Journal articles on the topic 'Europe Foreign public opinion'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Europe Foreign public opinion.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Europe Foreign public opinion.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.
Abstract:
In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.
2
Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
Abstract:
During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
3
Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
Abstract:
The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
4
Ropero Carrasco, Julia, and Beatriz García Sánchez. "A review of International Counter-Terrorism strategy through a criminological assessment of the punitive model implemented in Europe." UNIO – EU Law Journal 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.7.2.3536.
Abstract:
Jihadist terrorism, especially since the Al-Qaeda attacks in 2001 and Daesh’s consolidation as an autonomous group in the following decade, have been a major global political concern. In turn, the cruelty exhibited by the Daesh has had an undeniable impact on public opinion, which demands security above all else and has been exploited by the public authorities to promote military and security strategies, along with a restrictive policy on fundamental rights such as freedom of expression, pushing the criminal barrier to questionable limits. The objective of this article is to offer a critical vision of these policies, based on empirical data, about the phenomenon of foreign terrorist combatants.
5
Jaskiernia, Alicja. "Information Pollution in a Digital and Polarized World as a Challenge to Human Rights Protection – the Council of Europe’s Approach." Review of European and Comparative Law 46, no. 3 (August 21, 2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.12389.
Abstract:
Information pollution in a digitally connected and increasingly polarized world, the spread of disinformation campaigns aimed at shaping public opinion, trends of foreign electoral interference and manipulation, as well as abusive behaviour and the intensification of hate speech on the internet and social media are the phenomenon which concern international public opinion. These all represent a challenge for democracy, and in particular for the electoral processes affecting the right to freedom of expression, including the right to receive information, and the right to free elections. It is a growing international effort to deal with these problems. Among international organizations engaged to seek solutions is the Council of Europe (CoE). The author analyses CoE’s instruments, legally binding (as European Convention on Human Rights), as well of the character of “soft law”, especially resolution of the CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly 2326 (2020) Democracy hacked? How to respond? She exposes the need for better cooperation of international organizations and states’ authorities in this matter.
6
Zaręba, Agnieszka. "Misje stabilizacyjne w badaniach opinii publicznej w Europie Środkowej na przykładzie społeczeństwa polskiego po 1989 roku." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.17.
Abstract:
The purpose of this article is to analyse changes in public opinion polls about the participation of the Polish Army in stabilization missions after 1989. The research material consists of two parts. The first includes CBOS surveys from 1994 to 2016 and the second part includes a research project entitled “Political preferences. Attitudes – identifications – behaviour” carried out in 2018. After municipal elections in 2018, respondents answered questions prepared as part of a questionnaire based on a five-point Likert scale. The respondents answered the question: In your opinion, does Poland’s engagement in foreign stabilization missions ensure Poland’s security? and evaluated the statement: I support Polish involvement in foreign stabilization missions. The overview of CBOS surveys and questions within the project shows the analysis of the fluctuation of views on the participation of the Polish Army in the activities abroad. As a result of the research, it can be pointed out that the Polish public opinion undergoes numerous changes under the influence of the dynamics of the international situation, the feeling of threat and destabilization, as well as historical conditions.
7
Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.
Abstract:
AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.
8
Blitz, Brad. "Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
Abstract:
The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
9
Baranowski, Mariusz. "Welfare over Warfare? Russia’s War on Ukraine through the Prism of Europe’s Energy Security." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 12, no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 226–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13415.
Abstract:
The outbreak of war by the Russian Federation in Ukraine on 24 February 2022 not only took world public opinion and politicians by surprise but, above all, demonstrated in all its glory the strong network of political and economic ties in Europe and far beyond the old continent. The attitudes of individual governments and entire societies, particularly in Europe, towards Russian aggression, differ fundamentally. These differences can most simply be explained in terms of economic and political dependence on Russian gas or proximity to the Russian Federation or its dependent countries like Belarus, which mark sharp dividing axes. In this paper, using a survey commissioned by the European Council on Foreign Relations in ten European countries as an example, I will highlight public attitudes towards the war in Ukraine and their potential impact on the policies of individual governments. The interventionist viewpoint presented in this article suggests that general welfare shapes not only public attitudes towards the war but also impregnates specific governmental positions. In the context of the large European economies, this could significantly yet negatively impact Ukraine's financial and military support in the coming months.
10
Suslov, Victor I., and Vera G. Basareva. "ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PUBLIC POLICY: SCANDINAVIA AND SIBERIA." Interexpo GEO-Siberia 3, no. 1 (July 8, 2020): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33764/2618-981x-2020-3-1-209-218.
Abstract:
The report provides a comparative analysis of the current state of the countries of Scandinavia and Siberia. The purpose of the study: to show that sound state economic policies of the countries of Northern Europe lead to undeniable socio-economic progress. Based on the World Bank ratings, information from Rosstat of Russia, and expert opinions, the components of such a policy and the possibility of borrowing the experience of other countries in reforming economies are analyzed. Based on the specific tasks facing the system of regional planning and forecasting in the context of current trends in the development of Russia and the increasing impact of negative foreign economic and foreign policy factors on it, taking into account the experience of Scandinavia, the focus is on the role of technological development and innovation, state support of entrepreneurship. Institutional conditions for the implementation of nationwide reforms of federal relations and mechanisms to overcome stagnation in the development of Siberia are discussed.
11
Böröcz, József. "Travel-Capitalism: The Structure of Europe and the Advent of the Tourist." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 4 (October 1992): 708–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018065.
Abstract:
In one of the twenty lines it allocates to a description of Hungary, the nearly 300-page edition in 1877 of A Satchel Guide for the Vacation Tourist in Europe summarizes the architectural and aesthetic worth of the country's capital city for sightseeing American visitors by pronouncing that, in Budapest, “the churches and the public buildings are of no particular interest” (Satchel 1877:194). Twenty years later, the 1897 edition of that same guidebook takes a more amiable but scarcely enthusiastic pitch, allowing that “some of the new public buildings are elegant in their way” (Satchel 1897:184). Twenty-seven years later—following a world war, two revolutions, and a foreign military occupation resulting in the dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy—the presence of what has remained of Hungary is noted by an increase to eighty-one lines (Satchel 1924). Except for a one-sentence reference to a Danubian steamboat trip downstream from Pressburg (Bratislava, Pozsony), the entire description remains restricted to Budapest. Nearly two generations after the pronouncement of the disparaging opinion above, the 1924 text notices that Budapest's “picture at sunset is one of the most striking in Europe” (Satchel 1924:272) and that “it is not only the most considerable city of Hungary, but is probably to be numbered among the four most beautiful capitals of Europe” (1924:273).
