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1
Papenko, Natalia, and Yevgen Papenko. "The policy of the Austrian Republic concerning the constant neutrality (1945-1955)." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.192-208.
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The article is devoted to the exploration of the constant neutrality status of the Second Austrian republic, to its political and legal research, its effectiveness as an instrument of the foreign policy of the state. The problem of the Austrian constant neutrality status is the post-war system of international relations was and is one of the main issues of Austrian internal and foreign policy, as long as it was directly connected with the discontinuance of occupation by the states of anti-Hitler coalition. Status of constant neutrality had to become a pledge of the existence of Austria as an independent and flourishing state, one of the elements of the peace, security and stability in Europe.
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Alstein, Maarten Van. "From Enigma to Enemy: Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian Diplomatic Elite, and the Soviet Union, 1944–1945." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00144.
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This article draws on recently declassified documents from the Belgian archives to assess the division within the Belgian diplomatic service about Soviet intentions at the start of the Cold War. The diplomatic corps was divided between those who viewed the Soviet Union favorably and believed that continued close cooperation after the war was both feasible and essential, and those who were wary of Soviet intentions in Eastern Europe and believed that Western democracies would have to be united in opposing Soviet encroachments. Paul-Henri Spaak, the long-time Belgian foreign minister, was initially in the former camp, but events at the close of the war and soon thereafter brought him and Belgian foreign policy much closer to the latter's position.
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Behar, Joseph. "Diplomacy and Essential Workers: Official British Recruitment of Foreign Labor in Italy, 1945–1951." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 3 (July 2003): 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0015.
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The recruitment of about seven thousand Italian migrant workers by the postwar British Labour government is an interesting study in the use of foreign labor recruitment as a diplomatic policy. Foreign labor recruitment has generally been regarded as primarily an economic policy, with political ramifications entering into the picture in the form of domestic issues around integration, racism, labor relations and so on. However, the various British schemes to recruit Italian migrant workers from 1945 to 1951, and the discussion around the movement of migrant workers in postwar Europe carried on in various inter-European bodies, illustrate that foreign labor recruitment can be a much more complex phenomenon.
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Young, John W. "The Foreign Office, the French and the post-war division of Germany 1945–46." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1986): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113944.
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When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945, with the Americans and British on the one side and the Russians on the other seeing, not Germany, but each other as the post-war ‘enemy’. In 1946 Winston Churchill was already able to speak of an ‘iron curtain’ stretching from Trieste, on the Adriatic, to Stettin, on the Baltic. By 1949 each side had established control of its own bloc—the Russians predominating in the Eastern European ‘People's Republics’, the Americans drawing the West Europeans together with the Marshall Aid Programme and the North Atlantic Treaty.
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Jakubec, Pavol. "London 1940-1945, A Europe in Miniature? The Case of Norwegian, Polish and Czechoslovak Exiles." Debater a Europa, no. 13 (July 1, 2015): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6.
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This paper discusses experience of representatives of three European small powers assembled in the London during WWII - Norway, Czechoslovakia and Poland. A common cause, comparable setting and frequent contacts created a promising framework for a new quality of their mutual relations that could, eventually, endorse the European idea. This proved to be at best a partial success: The exiles acted by-and-large as guardians of national interests and identities. As such, and owing to their strained position, they paid considerable attention to status as a principal asset. They subscribed of internalization of their foreign policies and learned or refined their experience with its practices. Yet their visions remained rather regional, with only occasional reference to the idea of European Integration. Albeit the exiles failed to integrate the nations they spoke for, they established closer and better informed transnational ties bound to affect European politics in the years to come. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6
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Rymar, Ihor. "The british-american direction in the strategy of the Third International in 1941-1943 (on the materials of the «diary» of Georgi Dimitrov)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.92-102.
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On the basis of diary entries of the Secretary General of the Third International G. Dimitrov, documents of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, and documents of Soviet foreign policy, the author analyzes the characteristic features of the discursive model of the strategy and tactics of the Third International in 1941-1943, especially its activities in the field of propaganda regarding the Communist Party of the USA and the Communist Party of Great Britain during the first period of the German-Soviet war of 1941-1945 and in the process of the formation of the Anti-Hitler coalition. The role of the CPUSA and CPGB in the process of consolidating democratic forces in the struggle against Germany and its allies, the features of their activities in the framework of the discursive model of the Third International of 1941-1943, are characterized. The place and significance of the CPUSA and CPGB in the context of the Comintern’s strategy of providing comprehensive assistance to the USSR in the war with Germany, the deployment of the partisan movement and the Resistance movement in occupied countries, and the establishment of relations with the governments of F. Roosevelt and W. Churchill for a quick end to the war. In the course of the study, the main areas of activity of the American and British Communist Parties, the preservation of distance in cooperation with national governments and especially the intelligence and counterintelligence bodies of the Allies during 1941-1943, were established. A separate place in G. Dimitrov’s recordings is occupied by the problem of opening a second front in Europe in 1942 and propaganda issues related, first of all, to the signing of the British-Soviet and American-Soviet agreements, the problems of their coverage in newspapers and on the radio.
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Micko, P. "Foreign Trade Relations of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) with the Counttries of South-Eastern Europe." Codrul Cosminului. New series 22, no. 1 (2016): 93–110.
