Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Europe Foreign relations France'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Europe Foreign relations France.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Europe Foreign relations France.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Pichonnier, Christopher. "La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantiqueThroughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
2
Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
Full text
3
Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
4
Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
Full text
5
Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?
Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
6
Martin-Paneda, Pablo. "D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.
Full textAbstract:
La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaisesFrance's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites
7
Bruley, Yves. "Le Quai d’Orsay sous le Second Empire." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040165.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse n’est pas une histoire de la politique extérieure de Napoléon III, mais du Ministère des Affaires étrangères et de l’action diplomatique. La première partie montre que la continuité des structures, du personnel, des modes de vie révèle l’attachement à un modèle classique. La deuxième partie montre que le rôle du Quai d’Orsay a été plus important qu’on ne l’a cru. Impliqués dans la politique qui conduit au Congrès de Paris (1856), les diplomates font preuve d’initiative. La politique italienne puis la question allemande suscitent un profond clivage au Quai d’Orsay, sans altérer les certitudes quant à la puissance de la France. La troisième partie décrit une diplomatie ouverte à la modernité : le Quai d’Orsay est actif dans l’extension de l’influence française dans le monde et dans l’essor de la diplomatie économique. Mais il souffre des dysfonctionnements politiques des dernières années du règne, tandis que Bismarck remet en cause les fondements de la diplomatie classiqueThis doctoral thesis is not a history of Napoleon III’s foreign policy. It concerns the history of the French Foreign Office, including its diplomatic action. The first part shows how continuity in structure, staff and way of life reflect the predominance of the classical model. In the second section, the role undertaken by the Quai d’Orsay is analysed : it was more important than has usually been alleged. The Diplomats implicated in Policy that lead to the Congrès de Paris (1856) demonstrate initiative, drive and vision. The Italian file and then German affairs deeply divide the diplomatic staff, but does not undermine their unfaltering opinion concerning the importance of French power. The third part describes how this classical diplomacy is opened to modernity, through the endeavour to develop French influence around the world and the expansion of economic diplomacy. However in the last years of Napoleon III’s reign, the Quai d’Orsay is suffering from political problems – whereas Bismarck is calling into question the principles of classical diplomacy
8
Borzillo, Laurent. "Les forces expéditionnaires bi/multinationales en Europe : analyse comparée des politiques d’alliance de la France et de l’Allemagne (1991-2016)." Thesis, Montpellier, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020MONTD001.
Full textAbstract:
Pourquoi des États créent-ils des forces expéditionnaires bi/multi-nationales ? Pourquoi celles-ci ne sont pas utilisées au final ? L’objectif de cette thèse est d’apporter une explication à ce paradoxe, illustré parfaitement par la brigade franco-allemande et les groupements tactiques de l’Union européenne. Bien que ces deux unités ne soient pas les seules en Europe pouvant être qualifiées de forces expéditionnaires, nous avons décidé de choisir ces deux cas d’études, afin d’analyser également à travers les mesures relatives à celles-ci, les processus décisionnels tant en France qu’en Allemagne. Nous nous sommes par conséquent focalisés sur ces unités et sur les politiques d’alliances à l’origine de celles-ci. Concrètement, notre recherche s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux portant sur les alliances, mais également au sein du champ de l’analyse comparée de la politique étrangère. L’explication théorique développée pour expliquer les décisions étudiées s’appuie sur la théorie des rôles de Kal Holsti. Selon nous les décisions ne sont prises que par un groupe limité d’acteurs et résultent des rôles auxquels ces derniers adhèrent pour leur pays. Des arrangements institutionnels, ainsi que des conflits et des rapports de force modèrent ces rôles. Par ailleurs, en cas de décision ayant une portée institutionnelle, on constate une dépendance au sentier vis-à-vis d’anciennes mesures. Les décisions en faveur de la brigade franco-allemande et des groupements résultent in fine de la domination des rôles de promoteur du renforcement des capacités militaires européennes et d’allié fidèle, parmi les acteurs à l’origine de ces décisions. D’autres rôles présents en France et en Allemagne tendent au contraire à freiner l’emploi de ces unités, en particulier celui de grande puissance (pour la France) et celui de puissance civile (pour l’Allemagne). Plusieurs rôles coexistent en effet au sein de chaque appareil décisionnel et chacun voit son poids en termes d’influence fluctuer. Ceci résulte de la variation selon les décisions étudiées des acteurs impliqués, ainsi que des luttes et des rapports de force entre eux.Notre thèse se divise en sept chapitres. Dans les trois premiers, nous reviendrons sur la littérature consacrée aux forces étudiées et aux alliances, sur notre méthodologie, ainsi que sur les relations internationales en Europe des trente dernières années. Les parties suivantes traitent de l’évolution de la brigade franco-allemande en force expéditionnaire, de la création des groupements tactiques, des choix de partenaires au sein de ceux-ci et enfin du non-emploi de ces troupes militaires. Ces différentes thématiques constituent les quatre chapitres empiriques de notre recherche. En conclusion de celle-ci, on peut estimer que les chances