12
Komshukova, Olga. "Between hammer and anvil: the Russian Constitutional Court’s position on abolition of the death penalty." Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 29, no. 5 (2020): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2020-5-112-133.
Abstract:
The key factor in maintaining a moratorium on the death penalty in Russia is its membership in the Council of Europe, which requires compliance with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the abolition of the death penalty. One of the proponents of maintaining Russia’s adherence to the Convention is the Russian Constitutional Court. However, the return of the death penalty as a capital punishment finds some support in Russia. Therefore, the Constitutional Court has to maintain a balance between two forces: internal pressure from public opinion and a number of conservative government representatives, and fidelity to the fundamental principles of the Russian Constitution and international law, backed up by international obligations undertaken by Russia. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze contradictions among the priorities of the Russian Constitutional Court in its implementation of foreign and domestic legal policy through a political and legal analysis of its argumentation regarding the abolition of the death penalty. In turn, full-fledged analysis of the Court’s argument is possible only by taking into account the domestic and international contexts. The article is structured as follows: firstly, it examines the evolution of the question of the abolition of the death penalty in Russia and the main decisions of the Russian Constitutional Court related to the introduction and maintenance of a moratorium on the death penalty. Secondly, it examines the domestic context of decisions taken by the Court from the perspective of key actors (the professional community, government officials, public opinion). Thirdly, it considers the international context of decision-making (the development of relations between Russia and the Council of Europe, the Russian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights, as well as foreign experience with the issue of abolition of the death penalty). In conclusion, the article analyzes the main arguments of the Russian Constitutional Court to justify the need to abolish the death penalty and discusses the role of the Constitutional Court in resolving the death penalty issue.
13
du Bois, Reinmar. "Europe in the aftermath of the refugee crisis: the effect on forensic psychotherapy." International Journal of Forensic Psychotherapy 3, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/ijfp.v3n2.2021.123.
Abstract:
After World War II Germany has repeatedly suffered waves of immigration. With eighteen to twenty per cent of the entire German population now being of foreign descent, it is puzzling that public opinion widely ignores the impact of migration on Germany’s national destiny and identity. As forensic therapists we routinely apply a set of assumptions and routines, by which we address internal and external culture conflicts of migrants. Each wave has challenged the justice system and the legislature, and forensic therapists are used to working around legal boundaries to safeguard that migrants receive treatment and are not deported. The uniqueness of the present wave of migration lies in the overwhelmingly high numbers of arrivals in a very short time span, many of whom were traumatised unaccompanied male minors with ill-informed expectations. Europe in its entirety has seen the breakdown of existing structures for receiving and accommodating refugees alongside a surge of solidarity, but also with some alarming loss of empathy. Public bias against migration is beginning to impinge on our forensic work, as we deal with migrants, whose difficult life situation has had a bearing on their criminal behaviour, while forensic assessments determine whether they are going to be deported or not. We as forensic therapists are therefore caught in a professional dilemma whichever way we turn.
14
Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elena V. Linkova. "“Carbonarists in the Tsar’s guard!”: Uprising of December 14, 1825 in the European Press: Documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archive of Turin." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 602–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-602-614.
Abstract:
The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.
15
Belousov, Mikhail. "Foreign Observers of the Russian Political Crisis: The Case of the Interregnum of 1825." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018555-8.
Abstract:
The article examines the events of the Russian interregnum, which preceded the Decembrist revolt, as a phenomenon of European politics, as it focuses on analysing the reports and reasoning of foreign diplomats on the development of the dynastic crisis and the struggle between the Grand Dukes Nicholas and Constantine. These communications, on the one hand, determined the discussion of the Russian crisis in the press and could be used to interpret it. On the other hand, the study of this segment of the information field makes it possible to determine fairly accurately the motivation that European public opinion attributed to Constantine's actions and his bizarre behaviour in November–December 1825. This study takes a different approach to interpreting the logic of an event that shook the European continent than previous historiographical works have done. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources, as well as the French press which dominated European political discourse at the time, the author demonstrates that the key issue before Russia and Europe in the crisis in question was the possible emergence of an independent Polish state under the sceptre of one of the Romanovs.
16
Zemskyi, Yurii S., and Valerii V. Diachok. "Narrative sources on the diplomatic game of European countries around the events of the Polish uprising of 1863." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 1 (January 4, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190114.
Abstract:
The purpose of the article – to disclose the meaning of the difference between the official, publicly declared position and the real (national) interests of Western European countries regarding their attitude to January 1863 Polish Uprising. Research methods: are analysis and synthesis, comparative, deduction, generalization. Main results: are despite the official statements by Western European governments to support the Poles' demands during the uprising of 1863 (in satisfaction of the Russian empire of their national rights), no real efforts were made. This state of affairs is clarified, with a meticulous analysis of true intentions of foreign policy of European countries. In the context of the implementation of policy in the nineteenth century, European governments could no longer ignore public opinion. After all, in the nineteenth century there was the epoch of affirmation in Europe of the ideals of the French Revolution and the formation of the institutions of civil society (free press, trade unions, public organizations, political parties, etc.). Involving information from narrative sources on events of 1863 clearly reveals the peculiarities of foreign policy and convinces that, in making final decisions, governments of the countries were guided by their own national interests (and not by the mind of public). Therefore, the Polish uprising became an opportunity to compete for the redistribution of influences among the leading countries of Europe and the interests of the Poles turned out to be only an instrument for achieving completely different goals. Concise conclusions: are the support of Western European governments in the Polish uprising were driven by public demands, but the real goal of each of the countries involved diplomatically to address this problem was to strengthen their own political stance in international affairs on the continent. Practical significance: this article will contribute to a better understanding of complex issues when assessing the position of Western European countries in the international politics of the mid-nineteenth century. Originality: compares information from publicly-published and diplomatically-concealed sources. Scientific novelty: the knowledge about the significant difference between the diplomatic statements and the real intentions of the foreign policy efforts of the Western European countries in the international relations of the middle of the nineteenth century were supplemented. Article type: analytic.
17
Čech, Vladimír, Peter Chrastina, Bohuslava Gregorová, Pavel Hronček, Radoslav Klamár, and Vladislava Košová. "Analysis of Attendance and Speleotourism Potential of Accessible Caves in Karst Landscape of Slovakia." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 24, 2021): 5881. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13115881.