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Pachocka, Marta. "Zagadnienie mocarstwowości Francji w dobie V Republiki (do 2007 roku)." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (December 5, 2012): 233–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2012.1.9.
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During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.
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Kakovkina, Olga. "Foreign Delegations in Dnipropetrovsk City and Dnipropetrovska Oblast in 1945–1959." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 2 (December 28, 2019): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30190213.
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The purpose of the article is to figure out the features of a foreign presence in the city and the region during 1945–1959, its intensity and content on the example of the visit of foreign delegations – from the end of the World War II, as a result of which the political map of Europe and the world, the content of international relations have changed, to the assignment to Dnipropetrovsk the status of a conditionally closed city in August 1959, which led to the prohibition of its visit by foreigners until 1987.Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative.Main results: One of the aspects of foreign presence in the region is revealed on the example of target groups, which, as a rule, came at the invitation of public organizations, as well as certain departments. Some features of visiting the region by foreign delegations, quantitative indicators, the composition of individual groups, residence programs, service problems were identified. It was found that a certain limit in visiting foreigners to the region, as well as in the whole USSR, was 1953, when, as a result of the liberalization of the foreign policy of the Soviet leadership, the foreign presence in the region became more massive and public. Dnipropetrovsk and the surrounding areas, along with Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, were one of the visiting points. The purpose of its visits was to familiarize with the Soviet reality for the formation of a certain image of the USSR, to demonstrate the "advantages" of the Soviet model, and, therefore caused a significant ideological load of programs and strict control by the party bodies. Since the mid-1950s, with the intensive development of international economic relations in the region, primarily in heavy industry, the number of delegations with production targets had been growing. The economic component of relations dominated the tourism sector, which almost did not cover the Dnipropetrovsk region, given the formation of closed industries. In conclusion, it was noted that already at the stage of late Stalinism, the city and region were a significant part of the international presentation of the USSR and Ukraine. However, the stay of foreign groups revealed significant problems in their service due to material difficulties, lack of experience and personnel, and the specifics of organizing admissions under conditions of totalitarian state.Practical significance: the article recommended for the practice of teaching and research regional and urban history.Originality: sources that were first introduced to scientific circulation were used – the Central State Archive of the Public Organizations of Ukraine, the State Archive of the Dnipropetrovsk Region (oblastʼ) and regional periodicals of the period.Scientific novelty: the issue of the presence of foreign delegations in the Dnipropetrovsk region during 1945–1959 was considered, the problem of the place of Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnipropetrovsk in the system of international relations of Ukraine of the totalitarian period was determined.Article type: explanation.
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Demberel, K. "Manifestation of the Internal Systemic Conflict in Mongolia." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 36 (2021): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.36.17.
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The article deals with the issue of Mongolia's foreign policy during the Cold War. This period is divided into two parts. The first period, 1945-1960s, is a period of conflict between two systems: socialism and capitalism. In this first period of the Cold War Mongolia managed to establish diplomatic relations with socialist countries of Eastern Europe, as the “system allowed”. The second period, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, is the period of the conflict of the socialist system, the period of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation. During this period Mongolia's foreign policy changed dramatically and focused on the Soviet Union. This was due to the Soviet investment «boom» that began in 1960s and the entry of Soviet troops on the territory of Mongolia in 1967. The Soviet military intervention into Mongolia was one of the main reasons for cooling the Soviet-Chinese relations. And military withdrawal contributed to the improvement of Soviet-Chinese relations until the mid-1980s and one of the conditions for improving relations with their neighbors. The internal systemic conflict had a serious impact on Mongolia's foreign policy over those years.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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BEGLOV, A. L. "International Activity of the Russian Orthodox Church during the “New Deal” Between the State and the Church. Periodization and the Elements of Crisis." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-104-129.
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The article describes the international activities of the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate during the “new deal” in the state-church relations (late 1930s – first half of the 1950s). Depending on the direction of the international activities of the Russian Church, which the Soviet leadership considered to be the priority of the moment, the author outlines five main stages of the “new deal”. The first stage dated to the late 1930s – 1943, when the “new policy” remained a secret policy of the Stalinist leadership aimed at including Orthodox religious structures in the new territories, included into the USSR in 1939–1940, into the management system of the Moscow Patriarchate, and then to establish contacts with allies on religious channels through the anti-Hitler coalition. The second stage occurred in 1943–1948, when the main efforts of church diplomacy were aimed at including the Orthodox Churches of Eastern Europe in the orbit the influence of the Moscow Patriarchate and (after 1945) an unsuccessful attempt was made to achieve the leading role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the world Orthodoxy. The third stage occurred in 1948– 1949, when the crisis of the “new deal” took shape. Finally, the fourth stage began after 1949 with the inclusion of the Russian Orthodox Church in the international movement for peace and overcoming the crisis of state-church relations. The author pays special attention to the Moscow meeting of the heads and representatives of the Orthodox Churches of 1948, which revealed a divergence in the interests of the state and the Church and launched a crisis of the “new deal”. In addition, the article makes an excursion into the history of foreign policy activity of representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church in the period before the 1917 revolution, as well as its international relations in the interwar period�
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Burk, Kathleen. "The Marshall Plan: Filling in Some of the Blanks." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002053.
