected by bureaucratic politics arising out of factors such as changes to the internal organization of the European Commission or the disruption of established coordination mechanisms through the Treaty of Lisbon. The findings contribute to our understanding of the evolution of EU-Latin American relations, on-going debates on the study of interregionalism, as well as more generally to the literature on EU foreign policy-making.
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Daza, Aramayo Lourdes Gabriela. "Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196936.

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The Doctoral Thesis "Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011" focuses on the determination Latin America's potential as a trading partner for the European Union. It will be based on an analysis of the region's trade relationships between 1995 and 2011 through different econometric models and a macroeconomic analysis. It will make recommendations for improving economic relation policies with Latin America and the European Union as well as identify the sectors which could represent great potential for trade between both regions. The research is divided into seven chapters: The first chapter covers international trade theory; this part comprises the theoretical aspects directly related to international trade. The second chapter analyzes the macroeconomic features of Latin American countries and compares them with data from the European Union. A separate, detailed analysis of 17 Latin American countries was performed and the potential of each one to make their importance known to the world and define their geopolitical position is described. The third chapter details the trade policies of the European Union and Latin America. The fourth chapter discusses trade relations between Latin America and the European Union through a look at the trade agreements that have been signed between the European Union and Latin American countries and tries to identify possible causes of failures for agreements not signed. This chapter also studies the sectorial composition of trade between the two regions, emphasizing the asymmetry between these trades flows as they enter the countries studied. The fifth chapter, the heart of this research paper, analyzes the trade relations between the EU and Latin America through a gravity model, identifying the obstacles and barriers to international trade between the two regions. The second part of this chapter discusses institutional factors, which, as a result of the conclusions from the gravity model explained earlier in the chapter, play an important role in international trade between Latin America and the European Union. This section contains a comparative analysis of the situation of the institutional factors in the 29 Latin American countries which were analyzed in the gravity model. This chapter also includes a trade simulation between the Czech Republic and Latin America with the institutional factors in Latin America showing a 10% improvement. In the sixth chapter, the competitiveness of 17 Latin American countries is calculated using the results of the barriers to international trade through a new method based on the comparison of indicators, ranked by dimension and according to the weight thereof for a period of time. The last chapter focuses on the identification of the variables determining foreign direct investment in Latin America, represented by 29 countries and over a period of time from 1995 to 2011. It considers variables traditionally not considered such as the number of patents registered, the tax rate and institutional factors, which have revealed important explanatory variables as well as those traditionally considered such as GDP, inflation, population, the share of GDP by sector, income level, etc. The last part of this research lists the conclusions reached and proposes recommendations for economic relations policy development between Latin America and the European Union.
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Şerban, Ileana. "The European Union and Latin America : normative encounters." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/111210/.

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The current doctoral research looks at how norm entrepreneur and norm interpreter interact, highlighting the limitations of previous research in recognising the agency of the norm interpreter and the complex interactions between the two actors. Normative encounters is coined as a central concept for understanding how the EU as norm entrepreneur creates normative dialogues with its interlocutors, in this case Latin American regional organisations. Two dynamics are proposed to show how normative encounters happen or are prevented from doing so. On one side, an analysis is made of cases in which the norm entrepreneur attempts to diffuse its norms to the norm interpreter that localises the norms which are then incorporated (or not) in concrete policies through policy entrepreneurship. On the other side, an equally important dynamic starts with the norm interpreter that creates new norms though norm subsidiarity, diffuses this new normative content and creates a need for the initial norm entrepreneur to adapt its normative approach and to make it visible to the norm interpreter through concrete policies. By using concepts from both International Relations and public policy studies, the thesis questions and updates the way of looking at the European Union as a normative actor. It also explores the link between norms and policies by analysing the European Union cooperation for development strategies and programmes, as well as the negotiation of Association Agreements with three regional groups in Latin America: Central America, Mercosur and the Andean Community. Thus, the study opens a space of analysis in which norm entrepreneurship is part of both the EU desire to diffuse its norms and of its need to adapt to a new international context. In this way, norm entrepreneurship becomes also a reaction to norm subsidiarity and makes it imperative for the European Union to use new norms if it is to keep its normative identity. We are witnessing a shift from a world in which the EU diffuses norms to other actors and regions, to a world in which the EU norms are perceived, interpreted and sometimes challenged, sometimes rejected and replaced by new ones.
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Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.

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Scarfi, Juan Pablo. "International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.

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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.

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Defence date: 28 October 2019
Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Chi, Le-Yi. "The People's Republic of China's Latin American Policy from Mao to Deng." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22655965.html.

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Stodden, William Peter. "Destabilization as Foreign Policy: The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.

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Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
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Trueb, Bettina [Verfasser], and Bertold [Akademischer Betreuer] Rittberger. "Foreign Policy towards Latin America in Europe: A Comparative Study / Bettina Trueb. Betreuer: Bertold Rittberger." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1034314858/34.

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Stipic, Igor. "The concept of autonomy in Latin America and Brazilian foreign policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264080.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.
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Books on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Europe and Latin America: Returning the gaze. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.

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1940-, Grabendorff Wolf, and Roett Riordan 1938-, eds. Latin America, Western Europe, and the U.S.: Reevaluating the Atlantic triangle. New York: Praeger, 1985.