Abstract:
Caves represent natural phenomena that have been used by man since ancient times, first as a refuge and dwelling, and later as objects of research and tourism. In the karst landscape of Slovak Republic in Central Europe, more than 7000 caves are registered in a relatively small area, of which 18 are open to the public. This paper deals with the analysis of the speleotourism potential of 12 of these caves, administered by the Slovak Caves Administration. Based on the obtained data, we first evaluate the number of visitors in 2010–2019. Using a public opinion survey among visitors, we then evaluate the individual indicators of quality and each cave’s resulting potential. We use a modified standardization methodology and standardization of individual evaluation criteria weights for individual evaluation indicators. The resulting values of the potential of caves for speleotourism point to the great importance of these sites for domestic and foreign tourism and the protection of nature and landscape, as 5 of these caves have been part of the UNESCO World Natural and Cultural Heritage List since 1995.
18
Bajnai, László, and Attila Józsa. "The Necessity of Planned Urban Development." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 15, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0006.
Abstract:
Abstract The necessity of planned urban development might seem self-evident, but in reality is far from being so – particularly in former socialist countries turned into EU Member States such as Hungary or Romania. In Hungary, for instance, prior to EU accession, there was no generally accepted public opinion supporting the necessity of a planned urban development controlled by the public sector. However, the substantial resources – that in Hungary, e.g., involve impressive amounts – placed at the disposal of urban development within the framework of European Union development policy are not sufficient by themselves to answer the question as to why planned urban development is truly necessary. Based on the most recent research results on the topic and some relevant earlier Hungarian and foreign studies lesser-known in Central Europe, the present paper seeks to answer this question. It analyses the international literature as well as certain Western European, Hungarian, and Romanian cases in order to define the general objectives of urban planning and uses them as a starting-point to demonstrate the necessity of planned urban development.
19
Denysenko, V. I. "EUROPEAN VECTOR IN UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (2010)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 57 (2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.57.6.
Abstract:
The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first international visit of Victor Yanukovych to Brussels, March 1st, 2010. The author proves the idea of keen interest of Ukrainian top authorities to aspire visa-free travel regime with EU, that was supposed to later score more electoral points during the upcoming elections. Still, the terms of Ukraine-EU Association Agreement seemed for the representatives of the Party of Regions too difficult to implement, and, therefore, in their opinion, had limited perspectives. However, in public domain, both President Victor Yanukovych and his political teammates kept consistently demonstrating their commitment to European integration ideas. The Cabinet of Mykola Azarov, basing on the list of eighteen EU reforms, devised their own plan of integration into European legal, economic and information framework. According to this plan, from October 15th, 2010 the administration was to complete the provisions for signing association and the visa liberalization agreements. Ukraine was represented in EU by experienced diplomat Kostiantyn Ieliseyev. The research points out the existing controversies between Ukrainian and European parties in the question of establishing an extensive and far-reaching free trade area. It draws special attention to the progress made in the area of Ukraine-Europe cooperation in the sphere of power industry, endorsement of the law “Fundamentals for Natural Gas Market Development” and Ukraine becoming a member of Energy Community.
20
Vidnianskyi, Stepan. "Stance of European Intellectuals on russia’s Aggression against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-31.
Abstract:
The article analyses the stance of prominent European intellectuals on the brutal military aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign European country, unleashed by russia, a terrorist-state, which challenged all the democratic values of the Western civilisation and brought humanity to the brink of World War III. In their public appearances, publications and civil engagement, the most prominent representatives of European elites have influenced considerably the European public perception of putin’s war against Ukraine. To wit, Germans Jürgen Habermas and Martin Schulze Wessel, French Françoise Thom and Jonathan Littell, Belgian Bart De Baere, Czech Jan Rychlík, the world-renowned American historian Timothy Snider, and other intellectuals firmly believe that not just putin, but also all russians are responsible for the war, having supported his criminal aggression. Moreover, they believe that Europeans should show utmost support to Ukraine, which is not just fighting against the aggressor for the sake of its existence, freedom, democracy, and pro-European choice, but also against totalitarianism for the sake of the future of Europe. The author stresses that the Euro-Atlantic civilisation needs to unite in combating russia’s aggressive and insidious attempts at imposing on Europe, through its loyal foreign politicians, experts, and institutions, its desired perspective on the russian-Ukrainian war and, in general, Ukrainian history and culture. The author outlines three primary objectives of European intellectuals. The first lies in conveying the truth about the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22, its causes, and geopolitical implications, real and potential, to society. The second focuses on refuting russian deceitful propaganda. The third involves shedding light on the essence, components, and historical roots of ‘ruscism’, the dominant totalitarian ideology of contemporary russia, which poses a threat to the existence of the human civilisation and demands urgent attention and elimination. Keywords: russia, Ukraine, aggression, Europe, intellectuals, public opinion.
21
Bezrukov, Andrey V., Ilya S. Iksanov, Anastasia A. Isaeva, and Alina P. Fedorova. "Protecting migrants' right to family life in the Nordic countries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 476 (2022): 225–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/476/25.
Abstract:
In this study, the authors refer to the migration policy of the Nordic countries and the consolidation in them at the legislative level of the right of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life. The issue under consideration is extremely relevant in this period of time, since there are problems generated by the Scandinavian juvenile justice that are directly related to the systematic violation of the rights of foreign citizens. The novelty of the article lies in the fact that it analyzes judicial practice, as well as decisions of international bodies, in particular the European Court of Human Rights, that reflect the specifics of juvenile justice in the states under consideration. The aim of the study is to carry out a comparative analysis of the legislation of Northern Europe and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in specific cases in the field of protection of the rights of foreign citizens. The study is based on the theoretical material of the works of Russian authors (M.A. Mogunova, E.A. Orlova, N.S. Plevako, O.V. Chernysheva, et al.), the national legislation and international legal acts and decisions. The article analyzes the law enforcement practice of the European Court of Human Rights, which reflects the main principles that make up the objective opinion of this body, taking into account the main provisions of international legal documents, including the norms of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Hague Convention Abolishing the Requirement for Legalization of Foreign Public Documents. The methodological basis of the research was the dialectical, comparative legal and formal legal methods. In particular, the use of the dialectical method contributed to the study of legislation that enshrines the rights of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life in the states of Northern Europe. The use of comparative legal and formal legal methods helped to identify trends in the development of legislation on citizenship and the legal status of foreign citizens in the states of Northern Europe. As a result, the authors note a tendency for the authorities of some Scandinavian states to revise their attitude towards children from foreign and mixed families, which is happening under, among other reasons, the “pressure” of international bodies specializing in the protection of individual rights and freedoms. Special instructions are being introduced that explain to guardianship officials the need to cooperate with the immigration authorities if the officials are considering children's documents, and the need to react to requests from foreign authorities (in particular, embassies). Employees of the Scandinavian guardianship services should facilitate the establishment of contact between the family and the embassy of the state with which they have expressed a desire to contact for one reason or another.