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Dominique Barjot, Rémi Baudouï and Danièle Voldman, eds., Les Reconstructions en Europe (1945–1949) (Paris: Editions Complexe, 1997), 342 pp., FF175, ISBN 2-870-27693-1. Matthias Kipping and Ove Bjarnar, eds., The Americanisation of European Business: The Marshall Plan and the Transfer of US Management Models (London: Routledge, 1998), 235 pp., £50.00, ISBN 0-415-17191-1. Jeffry M. Diefendorf, Axel Frohn and Hermann-Josef Rupieper, eds., American Policy and the Reconstruction of Western Germany, 1945–1955 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and the German Historical Institute, Washington, DC, 1993), 537 pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-521-43120-4. Hans-Herbert Holzamer and Marc Hoch, eds., Der Marshall-Plan: Geschichte und Zukunft (Landsberg/Lech: Olzog, 1997), 214 pp., ISBN 3-789-29349-0. Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 50 Jahre Marshall-Plan (Berlin: Argon Verlag, Berlin, 1997), 140 pp., ISBN 3-870-24387-2. Günter Bischof, Anton Pelinka and Dieter Stiefel, eds., The Marshall Plan in Austria (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2000), 588 pp., ISBN 0-765-80679-7. Michael Kennedy and Joseph Morrison Skelly, eds., Irish Foreign Policy 1919–1966: From Independence to Internationalism (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 352 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-851-82404-9. Bernadette Whelan, Ireland and the Marshall Plan 1947–1957 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 426 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-851-82517-7. Charles Silva, Keep Them Strong, Keep them Friendly: Swedish–American Relations and the Pax Americana, 1948–1952 (Stockholm: Akademitryck AB, 1999), 376 pp., Kl.10.00, ISBN 9-171-53974-3. Chiarello Esposito, America's Feeble Weapon: Funding the Marshall Plan in France and Italy, 1948–1950 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994), 226 pp., £49.50, ISBN 0-313-29340-6. Fernando Guirao, Spain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe 1945–57 (London: Macmillan, 1998), 240 pp., ISBN 0-312-21291-7. Martin A. Schain, Marshall Plan Fifty Years After (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), £30.00, ISBN 0-333-92983-7 was published after this article went to press.
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Rudolph, Karsten. "German Foreign Trade Policy Towards the East in the Light of Recent Research." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000193.
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Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.
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Dye-Reeves, Amy. "The origins of the Cold War: Deciphering open access primary sources." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 11 (December 5, 2018): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.11.621.
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Avalon Project (Yale University)- Cold WarCold War International History ProjectCold War MuseumHarvard Project on the Soviet Social System OnlineNational Security ArchiveOrigins of the Cold WarPrelude to McCarthyism: The Making of a BlacklistThe Wilson Center Digital Archives- Cold War OriginsCold War IntelligenceCold War Politics (1945–1991)Documents Relating to American Foreign Policy: The Cold WarForeign Relations of the United StatesIdeological Foundations of the Cold War–Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and MuseumNational Security Achieve–Debriefing BooksAddress to Congress on the Yalta Conference (Franklin D. Roosevelt)Crimea (Yalta) Conference, 1945Berlin Airlift (Harry S. Truman Presidential Library)Berlin Blockade 1948-1949Berlin Blockade (June 24, 1948–May 12, 1949)The March Crisis and the Berlin AirliftGeorge C. Marshall (The Marshall Plan)Marshall Plan ExhibitPublicizing the Marshall Plan: Records of the U.S. Special Representative in Europe, 1948-1950Truman and the Marshall Plan
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Falaleev, P. I. "The Marshall Plan and the European Integration: The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Dubrouka, Alena. "Poland in International Relations in Europe: British Government Circles Assessments on the Еve of the Locarno Conference of 1925." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022233.
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The article is devoted to the identification and analysis of assessments by representatives of British government circles of Poland place and role in international relations in Europe on the eve of the Locarno Conference. The sources for the work were the documents of the Foreign Office, the Cabinet, and the parliamentary debates materials for the period from November 1924 to October 1925. The emergence of Cabinet members and parliamentarians assessments of Poland's place and role in international relations was facilitated by the solution of current foreign policy tasks in Europe: discussion of the Geneva Protocol, adopted on October 2, 1924 at the Assembly of the League of Nations, signing. Аfter the UK's rejection of it, guarantee pact drafts discussion, which ended with the signing of agreements in Locarno. The assessments made at the time were directly or indirectly related to such aspects of international relations as Polish-German, Polish-French relations, Poland's relations with the Baltic countries, primarily Lithuania, and policy towards Soviet Russia. It is shown that the dominant influence on the assessment of Poland's place and role in European relations by the British government circles at that time was exerted by current economic interests, ideas about national security tasks and the tradition of focusing in European politics exclusively on the "great powers", which led to some disregard for the interests of Poland.
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Shnitser, Ihor. "The Soviet Union and the Slovak question during the second World War." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.123-136.