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Kaufman, Purcell Susan, Simon Françoise, and Americas Society, eds. Europe and Latin America in the world economy. Boulder: L. Rienner Publishers, 1995.

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Retout, Olivier. The Europe, Asia, Latin America dialogue: Financial and technical cooperation, 1976-1989. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1991.

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Connections after colonialism: Europe and Latin America in the 1820s. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2013.

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F, Triska Jan, ed. Dominant powers and subordinate states: The United States in Latin America and the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe. Durham, [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 1986.

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The Europeanization of national foreign policies towards Latin America. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Miotti, Luis. Euro and the financial relations between Latin America and Europe: Medium-and long-term implications. Santiago, Chile: Naciones Unidas, CEPAL ECLAC, Economic Development Division, 2002.

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Constantine, Tsoutsoplides, and Statistical Office of the European Communities., eds. EC-Latin American trade, 1979-1987. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1989.

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A culture of its own: Taking Latin America seriously. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Avilés, William. "Global capitalism, transnational relations, and U.S. foreign policy." In The Drug War in Latin America, 10–27. New York: Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315456690-2.

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Rabe, Stephen G. "US Relations with Latin America, 1961 to the Present: A Historiographic Review." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 387–403. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch21.

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Önsoy, Murat. "Latin America-Turkey Relations: Reaching Out to Distant Shores of the Western Hemisphere." In Turkish Foreign Policy, 237–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_12.

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Reuter, Peter. "Foreign Demand for Latin American Drugs: The USA and Europe." In Latin America and the Multinational Drug Trade, 23–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26047-8_3.

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Sanchez, Peter M. "U.S. Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean during the Cold War." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 380–90. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-33.

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Saunders, Olivia. "The United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, c.1898–1940." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 257–75. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-23.

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Miller, Rory. "Foreign Capital, the State and Political Corruption in Latin America Between Independence and the Depression." In Political Corruption in Europe and Latin America, 65–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24588-8_4.

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Funk, Kevin. "How Latin America Met the Arab World: Toward a Political Economy of Arab–Latin American Relations." In Latin American Foreign Policies towards the Middle East, 11–36. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59939-1_2.

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Lesser, Jeffrey H. "Colonial Survival and Foreign Relations in Rio Grande Do Sul, Brazil: The Jewish Colonization Association Colony of Quatro Irmãos, 1904–1925." In The Jewish Diaspora in Latin America, 143–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250012-11.

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dos Santos Acerbi, Vitória. "Mapping Cultural Heritage in the Bi-regional Relations Between Europe and Latin America: Case Studies." In The Latin American Studies Book Series, 243–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77991-7_14.

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Conference papers on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Radulovic, Ana. "FINANCIAL CRISES AND STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ECONOMY." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.99.

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Abstract:
Economic structures are a major cause of long-term growth or stagnation. Different economic structures have different ranges of structural learning, innovation, and different effects on income distribution, which are key determinants of economic performance. Through theory about economic structures it is explained why institutions work differently in space and time. This paper shows using a case study in the United States, that the source of recent financial crises rests on the structural characteristics of the economy. Constant deindustrialization is increasing inequality, and a debt-intensive credit boom has emerged to offset the deflationary effects of this structural change. The strong application of the austerity system in Europe and other parts of the world, even after the evidence points to less frugal policies, illustrates the theory of power it has over public policy. The economic structure should be put at the center of analysis, to better understand the economic changes, income disparities and differences in the dynamics of political economy through time and space. This paper provides a critical overview of the rapidly developing comparative studies of institutions and economic performance, with an emphasis on its analytical and political implications. The paper tries to identify some conceptual gaps in the literature on economic growth policy. Emphasis is placed on the contrasting experiences of East Asia and Latin America. This paper argues that the future investments in this field should be based on rigorous conceptual difference between the rules of the game and the game, and between the political and institutional, embedded in the concept of management. It also emphasizes the importance of a serious understanding of the endogenous and distributive nature of institutions and steps beyond the narrow approach of property law relations in management and development. By providing insights from the political channels through which institutions affect economic performance, this paper aims to contribute to the consolidation of theoretically based, empirically based and relevant to policy research on political and institutional foundations of growth and prosperity.
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Reports on the topic "Europe – Foreign relations – Latin America"

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Alviarez, Vanessa. Global and Regional Value Chains in Latin America in Times of Pandemic. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004524.

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Global value chains (GVCs) provide countries with opportunities to diversify trade, and boost productivity and growth by specializing in one stage of the production process. However, for the most part, Latin America and the Caribbean participation in GVCs remains low (18 percent) compared to Asia (28 percent) and Europe (34 percent). The COVID-19 pandemic, plus concerns regarding protectionism and the more frequent occurrence of natural disasters, have provided incentives for countries and companies to reassess their positions in global value chains. This crisis has taken a huge toll on trade, but it could also be an opportunity to boost regional integration and value chains within the region. Despite the crisis, some firms have performed well, even in those sectors where global demand has fallen, while others have lost market share. This paper analyzes the performance of individual firms, drawing on the study of rich micro data, to understand their different capacity of trade creation and destruction over the crisis. Results suggest five firm characteristics play a key role in explaining export performance during the pandemic: i) firm size, ii) diversification of export markets, iii) importer status of the firm, iv) distance from foreign suppliers, and v) performance of the firms suppliers and customers. The results are then used to outline policies fostering firms participation in global value chains.
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