22
Sydun, Iryna. "Peculiarities of the coverage of European issues of the end of the XIX century on the pages of the newspaper «Kievlyanin»." Dialog: media studios, no. 27 (December 30, 2021): 182–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2308-3255.2021.27.251420.
Abstract:
The Kyiv press is the main source of foreign news of Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century. The article examines the materials of the Kyiv newspaper «Kievlyanin» on European problems of the late nineteenth century. News about European countries occupied a significant place in the Kyiv press. The role of the periodical press as the main channel for disseminating information and forming public opinion in the late nineteenth century was key. Research of the Ukrainian press of the XIX century has always occupied a prominent place in Ukrainian science. Today, some issues of Ukrainian history are unexplored or need to be rethought. The newspaper’s publications will help to find new information for understanding the relations between Ukraine and Europe over the centuries. The article examines the influence of the Russian Empire on these processes. «Kievlyanin» is the most widely circulated newspaper of the late nineteenth century in the region and reached a large audience. The influence of the Russian Empire on international affairs was evident in the pages ofthe newspaper. In most publications, relations between the Russian Empire and foreign countries are described as friendly. The main problems that arose in the columns of the then Kyiv publications were revealed. The frequency of coverage of international issues, forms of information presentation, sources of information, the place of such publications in the columns of the newspaper «Kievlyanin» are analyzed. Articles in the genre of notes, short news from Europe, reviews of the European press, less often analytical materials on politics, economics were most often published. It was found that current events in European countries in the late nineteenth century through the prism of the press were not the subject of scientific research of Ukrainian researchers.
23
Sytnik, Anna, Natalia Tsvetkova, and Ivan Tsvetkov. "U.S. Digital Diplomacy and Big Data: Lessons from the Political Crisis in Venezuela, 2018–2019." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.16.
Abstract:
Introduction. The article reveals the current U.S. digital diplomacy applying the case study referred to the political crisis in Venezuela culminated in late 2018 and early 2019, when the speaker of the National Assembly Juan Guaido declared himself the self-proclaimed acting president after the elections. Confrontation between his supporters and those of the incumbent President Nicolas Maduro reached its apogee. The aim of the research is to reveal whether the U.S. has been able to influence the development of the political situation and opinion of Venezuelan citizens through various digital diplomacy instruments and international broadcasting channels. The analytical part of the paper is divided into two sections. The first section discusses methodological issues relative to research in the field of digitalization of U.S. foreign policy and international relations in general. These methodological approaches are tested on the case study, namely the U.S. digital diplomacy in Venezuela in the second section of the paper. Methods. The methodology of the research includes the analysis of big data and social media. The primary sources are the accounts of U.S. officials, government-sponsored media, Venezuelan media, and bloggers. Twitter was surveyed to the extent that active political discussions flared up there during the crisis. At the time, Venezuela had the third highest number of Twitter users in the world. Analysis. Using the machine analytics, about 10 million tweets were retrieved, allowing us to determine the place of the U.S. governmental accounts among the influencers of public opinion in Venezuela. Results. The analysis shows that local digital media, and the activity of bloggers and politicians, including Juan Guaido and Nicolas Maduro, had more impact on the Twitter community and Venezuelans than U.S. channels of digital diplomacy or tweets of American politicians. The more active local bloggers are, the less chances were left for external players including the United States as well as Russia, China, or Europe, to change public opinions of Venezuelans. Authors’ contribution. Anna Sytnik carried out the big data analysis using Python programming language and developed the methodological foundations of the research. Natalia Tsvetkova developed the methodological foundations of the research and made the interpretations of analysis in terms of U.S. digital and data diplomacy. Ivan Tsvetkov developed the contextual frameworks of the case study.
24
LESZCZYŃSKI, Paweł. "Eurosceptycyzm znad Wełtawy. Inspiracja brytyjska czy oryginalny wariant czeskich konserwatystów?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.3.6.
Abstract:
The aim of this paper is to reveal the connections between the British version of Euroskepticism (as one variety of this political and intellectual phenomenon) and its Czech variant, personified by the present President of the Czech Republic – Vaclav Klaus. The paper discusses the fundamental elements of the Euroskeptical outlook that are sometimes presented to public opinion in EU states as ‘Eurorealism.’ The British variety is presented alongside the most important elements of the same concept in France and Denmark. Although Czech Europskepticism refers to numerous significant structural elements of its British predecessor, it has a number of original features. Among others, they result from the geopolitical conditions of Central Europe. The author analyzes the statements of the present Czech president (who once described himself as a Thatcherist) to show his essential influence on the shape of Euroskeptical attitudes on the Vltava. The author also presents the most important foreign policy documents of the former political circles of Vaclav Klaus, i.e. the Civic Democratic Party (ODS), with their Europskeptical overtones. The paper concludes with the author’s observations concerning the similarities and discrepancies between British and Czech attitudes.
25
ANAND, R. P. "The Formation of International Organizations and India: A Historical Study." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2010): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990318.
Abstract:
AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.
26
Голованова, Наталья, and Natalya Golovanova. "Seized Property Regulation Issues." Journal of Russian Law 4, no. 10 (September 19, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21525.
Abstract:
This article provides some insight into foreign states’ regulation of seized property and weaknesses and opportunities for increasing effectiveness of existing regimes. Asset confiscation through proceeds of crime legislation, as well as assets originated from corruption, has taken on a new lease of life over the past few years. The main object of criminal proceeds confiscation laws is to divestiture the financial gain derived from criminal activity and to relinquish it to the state. The author evaluates the legislation and practice in the framework of regulation of seized property in Europe, USA and Australia, and lays stress on social reuse of propriety. In author’s opinion, Italian experience in transferring confiscated assets to local authorities in favour of the society is especially interesting for Russia. It is noted that besides achieving the common goal to seize illicit assets from criminals to the subsequent payment of compensation to victims of crime, to fight against organized crime, terrorism and economic crimes, it is important to create an economically viable asset recovery system, preserving their value in the interests of the state, society and victims, as well as ensuring accountability, transparency and public confidence in the system of asset recovery.
27
Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "War, Imperialism, and colonies: a view of the US press." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201981216.