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The purpose of the article is to study the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The methodological basis of the proposed article is the principles of historicism and objectivity, the application of which involves an unbiased depiction of past events in their historical context. To carry out a comprehensive scientifi c analysis of the article, the author has used the unique historical research methods – problematic, comparative-historical, retrospective, and diachronic. The scientifi c novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the place and the role of the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in 1939–1945. Conclusion. The USSR considered the independent Slovak Republic an artifi cialentity, a product of German expansion. The establishment and development of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations in September 1939 – June 1941 were primarily dictated by the conjuncture of the short-lived German-Soviet partnership. After the Nazi Germany attacked on the USSR and the severance of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations, offi cial Moscow supported the idea of the continuity of the Czechoslovak Republic and the annulment of the Munich Agreements. In prac-tice, this meant that the USSR advocated the return of Slovakia to the Czechoslovak Republic, which was to become an infl uential leader of Soviet infl uence in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union considered the future state and legal system of the republic to be an internal aff air of Czechoslovakia and did not interfere in settlement of Czech-Slovak relations. On the positive side, the Soviet leadership recognized Slovaks as a separate people. This forced the Czechoslovak government and E. Beneš personally to partially reconsider their views on the issue and agree to the revival of the Czechoslovak Republic as a common state of equal Czech and Slovak nations but without a clear defi nition of the state and legal status of Slovakia.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 2 (April 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.
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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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Kudryachenko, A. "The Yalta Conference of the “Big Three” in 1945 and Ukraine’s Appearance on the International Stage." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-6.
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The article analyzes the decisions of the Yalta international conference of the leaders of the Allied States, i.e. USSR, USA and UK, aimed at solving the key issues of the final stage of war with Nazi Germany and its satellites: coordination of military activities, creation of four occupation zones on German territory, declared common goal of unconditional surrender as well as the principles of the post-war demilitarization and denazification of Germany, just punishment of war criminals, compensation for damages caused by the Nazis and creation of the inter-Alliance Control Commission in Moscow.
The article considers the agreed decisions on establishing a permanent mechanism for regular consultations among the three Foreign Ministers of the Allied States related to post-war arrangement and order in Europe and the world as well as the Allies’ policy on liberated territories. The author analyses the conditions leading to creation of the new system of relations and spheres of influence of the great powers in the world. The article contains a special analysis of Allies’ decisions regarding creation of the UN and inclusion of Ukraine into the number of states-founders of this international organization. The issues related to legal capacity of Ukraine in the post-war decades are also considered.
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Walczak, Henryk. "Polscy przedstawiciele dyplomatyczni w Rumunii w latach 1918–1940. Część I: 1918–1940." Polish Biographical Studies 4, no. 1 (2016): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2016.02.
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Polish politicians had appreciated the importance of relations with Romania since the beginning of the independent Poland, indicating the need for close political and economic cooperation with that country which would serve to resist the Soviet expansion in Central and Eastern Europe. The establishment of official diplomatic relations between Poland and Romania proved to be a rather complex process. It was essentially affected by the lack of agreement between the two centers competing for leadership in Poland, that is the authorities in Warsaw and the Polish National Committee (KNP) in Paris. It was manifested by keeping in Bucharest their own representatives, more or less tolerated by the Romanian, the so-called Legation headed by Marian Linde and the delegate of KNP Stanisław Koźmiński. In the end, Alexander Skrzyński was appointed the envoy of the Republic of Poland and officially recognized by the Romanian authorities. The establishment of official diplomatic relations did not mean, however, immediate rapprochement between the two countries. It was a process lasting almost two years which, thanks to the merits of Alexander Skrzyński, was crowned by signing the Polish-Romanian alliance in March 1921. The next stage consisted of the efforts to strengthen and extend this alliance made by Skrzyński as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Paweł Jurjewicz – his successor to the position of chargé d’affaires, and then an envoy in Bucharest. The process was slowed down by the inept policy of Marian Seyda, the next foreign minister of Poland.
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ANAND, R. P. "The Formation of International Organizations and India: A Historical Study." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2010): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990318.
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AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.
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Milgram, Avraham, and Naftali Greenwood. "The Jews of Europe from the Perspective of the Brazilian Foreign Service, 1933–1941." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 9, no. 1 (1995): 94–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/9.1.94.
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Frieden, Jeff. "Sectoral conflict and foreign economic policy, 1914–1940." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000713x.
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The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.
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Voron, Nataliia. "History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Barros, Deolindo de. "O mal ronda a terra: um tratado sobre as insatisfações do presente - por Tony Judt." Idéias 4 (April 26, 2014): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/ideias.v4i0.8649421.
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Tony Judt (1948-2010), nascido na Inglaterra e radicado nos Estados Unidos aonde viera falecer em 2010 com sessenta e dois anos, fez uma carreira brilhante e deixou trabalhos de grande envergadura e reconhecimento. Autor/editor de pelo menos 12 (doze) livros, entre eles “Um tratado sobre os nossos atuais descontentamentos”, “Refl exões sobre um século esquecido: 1901- 2000”, “Passado imperfeito”, “Pós-guerra: uma história da Europa desde 1945” etc., lecionou em diversas e destacadas universidades (Cambridge, Oxford, Berkeley e New York University), e em 1995 criou o Remarque Institute (destinado ao estudo da Europa), onde também foi professor e diretor. Igualmente contribuiu amiúde para jornais e revistas (New York Times, New Republic, New York Review of Books e Times Literary Supplement). Ganhou prêmio (Hannah Arendt, em 2007) e o seu livro (Pós-Guerra) também foi distinguido (prêmio de livros Arthur Ross, do Council on Foreign Relations).
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Zorin, Artem. "The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia: Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Kistaubayeva, А. K. "Labor immigration of Kazakhs to France." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 133, no. 4 (2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-133-4-77-86.