de déploiement des unités étudiées dans les années à venir demeurent plutôt faibles. L’explication théorique développée pour ce travail et basée sur la théorie des rôles offre également un outil de compréhension du fonctionnement des appareils politico-militaires français et allemands. Validé pour cette analyse, il lui reste désormais à être testé sur d’autres cas d’étude et ÉtatsWhy do states create bi/multinational expeditionary forces? Why have not they been used yet? The objective of this PhD dissertation is to explain this paradox, which is well exemplified by the Franco-German brigade and the European Union Battle Groups (EUBG). Although these two units are not the only ones in Europe that can be qualified as expeditionary forces, we chose these two case studies to analyze, among others, the decision-making processes in both France and Germany.We have therefore focused on these two units and on the alliance policies that are at the origin of these units. In practice, our research builds on the work on alliances and the field of comparative foreign policy analysis. The theoretical framework developed to explain the foreign policy decisions is based on the theory of roles by Kal Holsti. Our findings indicate that these decisions are made only by a limited group of actors and result from the roles those actors assume for their country. Institutional arrangements, as well as conflicts and power struggles, moderate these roles. In addition, there is strong evidence for path dependency in cases where decisions have an institutional scope.The decisions in favor of the Franco-German brigade and the EUBG ultimately resulted from the role of a promoter of reinforced European military capabilities and the role of a faithful ally, which dominated among the actors behind these decisions. Other roles present among the French and German decision-makers tend, on the contrary, to slow down the use of these units. This is particularly true for the role of a great power (France) and the role of a civilian power (Germany). Several roles coexist indeed within each state and each sees its amount of influence fluctuate. This variation in roles’ influence depends on the actors involved, as well as on power struggles and relations.Our dissertation is divided into seven chapters. In the first three we will return to the literature on expeditionary forces and alliances, to our methodology, and to the international relations in Europe over the past thirty years. The following chapters deal with the development of the Franco-German brigade as an expeditionary force, the creation of battle groups, the choice of partners within them, and finally the non-employment of these military troops. These are the four empirical chapters of our research.In conclusion, we estimate that the probability of deployment of the studied units in the coming years remains rather low. Relying on role theory, our theoretical explanation serves as a tool for understanding the functioning of the French and German political-military decision-making structures. While validated for this analysis, this theoretical framework now has to be tested on other case studies
9
Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
Full text
10
Autran, Jean-Marie. "Truman, "faith-based" diplomatie et ambigüités du Plan Marshall : cas de la France de l'après-guerre." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30023/document.
Full textAbstract:
La "Faith-based" diplomatie américaine et les ambiguïtés du plan Marshall : le cas de la France dans l’après-guerre. Le Président Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) affirme dès 1946 que les E.U. doivent s’armer d'une « diplomatie fondée sur la foi » pour encourager la reconstruction spirituelle d'une Europe « déchristianisée » face au communisme. Pour faire barrage au marxisme de l’Union Soviétique, il fallait commencer par la France, vue comme la pierre de voûte spirituelle. Plus que toute autre nation, elle bénéficie avec le plan Marshall d'un puissant soutien financier militaire, économique et d'une conquête des cœurs et des esprits. De multiples agences interviennent dans cette période alors que les Églises américaines redécouvrent cette terre de mission. Généralement articulées autour de la conviction religieuse des Présidents, les initiatives sont relayées sur le terrain par l’engagement d’acteurs privés. Officialisée en 1998 par le président Clinton dans la promulgation de l’Acte international sur la liberté religieuse, cette approche a justifié la ténacité des missionnaires de 1945 à nos jours dans une France catholique religieusement peu diverse. Encouragées par le quatrième Réveil la plupart des missions américaines, églises protestantes historiques, nouvelles religions ou NMR (mormons, adventistes, témoins de Jéhovah etc...) et Évangéliques ont bien accueilli cette opportunité, phase d’introduction pour certaines ou de redémarrage pour d’autres déjà présentes dès le 19ème siècle. Bien que l'entreprise de « nation building » économique et culturelle de la France ait été perçue par l’opinion américaine de l’époque comme l'une des plus décevantes de l’après-guerre, les résultats de la transformation de la société française sont apparus avec un décalage dans le temps. Pouvons-nous alors retracer les sources des mutations transatlantiques des religions d'origine américaine et l’évolution du paysage religieux français aux activités gouvernementales et missionnaires en ce début de la Guerre froide ?President Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) claims in 1946 that the U.S. should advance a "faith-based" diplomacy to encourage the spiritual reconstruction of a “dechristianized” Europe .To stand in the way of a Marxist and Godless Soviet Union, it has to begin with France, seen as the spiritual stone arch. More than in any other nation, the Marshall Plan brings a financial, economic and military support, willing to conquer hearts and minds. Many key governmental agencies are involved in this time period, while American churches engaged in aid relief are rediscovering France as a new mission territory. Usually strongly influenced by the religious conviction of the Presidents, "Faith-based policies” supporting Foreign policies are reinforced on the