Abstract:
Questions about the perspectives of the European empires colonial system after the Great War, forms and ways of its transition to postcolonial age, relativity of the colonial powers experience to the US foreign policy, were very popular and quite debating for the American public opinion during and after the end of the World War I. colonial system research cannot be complete without studying the press of the powers that signed the Versailles Treaty. In order to give a detailed analysis of international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view relevant newspaper articles published after the Great War should be analyzed. The results have shown changes in priority in schemes of colonial system transformation as it was viewed in American public discourse during 1919-1922. Woodrow Wilson plan for the colonial powers dismantle was gradually replaced by the less radical plans, which presupposed the use of the colonial experience in the US foreign policy. Materials of the American press for the 1919-1922 reveals that there was a search of the most effective and optimum strategy of the relations with the European empires as well as with its dependent territories. Analysis of American press reveals its steady interest in negative and positive experience of colonial empires in search of the lessons of history. In 1919-1922 most prominent journalists were focused on Europe, which was represented as the cornerstone for the US foreign policy by the White House, the US State Department and the media. And we can clearly see another factor affecting approaches to the colonial issue in American press. It was the Soviet Russia attention and support to the national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The Red Menace had become one of the factors that forced American media to redefine the colonial issue in light of the new world order which had been created after the end of the Great War on the base of the Versailles Treaty.
28
Blagojevic, Mirko. "Current religious changes in Serbia and integration in Europe." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 29 (2006): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0629095b.
Abstract:
In the last decade and a half the process of desecularization has been undoubtedly verified in Serbia. Not only that the changes have been verified in the religious complex in general, but in traditional religious groups in particular as well. The revival of religiousness and people?s attachment to religion and church have been clearly proved in all aspects of religious life: in the areas of religious identification, doctrinaire religious beliefs and ritual religious practices. It should also be noted that in times of extremely turbulent political and social changes in the Balkans, all traditional religious complexes, orthodox, catholic and Muslim, began forming close ties with political and state, public and binding domains, which was absolutely unthinkable of a decade and a half ago. Which leads us to the crucial question: can religion make a contribution to the process of integration coming form the surrounding countries as the imperative of foreign powers on one hand, and as the striving of the majority of population in all the post socialist countries in the Balkans on the other hand, or will it only cause damage and interfere with the process of integration of those societies into the European commonwealth of nations? This article discusses different opinions that view the traditional complexes of religion, language and nation as disruptive factors of modernization of the Balkan countries, as well as completely opposite opinions based on the experiences of traditional Islamic societies in which religion is not a factor that hinders their rapid modernization.
29
Bischof, Günter. "The Making of a Cold Warrior: Karl Gruber and Austrian Foreign Policy, 1945–1953." Austrian History Yearbook 26 (January 1995): 99–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004264.
Abstract:
In the years 1945 to 1953, Karl Gruber exerted an influence over Austrian foreign policy at times resembling the dominant influence of a Kaunitz or a Metternich. But as a diplomatist Gruber did not come close to the finesse and shrewd sense of power that his two great predecessors possessed. Moreover, Gruber had to maneuver in less predictable domestic and international terrain. During his tenure in the Ballhausplatz, foreign policy wassubject to domestic partisan struggle as well as parliamentary control and public opinion. Furthermore, Austria no longer figured as a great power and was locked into the monumental Cold War struggle between East and West on the frontline of the superpower tensions. Gruber operated in an extremely hostile international environment. Instead of the traditional well-balanced nineteenth-century “concert of powers,” which had profited so much from Austrian professional statesmanship, the inexperienced Gruber faced the United States and the Soviet Union, which were in almost total control of international politics. The two superpowers were engaged in a gigantic ideological struggle, each striving for a preponderance of power. A small nation such as Austria was buffeted to and fro between the conflicts in Central Europe and could hardly escape the pull of the global “empires” fashioned at the time. The United States and the Soviet Union confronted each other in spiraling arms races (nuclear and conventional) and rigid alliance systems in an uneasy truce called the Cold War. In this context of a tight bilateral international system, even England and France—the former great powers reduced to the status of middling powers after the ignominious loss of their great colonial empires—had a difficult time holding on to their traditional influence in the international arena. Small powers like Austria were largely impotent, unless they fashioned for themselves some room to maneuver between the superpower blocs.
30
Agiannidou, Christiana, and Ruska Bozhkova. "INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION AMIDST FINANCIAL CRISIS IN GREECE." Economics & Law 3, no. 1 (May 30, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/el.swu.v3i1.1.
Abstract:
The present work is a contribution to the term of Inter-cultural education that presents enormous interest worldwide and more in the countries of Southern Europe. One of these countries that face intensely the migrant problem, is Greece. The number of refugees’ children who finish up a school level in Greece, and in the same time they try to survive is extremely high. For this reason, the aid of supported structures of education for foreign students in Greece, is needed. However, the importance of the intercultural education in Greece with the simultaneous reduction of funds on Greek education, caused a lot of discussions. As an outcome it is aimed to observe the opinions and the attitudes of teachers that are involved in the intercultural educational process in Greece. A parallel research will be carried out also the in public elementary schools of Chios island, that entertain foreign students. Finally, from the results of this research, would try to infer safe conclusions from specific assumptions.
31
Kelley, John Robert. "US Public Diplomacy: A Cold War Success Story?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (2007): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180476.
Abstract:
AbstractThe post-'9/11' revival of interest in US public diplomacy encompasses a wide variety of opinions, all overwhelmingly critical. In view of falling global favourability towards and the foreign policy challenges of the United States during this period, the purveyors of these opinions ultimately agree that US public diplomacy efforts are flawed and ineffective. Of these critical observations, it is interesting to track a thread of logic that yearns for the restoration of public diplomacy's Cold War-era standing, which holds that the spread of liberal democracy behind the Berlin Wall owes a debt to the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, that cultural exchanges with influential members of Soviet society helped to create the groundswell that undermined the communist regime, and that public diplomats made these outcomes possible by being equipped with the necessary tools of statecraft, as well as by wielding an important measure of influence over policy-makers. The fall of the Soviet Union merely underscores their notion that public diplomacy during the Cold War was a success. It would thus seem that the problems of today could be remedied by adopting lessons from the past. This article explores the viability of this claim by reviewing the ongoing debate on how the historical memory and lessons of Cold War-era public diplomacy may be applied to the challenges of the post-'9/11' era. Of particular importance is ascertaining the degree to which the Cold War's campaigns of information, influence and engagement could be viewed as a success. By subdividing public diplomacy's activities in these ways, greater potential exists to attribute these activities to more compelling determinations of success or failure.
32
Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792)." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
Abstract:
POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
33
Golub, Mykola. "Some Directions of Use of International Experience by Law Enforcement Bodies of the Mia System of Ukraine." Law and innovations, no. 4 (40) (December 19, 2022): 100–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2022-4(40)-14.