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This article examines the state of labor immigration of the Kazakh Diaspora, as well as studying the possibilities of conditions for economic adaptation of Kazakhs in developed capitalist countries. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of labor migration of Kazakhs to France. Based on this goal, the study solves the following tasks aimed at studying the history and current situation of Kazakhs living in France, in the focus of analyzing the policy of the French government in relation to immigration workers and employees in the 1945- 1980-ies; the reasons for labor immigration of Kazakhs to France. Western Europe has become a center of attraction for foreign workers coming here, primarily from the less developed countries of the continent, as well as from Turkey. In the last ten years, inter-state migration of workers in Western Europe has grown to unprecedented proportions. Every year, more than a million workers were sent from one European country to another in search of work. The reasons lay in the political and economic crisis, the increase in the unemployment rate, which was the result of an increase in the number of migrants among Kazakhs in France. The post-war economic situation caused the demand for workers to restore the economy destroyed by the war, and led to an increase in the level of tariffs (wages). Scientists believe that the active replenishment of the French labor market with cheap foreign labor from other countries is due to the convenient location of France.
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Mashevskyi, Oleg, Makar Taran, and Nataliya Shevchenko. "The Scientific School of Americanists of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv: Borys Honchar." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.10.
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The article is devoted to the main milestones of the formation of the scientific and teaching career of a famous ukrainian historian in the field of international affairs, specialist in the variety problems of modern USA, doctor of history, long-time head of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv – Borys Mykhailovych Honchar (1945–2015). He continued the tradition of the scientific school of historians of international relations, which was formed at the Department of New and Modern history of the developed capitalist countries in the second half of the twentieth century. In its origins stood P. Udovychenko, V. Tarasenko, V. Biletskyi and others. The main place in his scientific work was occupied by works on the history of the US foreign policy in last third of XXth – beginning of XXIth century. His first publications and theoretical thesis (1974) were devoted to the analysis of US Mediterranean policy under the administration of R. Nixon. Borys Honchar was one of the first in national historical science, who systematically examined the impact of regional conflicts on the Soviet-American confrontation during the Cold War. His doctoral thesis (1994), a monograph and more than 20 scientific articles were devoted to this topic. However, his scientific interests were much broader. His research work has been extensive in the history of international relations before and during the First World War, including in the context of the American attitude to the «conflict in Europe». In particular, the course of his lectures was devoted to this topic, which he delivered to students of History faculty for 40 years. The students’ positive feedback was also about his course in lectures on the history of American-Russian relations. Notable place in B. Gonchar’s scholarly work has taken various aspects of the UN’s activities, including its peacekeeping and humanitarian missions, and the US influence on its work. The scholar has paid great attention to the work on numerous articles on international and American topics for the «Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia» and «Ukrainian Diplomatic Encyclopedia». In general, most publications on American studies or international relations, published in Ukraine in the 1990s and 2000s, were in his co-authorship or review.
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Speckhard, Anne, and Molly Ellenberg. "Breaking the ISIS Brand Counter Narrative Facebook Campaigns in Europe." Journal of Strategic Security 13, no. 3 (October 2020): 120–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.13.3.1844.
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Despite the territorial demise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria [ISIS], the group’s cyberoperations, which once drew an unprecedented 45,000 foreign terrorist fighters [FTFs] to their so-called Caliphate, continue to entice supporters online. ISIS’s slick, high-quality content encourages supporters to hope for the return of the Caliphate and to seek revenge upon those who destroyed it by executing attacks at home. The European Union [EU] was one of the highest contributors of FTFs to ISIS and continues to be a hotspot for ISIS directed and inspired attacks. The International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism [ICSVE] has produced over 180 counter narrative video clips featuring ISIS defectors, returnees, and imprisoned cadres denouncing the group, published in over 100 Facebook campaigns. This article details the results of 20 one-minute long counter narrative Facebook campaigns in eight EU countries. The results support marketing best practices of using shorter videos to increase viewer retention and suggest that EU viewers are more engaged with counter narratives in which the speaker is relatable and representative of the audience toward which the video is targeted.
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Risum, Janne. "The Foreign-Policy Aspect of Mei Lanfang’s Soviet Tour in 1935." Nordic Theatre Studies 31, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v31i2.120123.
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The Soviet tour in 1935 of the eminent Chinese male interpreter of female roles, Mei Lanfang, attracted justified international attention as a pioneering instance of cultural and aesthetic exchange. This is not least due to the fact that it was the first time a traditional Chinese theatre troupe made a guest appearance in Europe and that so many prominent Russian and other European theatre innovators consequently eagerly followed the event and reacted to the traditional Chinese stage conventions according to their very different aesthetic points of view. Complementing my published research over the years into the details of this major intercultural stage event, in this article I reverse my perspective and almost exclusively focus on its foreign-policy context. I demonstrate that from the more pragmatic point of view of international politics at the time, another aspect of Mei’s tour was much more important: It was an act of cultural diplomacy which helped break a deadlock in foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Republic of China, and in so doing helped facilitate their formation of a defensive military alliance in response to the rapidly increasing Japanese aggression against them both. War memories, as well as memory wars, formed part of this foreign policy staging of Mei Lanfang’s Soviet guest appearance and its subsequent documentation.