ground by the engagement of private voluntary organizations (PVOs). Formalized in 1998 by President Clinton as a tool in Foreign policy in the enactment of the Act on International Religious Freedom, this approach justifies the tenacity of missionaries from 1945 to the present day in a secular and catholic France. Encouraged by the Fourth Awakening, most American missions, mainstream Protestant churches, new religions like NRM (Mormonism, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc...) and Evangelicals, welcome this mixed opportunity: a comeback for a few denominations already presents in the 19th century and for others a chance for a fresh beginning. Although the business of "nation building”, the reshaping of the economic and cultural life of France, is perceived by the American public opinion as one of the most disappointing of the post-war, a deeply transformed French society will later emerge. The overlapping of American public and private organizations, of American churches and missionaries lay the groundwork for the radical transformation of a French monolithic religious landscape. Without doubt this can be traced to this short and critical experimental period of the Early Cold War
11
Lefebvre, Maxime. "Union européenne : la fédération d'Etats-nations entre préférences nationales, jeux de puissance et coopération institutionnelle." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020007/document.
Full textAbstract:
Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance »Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power
12
Kobzar, Svitlana Anatolievna. "'The return to Europe' : Ukraine's foreign policy, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609777.
Full text
13
Lojko, Miklos. "Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.
Full text
14
Al-Imam, Jamal D. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
Full textAbstract:
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
15
Ioannidis, Eudoxia. "British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
16
Paquier-Zorgui, Catherine. "Contrat et fonction publique en Europe." Nantes, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NANT4025.
Full textAbstract:
Les relations de travail au sein de la fonction publique française sont souvent considérées comme peu contractualisées. L'objet de la présente thèse est de vérifier si les relations de travail au sein des administrations publiques des Etats européens peuvent servir de modèle à celles de l'administration française. Il convient pour ce faire de dresser un récapitulatif des relations de travail existantes au sein des administrations publiques sélectionnées qui sont les administrations allemande, néerlandaise, italienne et britannique. On peut ainsi constater une grande diversité des relations de travail au sein de ces administrations, alors qu'elles sont soumises aux mêmes facteurs de contractualisation que sont le droit communautaire et la modernisation administrative. Même si ces facteurs n'imposent aucune obligation de contractualisation, ils induisent cependant une organisation contractuelle des relations de travail des agents de l'administration. L'administration française semble cependant exclue de ce modèle général d'organisation, à savoir une administration statutaire pour les missions nécessitant des prérogatives de puissance publique et une administration contractuelle pour toutes les autres. En effet, le contrat est présent, mais de manière trop limitée ou mal utilisée. D'ailleurs, dans le cadre d'une dialectique récurrente contrat/statut, la question du retour du contrat au côté du statut reste posée. Différentes propositions ont été faites dans le sens d'une hybridation du contrat et du statut. Ce n'est cependant pas l'orientation prise par la loi du 26 juillet 2005 sur les contrats à durée indéterminée pour les agents contractuels. Cette loi, critiquée, prévoit effectivement une coexistence du statut et de contrats à durée indéterminée. Il se pose d'ailleurs pour ces derniers, le problème de la nature juridique de leur réglementation. Peut-être est-il venu, ainsi, le temps d'une réflexion sur la réorganisation générale des relations de travail au sein de l'administration française dans le cadre communautaireWork relations inside the French Civil Service are often characterized by the fact that they are hardly ever bound by contracts. The aim of this thesis is to check if the work relations in force in public administrations in other European states can be used as models for the French Administration. In order to do so, it is necessary to scan the various work relations that prevail in the selected European public administrations - German, Dutch, Italian and British ones -. A great variety of work relations inside these administrations can be observed, in spite of the fact that they are all subject to the same contractual factors, that is those of the European Community Law and of the general process of state modemization. Even if these two factors do not impose any obligation of contract making, they nevertheless imply a contractual organization of work relations for civil servants. However, French Civil Service seems to keep out of this general pattem of organization i. E. A statutory administration dealing with public prerogative missions and a contractual administration dealing with the other missions. In France, the notion of contract does exist, but is too rarely used or ill-used. That's why in the recurring contract/statute dichotomy, the issue of the notion of contract alongside that of statute remains prevalent. Different proposais have been made, aiming at a mixture between contract and statute. It is not, though, the orientation given by the July, 26th 2005-law enforcing working contracts of unlimited length of time for contractual servants. This law, most critized, provides for the possible coexistence of statute and contracts of unlimited length of time. As far as these contracts are concerned, their legal nature remains highly problematic in regard to European regulations. That's why it may be time for thinking of a general reorganization of work relations in French Civil Service inside the European frame
17
Bàtonyi, Gàbor. "Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.