Abstract:
Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is in a state of war. Active hostilities continue in some regions. Law enforcement agencies subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs occupy one of the decisive positions in countering the aggressive manifestations of the Russian Federation. Law enforcement structures have a double burden, namely: performing tasks related to repelling an armed attack of the Russian Federation, as well as ensuring the inviolability of state borders, maintaining a proper state of public order and security, and detecting manifestations of collaborationism in controlled territories. Under the conditions of the legal regime of martial law on the territory of Ukraine, law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine effectively perform tasks in all areas of official activity. We are talking about the maximum use of all opportunities and developments, including the use of the experience of law enforcement agencies of partner countries. In view of this, there is an urgent need to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Questions regarding the use of the experience of the police of Europe, the United States, and Japan in the field of security and public order protection at the national, regional, and local levels were investigated by domestic and foreign scientists, namely: O.M. Bandurka, O.I. Bezpalova, O.V. Jafarova, A.M. Dovgopolov, V.O. Zarosylo, N.V. Kaminska, V.L. Kostyuk, S.P. Melnyk, O.S. Pronevich, Yu.I. Rymarenko, V.O. Sichkar, E. Thompson, V.L. Filstein, O.S. Yunin, O.N. Yarmysh In these publications of scientists, the need to take into account the experience of the law enforcement system of foreign countries when introducing new forms and methods of work of law enforcement bodies of the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine is substantiated. Target of the research is to investigate and analyze the actions of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, which are aimed at using international experience in the process of increasing the efficiency of the work of these state institutions. Study the experience of law enforcement agencies of EU countries and other foreign countries regarding measures aimed at ensuring the proper state of public safety and public order protection. Article’s main body. The article analyzes proposals for improving the effectiveness of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, using the international experience of law enforcement structures in Europe and the United States. Including the interaction of the police with local bodies of executive power, local self-government, public organizations and the population. Conclusions and prospects for the development. We can note that the effective functioning of the law enforcement system of independent Ukraine requires the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. as an example of such experience, in particular in the field of protection of human rights and freedoms, combating crime, protection of public order and security, in conditions of martial law, in our opinion, it is necessary, in particular, to develop proposals at the legislative level that provide for stricter responsibility of the participants and, in the first place in turn, the organizers of mass events for violating the order of their holding provided by law, including criminal liability (examples of EU countries).
34
Longhini, Anna. "Institutionalization of Foreign Policy Think Tanks in Italy and in the UK: An Explanatory Framework." Central European Journal of Public Policy 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cejpp-2016-0014.
Abstract:
Abstract This article explores the phenomenon of foreign policy think tanks in Europe in a comparative perspective and offers a framework of analysis for this topic. Assuming that think tanks were largely imported from the US after World Wars I and II, the article argues that European think tanks have been influenced by the different national political contexts in which they have undergone a process of institutionalization. First, the article hypothesizes that such contexts have contributed to determining different incentives for cooperation between think tanks and national policymakers. Such cooperation is based on the willingness of policymakers to turn to think tanks for expertise, advice or validation of policy decisions. Secondly, different political contexts are expected to influence the strategies of action that think tanks have developed towards policymakers and their audience. In this respect, the article identifies three strategies: the generalist, the advocate and the lobbyist. Empirically, the article is based on a survey of eleven organizations conducted in two countries, Italy and the United Kingdom, in 2013-14. Given that very few data are available on this type of organization, their activities, funding, policy audience and goals are investigated. These indicators are used to investigate the main commonalities and differences between the two cases and to compare them with the hypotheses. The results first show that there is comparatively more funding available for think tanks in the UK system than in the Italian one. Secondly, there is apparently more willingness from policymakers to turn to think tanks for expertise in the former case, considering that the UK think tanks hold a higher number of closed-door events and parliamentary hearings. On the contrary, where policymakers tend, instead, to more scarcely rely on external expertise - as it seems more evident in the Italian case - the core audience of think tanks tends to shift to other, more accessible targets (the public opinion, the academia or even businesses). The case study makes it more evident how advocacy becomes a far less important activity for an Italian think tank than a UK one.
35
Peretyatko, Artem Yu. "Statistical studies of the Russian Ministry of War in the late 1860s — 1870s about the Military Frontier." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.1-2.1.06.
Abstract:
From 1867, the Russian Ministry of War began to regularly publish statistical studies about the most important European countries. It was assumed that these works would contain materials specifically selected for the Russian reader and will help Russian public to form their opinion about the situation in Europe. The first two studies on Austria-Hungary were published in 1867 (an anonymous section in the “Military Statistical Collection for 1868”) and in 1874 (the first part of the monograph “Austria-Hungary” by the officer of the General Staff A. F. Rittih). The article shows that these works have been unfairly forgotten. Although they are a compilation of foreign studies, they contain an amount of statistical data on the Military Frontier unique for the Russian historiography. Moreover, these studies reflected the position of the Ministry of War on the development prospects of the settled troops. The author shows that the description of Military Frontier at “Military Statistical Collection for 1868” conceptually recalls the report of the Russian military agent in Vienna, F. F. Tornau, later used by the officer of the Irregular Forces Department N. I. Krasnov to prepare a study on the prospects of the Russian Cossacks. In “Austria-Hungary” there is no separate description of the Military Frontier, which can be linked to the loss of interest in the Austrian experience in the Ministry of War.
36
Khrapunov, Nikita I. "The Crimea Question in “Western” Projects, Political Treatises, and Correspondence from the mid-sixteenth century to 1783." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 857–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-4.857-877.
Abstract:
Research objective: This paper aims at the revealing and analysing various documents, created in different countries of Europe prior to 1783, which suggested the change of the Crimea’s status and its accession to Russia, and the determination of interactions of these sources and general trends and principles behind discussions of the “Crimea question” in Russian and foreign public opinion. Research materials: This research addresses a large body of sources, created in Russia and the West from the sixteenth to eighteenth century, discussing the future of the Crimea – political treatises, memoranda, historical works, and correspondence. Research novelty and results: For the first time in the scholarship, the whole array of available sources on the planned accession of the Crimea to Russia has been analysed. It has been discovered that there were periods when the “Crimea question” was disputed in the West far more widely than in Russia. This “discussion” continued with the participation of very different authors, including the leading minds of the public discourse such as Voltaire or Francesco Algarotti. The attempts of the western intellectuals to influence the Russian government’s decisions have been demonstrated. Therefore, the accession of the Crimea is a product of not only “Russian imperialism”, as it is often suggested, but to a certain extent also of the Western Europe’s public mindset. Obviously, such a development was considered quite admissible in the West, and many authors viewed it positively both for international relations and for the internal perspectives of the region. The given article has exposed the dynamics in these arguments, with initial counter-Muslim rhetoric underlining the existential opposition of Christianity and Islam and the need for “returning” lands which had formerly belonged to Europe. When the Enlightenment era started, the further reason of Europe’s civilizing mission appeared. This mission was thought to be impeded in the Black Sea by the “backward” Islamic society. In Russia, the discussion of the future of the Crimea became topical in the second and third quarter of the eighteenth century, probably when the elite realized that the conquest of the peninsula had now become a reality.