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Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "Pre-World War II Romania from Latvian Perspective: An Envoy’s views." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (August 15, 2011): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_9.
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The paper approaches the working environment and observations of Latvian envoy Ludvigs Ēķis in Romania from the autumn of 1939 when the Latvian Legation was opened in Bucharest until the summer of 1940 when the State of Latvia was liquidated. The main focus is on the Latvian-Romanian relations in this period of time, the Romanian foreign and economical policy and the reaction of Romanian statesmen and society to the events and processes of the first stage of World War: the policy of Soviet Union, Germany and Hungary, the Soviet-Finnish War and other conflicts in region and in Europe. The article is based on the materials stored in the State Archives of Latvia and particularly on Ludvigs Ekis’ reports. In a time when war was raging in Europe, Romania, too, was subject to considerable international pressure. Some similarities can be detected between the developments in this region and in the Baltic States.
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Miazga, Mikalai M. "Western Belarus in Soviet-Polish relations: from the Treaty of Riga to reunification with the BSSR." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-17-26.
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The article aims to show the role of Western Belarus in the Soviet-Polish relations in 1939–1941. It is revealed that for both the USSR and Poland the Belarusian question had no independent value, and was part of the policy of each of these states, aimed at achieving broader foreign policy goals. For the Soviet leadership, it was a struggle to revise the order of things that was established in Eastern Europe within the framework of the Versailles-Riga system of international relations. This policy assumed the inclusion of Western Belarus in the Soviet state. For Poland, the possession of Western Belarus was one of the most important conditions for achieving great power status, without which it was difficult to resist the Russian-German «geopolitical grip». The outcome of the struggle between the USSR and Poland for the territory of Western Belarus was inextricably connected with the collapse of the Versailles system, which made it possible to reunite Western Belarus with the BSSR.
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Redvaldsen, David. "The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History: A Longitudinal Study." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171925.
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The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.
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MELIKH, Olena, Valerii NEMCHENKO, and Andrii KHVOSTIKOV. "MODERN PARADIGM OF WORLD ECONOMY DEVELOPMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF SUBSTANTIATION OF METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND ECONOMIC." Ukrainian Journal of Applied Economics 6, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36887/2415-8453-2021-1-25.
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The purpose of the article is to substantiate the methodology of research of international trade and economic relations on the basis of identification of tendencies of formation of a modern paradigm of development of world economy. The main trends in the formation and development of the modern paradigm of the world economy are considered, the implementation of which to the practical aspects of socio-economic processes has a significant impact on applied aspects of the interaction of national economies in trade and economic relations. There are among them: regionalization, deepening specialization between countries in the production of key products, growth of the services sector, strengthening the role of transnational corporations, increasing the importance of supranational regulatory institutions, increasing the impact of social and environmental determinants, exacer-bating social inequality, changing the structure of world leaders. The fundamental orientation of the process of international trade development and economic relations is revealed, which is manifested in the movement from economic contacts to interaction, and then to economic cooperation and international economic integration. The transition from the abstract to the concrete in the study of the formation of the modern configuration of trade and economic relations is carried out on the example of the European Union. The stages of development of trade and economic relations in Europe are distinguished: the stage of origin and development of large-scale foreign trade (first half of the XIII-XIX centuries); industrial revolution (second half of the XIX century - the beginning of the First World War 1914 p.); the period of world wars (1914–1945); modern stage (1950 - our time). It is proved that the development of trade and economic relations in the modern globalization space involves further convergence of market economy and regulatory influence by national and suprana-tional institutions, strengthening the competitive position of individual countries in the world market and further diversification of their development. The conclusion is made about the scope of the methodological content of the study of the trade and economic relations development, which includes their consideration through the prism of institutions, markets and direct interstate partnership. Keywords: research methodology, paradigm, world economy, international trade and economic relations, regionalization, regional economic associations.
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Oliynyk, Ya, and V. Obodovska. "MODERN CONDITION OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF REGIONS OF UKRAINE AND REPUBLIC OF POLAND." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 66-67 (2017): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2017.66.1.
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The most important part of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation is trade and economic sphere. Exactly it represents the real state of cooperation between the two countries at the regional level, but not only declares Partnership in official documents, are shown. Republic of Poland is the largest trade partner of Ukraine among the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and occupies a fourth place on results 2015, as well as in previous years (since 2007), after the volumes of export-import operations by the partner of Ukrainian the world (after Russia, China and Germany). Therefore, enhancing and strengthening trade relations Ukraine with Republic of Poland is extremely important and necessary to improve the socio-economic situation of the regions as well as in the whole country, are investigated. Contemporary characteristics of trade and economic cooperation between regions of Ukraine and Republic of Poland are explored. Foreign trade turnover (goods+services), exports and imports of goods and services regions of Ukraine with Republic of Poland for 2007-2015 years, are analyzed. Detailed characteristics of these indicators in a regional context and established the trend for the years 2007-2015 years dynamics are given. Ukraine regions with the largest foreign trade turnover (goods + services), exports and imports of goods and services described with Republic of Poland are disclosed. The strongest foreign economic relations of regions of Ukraine with Republic of Poland during the analyzed period are revealed. In the regional aspect the largest external trade (goods + services) in Ukraine with Republic of Poland for 2007-2015 year are: Kyiv region with city Kyiv – 13680,1 mln. USD (27.9%), Lvivska – 7524 mln. USD (15.3%) and Dnipropetrovska – 6467,5 mln. USD (13.2%) regions. The high volume of foreign trade show Donetska – 3239,5 mln. USD (6.6%), Zaporizka – 2706,4 mln. USD (5.5%), Ternopilska – 1941 mln. USD (4.0%), Luhanska – 1920,2 mln. USD (3.9%) and Volynska – 1785 mln. USD (3.6%) regions.