18
Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Full text
19
Guénard-Maget, Annie. "La présence culturelle française en Europe centrale et orientale avant et après la seconde guerre mondiale (1936-1940, 1944-1949)." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010665.
Full textAbstract:
L'étude porte sur la conduite d'une présence culturelle et intellectuelle dans six états de l’Europe centrale et orientale (Bulgarie, Hongrie, Pologne, Roumanie, Tchécoslovaquie, Yougoslavie) par les gouvernements de la république française, dans deux périodes où ces états se trouvent placés sous l'emprise grandissante de puissances totalitaires, l’Allemagne et l’Italie dans la fin des années trente, l'union soviétique après la seconde guerre mondiale. Dans la première partie, les années 1936-1940, l'étude est centrée sur les enjeux, les objectifs et la réalisation d'un programme d'expansion intellectuelle et culturelle lance par le gouvernement de front populaire. Elle montre, dans un temps de perception des risques de guerre en Europe, l'étroite symbiose qui s'opère entre culture, information et propagande, en vue de rallier les élites mais aussi les populations de ces états au camp des démocraties et des forces anti-fascistes. Dans la deuxième partie, l'après-guerre, l'étude a pour limite la fin 1949, temps d'une éviction quasi-totale hors du "bloc de l'est", liée à la "normalisation" des états sous tutelle soviétique. Dans l'immédiat après-guerre, elle observe une ambitieuse reconstruction de la présence culturelle par des gouvernements issus de la résistance, alors qu'existent des concordances entre ceux-ci et un certain nombre des coalitions gouvernementales installées au centre et à l'est de l’Europe ; dans la deuxième phase qui se dessine dès le printemps 1947, l'analyse montre comment des voies politiques divergentes entre la France et les états du bloc de l'est interfèrent sur les possibilités d'une affirmation culturelle française, elle observe également deux choix français qui tranchent avec ceux effectués par les anglo-saxons, des adaptations susceptibles de maintenir une présence culturelle dans le temps de guerre froide et de "jdanovisme", une tentative française d'affirmation de l'autonomie du fait culturel par rapport au fait politique derrière le rideau de fer. La conclusion analyse les parallélismes et les contrastes d'une action gouvernementale entre les deux périodes encadrant la seconde guerre mondiale.
20
Cohrs, Patrick O. "The unfinished transatlantic peace order after World War I : Britain, the United States and the Franco-German question, 1923-1925." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391010.
Full text
21
Mandalenakis, Helene. "Recognizing identity : the creation of new states in former Yugoslavia." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102808.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.
22
Aggestam, Lisbeth. "A European foreign policy? : role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-274.
Full text
23
Goyette, Jean-Sébastien. "Franco-Japanese relations in East Asia from 1932 to 1945." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83105.
Full textAbstract:
This paper relates to Franco-Japanese relations between 1932 and 1945 in East Asia. In order to do this, it examines French behavior towards the Japanese in Shanghai and Indochina, France's position during incidents such as the 1932 Shanghai Incident, its policy during the Sino-Japanese conflict as well as its changing role and position in East Asia during the 1930s and 1940s, especially with the changes brought upon by the Second World War. This paper also pays attention to how France, as well as other Western nations, viewed Japan and East Asia, as well as how it affected East-West relations during this period. Finally, the paper describes the complex relations that existed between Vichy France, Free France, Indochina as well as Japan. It ends with events such at the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, that led to the eventual Japanese takeover of French territories in East Asia and the irreparable damage to France's position in East Asia.