37
Dudek, Carolyn Marie. "The European Union in International Politics: Baptism by Fire. By Roy H. Ginsberg. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. 256p. $79.00 cloth, $27.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 881–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402250479.
Abstract:
Since the Cold War, the United States as well as other countries have struggled with the “new world order.” Further integration of the European Union, mostly in economic and political ways, has given it recognition as an actor within the international arena. During the crisis that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the international community witnessed the EU's failure to bring a speedy end to the genocide and violence in the region. The EU's inability and lack of efficacy in the situation tarnished its image and prompted it to begin working toward the creation of a European Common Foreign and Defense Identity. More recent events of September 11, as well as increased violence between Israel and the Palestinians, once again beg the question: What is the role of an integrated Europe? As the United States takes on its war against terrorism, it looks to its closest allies in Europe to be supportive and to help in the endeavor. Actions or opinions from individual member states, however, seem to gain more public attention in the United States than those from the EU as a single entity acting in the global arena.
38
Kravets, Danylo. "Functioning of Ukrainian Bureau in Washington D. C. (March 1939 – May 1940)." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 11(27) (2019): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2019-11(27)-8.
Abstract:
The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.
39
Bojičić, Veroljub. "SLOWED SERBIAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY UNTIL WORLD WAR II." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1879–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061879b.
Abstract:
Permanently economic backwardness of Serbia (as, after all, and most of the Balkan countries) compared to the Western and Central Europe always makes actual causes of this trend. Of course, there is no simple and straightforward answer. The prevailing opinion is that the countries of South Eastern Europe, because of the specificity of its historical development, primarily in the age of the first industrial revolution lost pace compared to the rest of the continent and found themselves at a disadvantage, which can not fail to compensate. Such thinking usually implies the necessity to southeast Europe, or Balkans, pass the path of development identical western European way. However, whether it the only model that leads to creation of economically prosperous and socially stable society or priority should be given to understanding the local specificity and optimally use them in order to build a welfare state? Serbia can now be classified as countries that have not successfully passed the transition period from a socialist to neoliberal capitalist system. The reasons for this here we can not discuss in detail, but we will mention the most difficult challenges facing the country has faced since the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia until today. These are, first, the Yugoslav wars, including them in the armed conflict with the NATO alliance in 1999, economic sanctions and international isolation in the last decade of the last century, the unsuccessful privatization of public enterprises in the years of the autocratic regime of Slobodan Milosevic after him and, as a consequence, worsening the situation of workers who will be a key generator of losing confidence in democratic government and return to the main political scene those who in the 1990s were the protagonists of the Yugoslav wars, and who were the main culprits for the degradation of the international reputation of the Serbian nation is unprecedented in the history of Serbia. Today Serbia is far closer to autocracy rather than democracy, exposed internal political violence, with non-free state institutions, unclear status of Kosovo and Metohija and undefined national borders. Omnipotent Government is trying to attract foreign investors by promoting its own citizens as cheap labor for which workers' rights are not applicable in the present developed societies. Essentially an important answer to the question why Serbia today so gloomy and hopeless.We will try to clarify the situation somewhat emphasis on the social history of modern Serbia.
40
Parubchak, Ivan, and Nadiia Radukh. "STATE REGULATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY IN THE TRANSFORMATION TYPE COUNTRIES IN EASTERN EUROPE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 5 (February 8, 2020): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-5-121-127.
Abstract:
The purpose of this research is to investigate the processes of formation of corporate social responsibility in countries of transformation type in Eastern Europe and to study the perspectives of development of socially responsible investing based on studying the world experience in the field of corporate responsibility and the practices of its realization by economic entities in the world. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is the dialectical method of cognition of the processes of formation of corporate social responsibility in transformation societies, using the experience of the foreign community in similar processes and the possibility of applying individual practices in domestic business. The following scientific methods were used in the research: abstract-logical, in particular, its methods of generalization, analogy, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction for the formulation of theoretical generalizations of research results, formulation of conclusions and suggestions. Main objects of the study are: theoretical bases of formation and realization of mechanisms of state regulation of corporate social responsibility and socially responsible investing in the world and opportunities to apply their experience in the countries of Eastern Europe; determining the current level of corporate social responsibility at enterprises and organizations and assessing the prospects for their development and influence on socio-economic processes. Practical implications. The stakeholder theory is considered, which reveals the essence of corporate social responsibility in the process of satisfying interests and requirements of various counterparties that may affect the ultimate financial results of the enterprise. It is determined that the main causes of state regulation of corporate social responsibility are a moral obligation, sustainability, and reputation. Corporate social responsibility is an effective tool for enterprise development, as well as for the development of the process of state regulation and constructive dialogue with different social categories that enhances the investment attractiveness of the enterprise and strengthens its reputation, promotes effective labour relations and enhances productivity, supports the marketing policy and trust of the target audience by forming a positive opinion about products, works or services of the enterprise. Modern strategies on the basis of which companies perform the formation of their investment portfolios are considered (sustainable investment strategy, norms-based screening and exclusion of holding from investment universe, integration of ESG factors in financial analysis, impact investments, engagement and voting on sustainability matters). The issue of the undeveloped practice of submitting social reports and difficult public access to them by stakeholders is considered. A model for analysing the prospects of corporate social responsibility development at enterprises is proposed; corporate social responsibility strategy provides for the fulfilment of economic, social, and environmental goals for the successful implementation of corporate social responsibility and socially responsible investment initiatives.
41
Zielonka, Jan. "Public Opinion and the Making of Foreign Policy in the “New Europe”: A Comparative Study of Poland and Ukraine. By Nathaniel Copsey. Post-Soviet Politics. Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2009. ix, 168 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Figures. $99.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 70, no. 2 (2011): 454–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.2.0454.
42
Mutar Mahdi AL- SULTANI, Hanaa. "GEOGRAPHY AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO DECISION- MAKING IN FOREIGN POLICY(RUSSIA AND UKRAINE MODEL) ((RESEARCH ON THE RELATIONSHIP OF GEOGRAPHY WITH OTHER SCIENCES))." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 6 (November 1, 2022): 432–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.20.26.