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Newton, Scott. "The 1949 sterling crisis and British policy towards European integration." Review of International Studies 11, no. 3 (July 1, 1985): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011441x.
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Most commentators on the 1949 sterling crisis have viewed it as an episode with implications merely for the management of the British economy. This paper, based on the public records now available, discusses the impact of the crisis on British economic foreign policy. In particular it suggests that the crisis revealed deep Anglo-American differences, centring on the nature of the Marshall Plan, on the international value of the sterling area, and on the proper relationship between the United Kingdom and Western Europe, Ultimately the British succeeded in resolving these disagreements: but this triumph ironically implied both the defeat of British aims in post-war European reconstruction and a long term delusion that great power status could be maintained on the basis of a special relationship-with the United States.
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Petreikis, Tomas. "The Publishing of International Multilingual Lithuanian Periodicals (1904–1940)." Knygotyra 72 (July 9, 2019): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2019.72.27.
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During 1904–1940, a total of 26 periodicals were published in Lithuania and in foreign countries in which the Lithuanian language was used alongside others. The demand for multilingual periodicals had emerged during the first part of the 20th c. as new cultural, economic, and political conditions took shape in Eastern and Central Europe. For the governments and businesses of Lithuania, Germany, Latvia, and Poland, the development of economic relations was of the biggest importance, and this process was to be stimulated using the multilingual publications that were being released in these countries. Also, particular importance was granted to the political cooperation of the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania). Cultural relations, on the other hand, were less expressed in the multilingual periodicals and not characterized by commercial success. For propaganda purposes, a considerable number of multilingual publications were released by Germany during the First World War. Apart from Lithuanian, these multilingual publications were marked by the use of German, English, Polish, French, Latvian, and Russian languages; among the rarer instances were Belarusian, Yiddish, and Estonian texts. The emergence of multilingual periodicals and the presence of the Lithuanian language in these publications reflected the international recognition of the Lithuanian nation and its state. It represented an understanding of multiculturalism and peculiar needs within the society and resembled the dialogue occurring across the political, economic, and cultural dimensions.
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Hager, Robert P. "“The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin’s use of the wedge strategy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 50, no. 1 (December 5, 2016): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.11.002.
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Although much IR theory focuses on balancing, this paper examines a version of the wedge strategy, what Stalin allegedly called being “the laughing third man in a fight.” This is the practice of advancing one’s goals by setting up other states to fight each other. The first case study is Soviet strategy in Europe from September 1939 until June 1941. The second is Soviet strategy in the Far East in 1941–45. What I am looking at here is a policy of deliberately encouraging the start of a war and/or aiding its prolongation in order to weaken both sides. The two case studies indicate that the Soviet Union used such a strategy at times in place of the usual forms of balancing, discussed in the international relations literature. Additionally, analysis of Moscow’s conduct, statements by Soviet leaders, and the policies of a number of foreign communist parties indicate that, in addition to any security goals, Stalin’s agenda included furthering the USSR’s goal as a revolutionary state, even thought this had at times to be constrained by realpolitik.
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Otte, T. G. "'Almost a law of nature'? Sir Edward Grey, the foreign office, and the balance of power in Europe, 1905-12." Diplomacy & Statecraft 14, no. 2 (June 2003): 77–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290412331308831.
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Short, Anthony. "Book Reviews : France, the Cold War and the Western Alliance, 1944-1949: French foreign policy and post-war Europe by John W. Young. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1990. 309 pp. £36.50." International Relations 10, no. 2 (November 1990): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789001000214.
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Suchoples, Jarosław. "In the Shadow of the Eastern Neighbour. Finland in the Security Policy of Russia and the Soviet Union from Peter the Great to Contemporary Times." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 4 (January 30, 2023): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.4.2022.1.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout its history, Finland’s relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had fi nally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia’s border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939–1940 and 1941–1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR’s security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policyAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Finland modified its policy of neutrality and adopted a doctrine of non-alignment that has remained in place to this day. However, the increase of tensions in international relations in recent years, due to Russia’s aggressive foreign policy threatening its neighbours, has forced Finnish statesmen to rethink their country’s security policy. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Finland, together with Sweden, decided to apply for NATO membership. The ratification procedure is ongoing. The aim of this paper is to analyse, in a longer historical perspective, what Finland’s place was as regards the Russian and Soviet security policy, from Peter the Great to our times. The methodological approach refl ects the chronology of events which have occurred in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region in the last 300 years. They are described to provide readers with necessary facts, and create the background for conclusions on the reasons for the Russian/Soviet policy towards Finland and, in a broader sense, the northern coasts of the Gulf of Finland.
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Nazarova, Irina A. "THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF MONETARY SYSTEMS OF RUSSIA IN EXTREME MILITARY-POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY (IN CONNECTION WITH THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR)." Russian Economic Journal, no. 6 (December 22, 2021): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2021-6-102-117.