24
Niemoller, Bernd. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413156.
Full text
25
Niemöller, Bernd Thomas Albert. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621534.
Full text
26
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. "Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
Full text
27
Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
Full text
28
Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
29
Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
Full textAbstract:
The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
30
Gomez, Ricardo. "Strategic action in EU foreign policy : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1611/.
Full text
31
Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
32
Fry, Cynthia Ann. "Diplomacy & deception : King James VI of Scotland's foreign relations with Europe (c.1584-1603)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5902.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is the first attempt to provide an assessment of Scottish-Jacobean foreign relations within a European context in the years before 1603. Moreover, it represents the only cohesive study of the events that formed the foundation of the diplomatic policies and practices of the first ruler of the Three Kingdoms. Whilst extensive research has been conducted on the British and English aspects of James VI & I's diplomatic activities, very little work has been done on James's foreign policies prior to his accession to the English throne. James VI ruled Scotland for almost twenty years before he took on the additional role of King of England and Ireland. It was in his homeland that James developed and refined his diplomatic skills, and built the relationships with foreign powers that would continue throughout his life. James's pre-1603 relationships with Denmark-Norway, France, Spain, the Papacy, the German and Italian states, the Spanish Netherlands and the United Provinces all influenced his later ‘British' policies, and it is only through a study such as this that their effects can be fully understood. Through its broad scope and unique perspective, this thesis not only contributes to Scottish historiography, but also strengthens and updates our understanding of Jacobean diplomacy. Furthermore, it adds to European perspectives of international politics by re-integrating Scotland into the narrative of late sixteenth century European diplomatic history.
33
Sandu, Traian. "La France, la Roumanie et la sécurité en Europe de 1919 à 1933." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040191.
Full textAbstract:
La France a incontestablement eu, en 1918, le projet d'intégrer la Roumanie à un dispositif qui assura la sécurité continentale des vainqueurs de la première guerre mondiale. Néanmoins, cette volonté connut de sérieuses variations liées à l'incompatibilité des objectifs stratégiques français et roumains. Le dysfonctionnement des projets bilatéraux et zonaux de sécurité fut constant, alors que la coopération plus anonyme à la société des nations fut plus durable. A la fin de 1921, après une période troublée d'élaboration, la France dut se contenter d'une assise centre-européenne fragile : la Roumanie ne parvint pas à peser auprès de Prague et de Varsovie pour unifier la petite entente et l'alliance polono-roumaine dans un système antiallemand et antirusse. Bucarest ne put pas jouer le rôle de charnière entre ces deux volets du système français. Après Rapallo, et malgré les allégations des historiographies communiste et conservatrice qui, pour des raisons inverses, exagèrent l'engagement antirusse de Poincaré, la politique de sécurité française se soucia de plus en plus du danger allemand, tandis que les roumains gardèrent les yeux fixés sur la Russie, en espérant le maintien de l'entente cordiale : leur soutien dans l'affaire de la Ruhr fut tiède. Herriot tira les conséquences et avança la sécurité collective; devant le refus britannique, Briand dut restreindre la sécurité française au Rhin. Le déclin des alliances de revers ne connut pas d'embellie avec le traité franco-roumain de 1926. Mais la crise politique et économique obligea la France à réagir. Mais la Roumanie ne pouvait plus refuser la domination commerciale de l’Allemagne révisionniste : elle se replia sur ses alliances zonales. Il fallut les chocs du pacte franco-soviétique et du pacte à quatre pour que les roumains acceptent de s'entendre avec les soviétiques. Ces derniers créèrent ainsi la possibilité d'un pont diplomatique, voire stratégique, avec la FranceParis tried, after the First World War, to include Romania in an eastern European system which would have ensured active security against Germany and defense in front of the soviets. But the weak Romanian link between the anti-Hungarian little entente and the anti-Russian Polish-Romanian alliance, obliged France, after Rapallo and the Ruhr, to abandon reverse security projects and to set its security system on the Rhine at Locarno. Therefore, the bilateral treaty with Romania provided no supplementary security. Cooperation continued nevertheless on disarmament and anti-revisionism at the League of Nations. After 1928, France had to react to the political and economic crisis, which surrendered Romania to the German commercial power. It required the franco-sovietic pact of 1932 and the four powers pact of 1933 to lead Romania into signing the aggressor’s definition pact, thus creating the possibility of a diplomatic, or even strategic bridge between France and soviet union, against Germany
34
Soubeyran, Mathilde. "The European Dimension in foreign language teaching in France : Foreign languages in elementary school and European programmes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393419.