Full textAbstract:
The author of the article, addressed to those who teach and study in higher education economic theory, the history of economic thought and the socio-economic history of Russia, proceeds from the premise that changes in the socio-economic system of the country during the period of change in the dominant technological order actualize the development of the theory of money and the study of various stages of historical evolution of the domestic monetary economy (Russian monetary systems). In this context, an analysis of those periods of this evolution in the first half of the twentieth century, when the credit ruble becomes an extraordinary resource of the «war economy», unfolds. The article also examines the peculiarities of monetary circulation during the operation of the gold standard system and during the period of gold «leaving» to the state reserve fund. The author puts forward a hypothesis according to which the changes taking place in the monetary system in connection with the demonetization of gold are the accumulation of prerequisites for the transition to a post-industrial economic system.
Inclusion in the analysis of the events of the global military-political history of 1914–1917 and 1941–1945, i.e. events of the First and Second World Wars, helps to reveal the real basis on which a special type of economic relations was formed — the phenomenon of «war economy». The article identifies the key factors of instability in the twentieth century — industrial, monetary and world crises. The study of the peculiarities of the development of the crisis in peacetime and in the conditions of a «military-inflationary economy» in the works of prominent Russian economists deepens the understanding of the structural deformation of the national economy.
It is shown that the «price revolution», which characterizes the explosive growth of inflation, has become a vivid manifestation of the world economic instability during the development of extreme military-political events in Russia and in the countries of Western Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «price revolution» in the conjuncture theory of M.I. Tugan-Baranovsky and the works of Z.S. Katsenelenbaum was considered as a function of qualitative changes that took place in the economic system as a result of the expansion of the sphere of money circulation during the transition from natural production to industrial production. The «price revolution» manifested itself with the greatest force in the conditions of the «war economy». The destruction of the national economy was accompanied by the development of «golden» inflation, indicating a chronic commodity deficit.
The author argues that the size of the accumulation of gold in 1920–1945, the emergence of large banks — custodians of the gold and foreign exchange reserves of the countries — members of the monetary unions — largely influenced the results of the competition between the three leading currencies (franc, pound and dollar), claiming to be the world leader. The conclusion is argued that the accumulation of gold and foreign exchange reserves in the conditions of the «war economy» accelerated the formation of a new monetary and financial «map» of the world in the second half of the twentieth century.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 26–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Yelova, Tetiana. "Concepts of Poland’s Foreign Policy Towards Ukraine in the Columns of the Parisian “Culture”." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.189-195.
Full textAbstract:
The presented articles analyze the foreign policy concepts of Polish political emigration after the Second World War, which were published and discussed in the columns of the literary and political magazine “Culture”. The founder and editor-in-chief of the magazine was a Polish emigrant figure: journalist and publicist, public intellectual Jerzy Giedroyc, and the literary and political magazine “Culture” was published in Paris between 1947 and 2000. Playing an important role in Polish literary life, the magazine also became a lively discussion platform on the future of Europe, in particular, the future of Polish-Ukrainian interstate and interethnic relations. In fact, J. Giedroyc, together with his friend and colleague J. Myroszewski, created, substantiated and developed the idea of recognizing Poland’s post-war eastern borders and reconciling Poles with Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians. Another important component of the Polish foreign policy concept was the thesis that a free Poland could not exist without a free Ukraine. This concept of Poland’s foreign policy was not perceived in the 50s and 70s of the twentieth century by either Polish political emigrants or the politicians of the Polish People's Republic. However, after the victory of Solidarity in the 1989 Polish elections and the formation of a new post-communist government, the independent Republic of Poland took the ideas of J. Giedroyc and J. Myroszewski as the basis of its foreign policy towards Ukraine. The process of shaping Polish foreign policy since 1989 has been quite complex and controversial, as from the very beginning it was necessary to develop a clear position on the changes taking place in the West and, more importantly, in the East. The crisis, and later the collapse of the USSR, put on the agenda of the Polish political elite the need to approach the formation of a new foreign policy of the Third Commonwealth with special attention. Therefore, the main goal of the new Eastern policy was to respond to the changes taking place abroad.
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Nekrylova, O. G. "Positions of leaders of FRG and France on the way to European unity (1949–1958)." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 657–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-657-663.
Full textAbstract:
Russian cooperation with the EU countries is currently an important factor in preserving peace on the European continent and affects the entire system of international relations. The need to study the historical experience of European integration is confirmed by the fact that in the conditions of the modern world, European states inevitably become active participants in the integration processes, both global and regional. The article is devoted to the analysis of various foreign policy concepts on European integration in the period 1949–1958. The positions of European leaders, as well as the complex and controversial process of rapprochement between Germany and France in the post-war period, has become a kind of historical prologue that helps today to form a more complete picture of the initial stage of the creation of the EU. The rejection of bloc thinking by «federalists» who tried to overcome the already accomplished division of Europe and supporters of this section by contrasting the West and the East, including the USA, defined strategic concepts in understanding of the integration process by many politicians of that time, including the leaders of Germany and France. The contradictions between them never disappeared completely, but manifested themselves in one form or another at the turning points of European integration.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 122–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-7.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. In the forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, played an active role. Hungary, Bulgaria.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not only not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.