Full text
35
Hennings, Jan. "Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609625.
Full text
36
Giangrande, Romuald. "L’Allemagne et l’Europe centrale. Achèvement d’une transition politique et émotionnelle." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3007.
Full textAbstract:
Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenairesThe German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners
37
Wagnon, Sylvain. "Les progressistes et les relations Est-Ouest durant la quatrième République." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040301.
Full textAbstract:
Génération marquée par l'effondrement, en 1940, des élites officielles, la nécessité de résister à l'occupant puis par l'échec de la rénovation politique à la libération, les progressistes de la quatrième République initièrent une conception originale de la décision politique. Leur faiblesse numérique les confina, en apparence, au rôle de simples satellites du parti communiste. Ce fut par leur doctrine de politique étrangère, le neutralisme actif, que les progressistes réussirent à se définir et à s'affirmer en incarnant une nouvelle voie, qui refusait le conformisme de la guerre froide et dépassait la paradoxale alternative d'une critique fondamentale du capitalisme ou d'une acceptation aveugle du modèle soviétique. Leur neutralisme actif offrait une perception globale des relations internationales impliquant des conceptions particulières dans leurs relations avec l'URSS, les Etats-Unis, l'Allemagne et les pays colonisés, qui devaient permettre d'accroître le rôle et l'influence de la France dans le monde. Ces conceptions n'ont, toutefois, pas empêché l'échec politique, durant la quatrième République, de cette gauche indépendante ; mais les perspectives évidentes du progressisme liant une volonté transformatrice de la société à un courant démocratique paraissent cependant avoir été le ferment d'un rapprochement des démarches et projets de toutes les composantes de la gauche après 1958The progressists of the fourth republic initiated an original conception of political decision. Since they were numerically weak, they appeared to be merely a satellite of the communist party. The progressists succeded in asserting themselves through their new doctrine of foreign policy, active neutralism, by refusing to conform to the norms of the cold war and by going beyond the paradoxical alternative of a criticism of capitalism or a blind acceptance of the soviet model. Their active neutralism offered a global perception of international relations, implying specific conceptions in their relations with the ussr, the usa, germany and colonized countries. In the medium term, this enabled the foundation of europe and the increase of france's influence in the world. Nevertheless, these conceptions did not prevent the political failure of this "independent left" wing group during the fourth republic. But the vision of progressism, which linked the transforming society to the democratic process seems, nevertheless, to have been the turning point in the bringing together the approaches and projects of all the various elements in the left after 1958
38
Bosquelle, Dominique. "L' Allemagne au coeur de la politique culturelle de la France en Europe centrale et nordique dans l'entre-deux-guerres." Aix-Marseille 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX10070.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse a pour sujet l'élaboration dans l'entre-deux-guerres d'une politique culturelle par l'Etat français. En Europe centrale et nordique, cette politique s'est définie par rapport à l'Allemagne et à son hégémonie culturelle (et non par rapport à l'émergence de l'anglais comme première langue de commerce et de diplomatie dans le monde). Dans la première partie sont exposées les conditions générales d'une telle politique à travers l'étude des différents acteurs de cette politique culturelle : la perception des relations internationales et la conception de la politique culturelle qui transparaissent des rapports du budget des Affaires étrangères à la Chambre des députés ; le Service des oeuvres au ministère des Affaires étrangères qui est chargé de mettre en oeuvre cette politique ; le ministère de l'Education nationale et ses organismes associés qui collaborent avec les oeuvres. La deu xième partie est une suite de monographies consacrées aux Instituts français créés dans les capitales autour de l'Allemagne (Prague, Varsovie, Vienne, Amsterdam, Stockholm) et Berlin même, ainsi qu'aux centr es culturels patronnés par le Service des oeuvres qui, pour des raisons politiques, ne purent jamais recevoir les statut d'Institut (pays baltes, Cologne). Les annexes fournissent des listes aussi détaillées que possible des pensionnaires des Instituts, des cours, des concerts et des manifestations de prestige organisés par les Instituts.
39
Peterson, Chad S. "German diplomacy in East Central Europe : foreign relations with the Czech Republic and Poland 1990-1998." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2716/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that German unification in October 1990, the Soviet Empire's disintegration in 1991, and the end of the Cold War had profound implications for the conduct of Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour. Its aim is to compare and contrast German foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic) and Poland between 1990 and 1998. Germany's foreign policy towards both states was guided by three crucial components; political reconciliation, economic, and security interests. By discussing the interplay between agential and structural sources of Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour, this thesis provides an exhaustive description of how German influence manifested itself in these states, and how it was channelled and constrained. Germany's foreign and security policy behaviour towards both states helps to explain three problems: the manifold implications of Germany's return to the European Mittellage (centre); Germany's ability to manage complex bilateral relationships despite being burdened by history, and the multi-level nature of its foreign and security policy apparatus.
40
Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
41
Mézières, Raïssa. "Entre passion et raison : les intellectuels français, l'Allemagne et l'idée d'Europe (1958-1969)." Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010602.
Full textAbstract:
Après le Seconde Guerre mondiale, penser la paix, c'est penser la récpnciliation franco-allemande. C'est aussi commencer à envisager une formation « métanationale» voire « supranationale». Dès lors. , comment penser la guerre et comment penser l'après-guerre? Les destructions laissent-elles le champ libre à toutes les mobilisations, projets, initiatives? Le renouveau s'impose. Le rôle des intellectuels, leur engagement, leurs moyens d'actions et leurs champs d'investigation constituent alors un angle privilégié. Adopter l'idée d'Europe comme angle d'approche, c'est chercher à voir en quoi, si l'Europe a pu fournir le cadre nécessaire à la réconciliation franco-allemande, cette entente a été irtversement la condition préalable, la base et le moteur d'unification. Par la suite, fixer la période 1958-1969 comme cadre à la présente recherche semble lui conférer à la fois cohérence et unité. En France, une nouvelle ère s'ouvre en effet avec l'arrivée du général de Gaulle au pouvoir et la fin très progressive de la guerre d'Algérie. L'Allemagne de son côté connait au cours des années soixante une croissance miracle et s'affirme comme une grande puissance irtdustrielle et commerciale. Surtout, la République fédérale allemande se décide à reconnaitre les frontières nées de la défaite allemande. Comment analyser le positionnement des intellectuels face à l'évolution de ce couple, et face à l'évolution de l'idée d'Europe? Et de manière rigoureusement irtverse, est-ce que le couple franco-allemand et l'idée d'Europe constituent des lignes de fracture, des lignes de clivage parmi les irttellectuels français? Quelles sont les continuités et quelles sont les ruptures dans les divers milieux au cours de la période étudiée? Le sujet ne s'est pas voulu « vase clos ». 11 renvoie, tel un « vase communicant» à différents domaines de recherche.
42
Kuo, Mercy A. "Contending with contradictions : PRC policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland, 1953-1960." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:adcaceb7-b402-4df5-9d2c-2935424f0e89.
Full textAbstract:
This doctoral thesis examines the objectives, consequences, and significance of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland from 1953 to 1960. The most significant finding of this thesis is the confirmation of the close collaboration between the Chinese and Poles in the events surrounding the Polish October in 1956. This study argues that the Chinese Communist leadership played a decisive role in preventing Soviet military action in Warsaw during those few critical days in October, 1956. In successfully defusing the tension between Moscow and Warsaw, the Chinese reached a parity of prestige in which the PRC could duly consider itself equal with the Soviet Union. With the restoration of its "rightful" place in the postwar world order as the ultimate aim of the Chinese revolution, the PRC forged relations with the Soviet bloc holding the view that equality with the Soviet Union was a crucial prerequisite in recovering its global position. The PRC's Soviet East Europe policy, namely in its relations with Poland, paved the PRC's road toward reaching equality with the Soviet Union, but at the same time exposed the contradictory nature of bloc unity, the weak foundations of Soviet authority, and the deepseated belief of the Chinese leadership in the PRC's sovereign position as the centre of the world Communist revolution. Thus, contending contradictions in intra-party relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP), and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) formed the crux of the intra-bloc imbroglio which threatened Soviet authority in the bloc and led to the Sino-Soviet split in 1960.
43
Assila, Henri. "La France et le problème de la sécurité européenne de 1953 à 1963." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040063.
Full textAbstract:
Le problème de la sécurité européenne tel qu'il est abordé dans cette thèse ne correspond nullement à la question de la sécurité de l’Europe. Par sécurité européenne il faut entendre dans cette recherche sécurité en Europe et plus précisément les différents plans qui furent présentés par l'est comme par l'ouest afin de favoriser ou d'entériner un équilibre après Yalta et Postdam. Dans ces plans il était essentiellement question de trois thèmes : l’Allemagne, le désarmement et les contacts est/ouest. La France bien que fragilisée joue un rôle important sur cette question. Dans une large mesure la politique française à l'égard de la sécurité en Europe a peu varié depuis Richelieu. Paris a toujours voulu maintenir l'équilibre des puissances sur le continent en favorisant le statu quo dans certains cas ou en poussant au conflit dans d'autres. La politique de la France à l'égard de la question de la sécurité européenne nous permet également de nous demander dans quelle mesure une puissance de second ordre peut avoir une politique étrangère indépendante dans un contexte d'équilibre bipolaireAfter Stalin’s death, the attitude towards detente changed on both sides of the iron curtain. In this study, the European security is more related to ideas such as disarmament, the future of Germany and the relationship between the east and the west. France though being in a difficult situation had to face the challenge. French diplomacy was indeed very concern by the future of Germany and disarmament problems (geographical situation). The focus of the present study lies on its diplomacy during this short period
44
Ember, Adrienna. "Enlarged Europe, shrinking relations? the impacts of Hungary's EU membership on the development of bilateral relations between New Zealand and Hungary." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1567.
Full textAbstract:
The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and
foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical
interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study
is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential
connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and
Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly
New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature
of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific,
and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007.
The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the
special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory
on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the
research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires,
and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results
were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support
and enhance analytic validity.
The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the
advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative
areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in
Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.
45
Huggins, Christopher. "Local government transnational networking in Europe : a study of 14 local authorities in England and France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-transnational-networking-in-europe(e90b229f-9a21-4dbb-986b-8240f8ffbcaa).html.
Full textAbstract:
Local authorities play a key role in European Union (EU) governance. They are no longer simply ‘passive receivers’ of EU policy, but proactively engage at the European level. This active engagement includes participation in local government transnational networking (LGTN), an activity which sees local authorities form links with their counterparts in other countries. The contemporary prevalence of LGTN presents an interesting empirical puzzle. Local authorities lack the formal competence to engage beyond their territories. Furthermore, since the financial crisis councils’ budgets have been restricted. Why, then, are local authorities participating in LGTN when they lack both the formal competence and the financial resources? This thesis tackles this puzzle. In particular it explores three broad questions relating to LGTN: - What is the extent of LGTN? - Why do local authorities participate? - What determines effective participation? By focusing on the local authorities within transnational networks, this thesis makes an empirical contribution to knowledge and informs a body of literature which has until now overlooked the perceptions of local actors in EU governance. It further informs conceptual debates surrounding multi-level governance and local level Europeanization. This focus is achieved through a cross-national analysis of 14 local authorities in south-east England and northern France, and adopting a qualitative empirical approach which draws data from semi-structured interviews, document analysis and participant observation. The findings show that LGTN continues to be a prevalent phenomenon and is therefore an important feature of the EU’s multi-level system of governance. However, engagement is not uniform. While all local authorities are involved, variation is present in the number of links councils engage in, the type of networks they target and their motivations for participation. In all cases, however, engagement in LGTN is driven by a rationalist logic, as councils seek to achieve individual pre-determined strategic aims and improve their relative positions. A number of local and external factors are shown to impact how effectively councils engage in LGTN and, ultimately, explains why the process of local level Europeanization is marked by differentiation rather than convergence.
46
Denca, Sorin Stefan. "European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
47
Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
Full text
48
Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
Full text
49
Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
Full text
50
Robert, Didier. "Le réseau routier français dans la dynamique des échanges de marchandises de la France avec ses partenaires d'Europe occidentale." Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010536.
Full textAbstract:
La forte progression des échanges de marchandises entre pays de l’Europe de l'ouest s'est massivement reportée sur le réseau routier français. Davantage sollicite, ce dernier a cependant connu de grandes variations de l'évolution du trafic en chaque partie de sa structure. Cette recherche tente de caractériser et d'expliquer les formes géographiques de la distribution de ces échanges internationaux dans l'espace français et sur le réseau routier national. En cela, elle se fait l'écho des préoccupations très actuelles des aménageurs du réseau routier, contraints de s'interroger sur la mise en conformité des réseaux de transports nationaux avec l'objectif de la création d'un vaste réseau routier européen intégré, appelé réseau transeuropéen.