Abstract:
Geography is the science that studies all natural and human phenomena in one place Geography studies the natural factors that affected the land inhabited by man, Describes human populations in terms of their relationship to the environment Political geography is the study of political units and their problems from the point of view of geography, The survey studies the relief and climate areas that affect the conditions of states and the phenomena in them. As for the political decision, it is very measure that the state takes to prevent any interference in the affairs of its society, and the political decision is formulated in a thoughtful way to solve a specific problem or crisis that passes in the country The process of making and implementing decisions goes through multiple stages، starting with the preparatory stage, identifying the variables related to the problem to be studied, then choosing the goal and drawing the strategy (identifying alternatives)،then comes the decision-making stage،i.e. translating the decision into practical reality through actions، activities and work programs, Responsibility for the decision-making process is borne by a group of official and nonofficial bodies، the official bodies the constitution, then the legislative and executive authorities As for the unofficial bodies ، they include political parties, pressure groups، and public opinion،for political decisions to be correct, they must serve the public interest, be built on scientific foundation، and take in to account the objective circumstances..objective circumstances. Ukraine experienced a state of internal crises after the dissolution of the Soviet Union، as crises became represented by the dissolution of parliament and re-elections،which are frequent and accelerating events ،As the international Monetary Fund provided aid to reform the economic conditions of Ukraine after the transitional period it passed through،Ukraine became the coveted country and an open field for occupation by powerful countries. This is due to the weakness of Ukrainian politics. Ukraine distinguished location, which made it control the center of land and sea transportation between Asia and Europe،Russia decided that it was difficult to leave Ukraine to the west so Russia intervened militarily under the transfer from the Russian parliament on 28\2\2014 to protect Russian minorities and maintain influence in the city of Sevastopol, which is the last base in Crimea, The motive of the attack was to protect the region from the interference of other countries، to realize the dream of Russian to get on ports in the warm waters of the Indian Ocean, and to save world trade routes where Russia's ships have been frozen for months in the Arctic annually. Russia made the decision to attack Ukraine، and the first thing it started was the bombing of the Donbas region، which is located in eastern Ukraine، which is characterized by its mineral wealth and the presence of coal mines ، and thus Russia worked to create a state of paralysis in the airports located in eastern and northern Ukraine. Keywords: Geography, Foreign Policy, Russia and Ukraine
43
Dobrokhotov, Leonid Nikolaevich. "The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality." Социодинамика, no. 11 (November 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.11.38672.
Abstract:
In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international relations turned out to be completely different. At the turn of the century, as a result of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, the approach of troops and weapons of this bloc to our borders, open support in the West for separatist movements and wars on the territory of the Russian Federation, the process of disillusionment with previous illusions began. It sharply intensified after Vladimir Putin's Munich speech in 2007, Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and especially the conflict in Ukraine and the reunification of Crimea, which actually led to the beginning of a new cold war. Gradually, the ruling elites of Russia and the West began to realize that the decisive reason for the former "cold war" of 1946-1989 was not so much the notorious "communism" in the USSR and in Eastern European countries, but above all the fundamental civilizational and geopolitical differences between the West and Russia, dating back centuries, stable Russophobic sentiments of public opinion in the West. As the experience of history and modernity shows, Russia's successful domestic and international position is possible only if it preserves and strengthens the status of a great Eurasian power based on a sovereign domestic and foreign policy, a successful socio-economic course approved by the people and a wise state ideology.
44
Kosevich, E. "EU – Latin America: Institutions for Cooperation and Latin Americans' Trust in Them." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 2 (2023): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-2-114-129.
Abstract:
Relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean have been rather unstable. Despite several significant successes achieved in the framework of the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean Summits (EU–LAC), in fact, in the late 1990s they entered a period of stagnation. The vision of the key tasks of multilateral cooperation between the European Union and LAC was different. For the EU interaction with Latin America was important, both from the point of view of greater consolidation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and from the point of view of its greater involvement in the world agenda already in the positions of a prominent actor, broadcasting its authority outside the traditional sphere of influence. For LAC, relations with Europe were considered as a mechanism capable of activating, first, intra-regional processes. This article discusses the development of cooperation between the European Union and Latin America, which is traditionally special for both regions, at the present stage. Despite the different vision of the main goals and objectives of interregional relations, the partnership between the EU and LAC are built around three main institutions of cooperation: political dialogue, assistance and trade. These three thematic vectors were identified at the I EU-LAC Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in 1999, as the basis for bilateral cooperation. The author examines in detail all three institutions of multilateral interaction, including their achievements and obstacles. The mechanisms of cooperation launched under the pressure of new global challenges are identified. A separate section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the results of public opinion polls, which sheds light on the attitude of Latin America towards the European Union and its regional policy. The author approaches the analysis of the EU-LAC cooperation model comprehensively and bilaterally: from the standpoint of common tasks in the international arena of both the EU and Latin American countries, considered in close connection with the ongoing global and regional latest processes.
45
Višňovský, Radovan. "Visegrad Group and Relations with Russia." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 347–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-347-355.
Abstract:
This article refers to the Central European countries by meaning the Visegrad Group countries (V4) - Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. The development of the Visegrad Group aimed on integration to the Euro-Atlantic structures fulfilled its promise, nevertheless, the membership in Western structures does not necessarily mean the loss of Russian influence in the region of Central Europe. On the contrary, the region’s connection to Russia developed in the past remained to some extent even after the process of political transition in particular countries. Such connections are responsible for foreign policy discourse with a plethora of questions and misunderstandings on issues related to the political attitudes of Visegrad members towards Russia and some contradictory stances of the V4 countries among themselves as well with respect to Brussels. The EU’s politics of sanctions towards Russia is having a direct, counterproductive effect in Visegrad, what is resulting in undermined relations and weakened coherence inside the EU with the emergence of anti-Western and pro-Russian political parties that creates the space for Russian foreign policy to achieve more influence in the region. This article is analyzing the background of such discourse and some of the reasons behind the pro-Russian sentiment or discrepancies and non-coherence of the EU members’ opinions on Russia. At the same time, the awareness of the outcomes of this article can be relevant in analyzing the possibilities to avoid the deepening of the conflictual foreign policy between the EU and Russia, or the Visegrad and Russia, respectively. The research is built on both, primary and secondary sources, related mainly to the evolution of relations in specific areas between both sides. The mentioned historical perspective creates the basis of the analysis and is further put into contemporary discourse to find the answers on the question: what are the reasons for non-coherence of the EU and Visegrad towards the policy against Russia? To achieve the above-mentioned results, the analysis is provided in chronological perspective using the mixed methods by exploring the official documents, scholarly articles published on the topic, and public polls as well.
46
Claval, Paul. "Europe, public opinion, and Brexit." Scottish Geographical Journal 135, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2019): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702541.2019.1667644.
47
Jarząbek, Wanda. "Wpływ wydarzeń 1968 roku na Ostpolitik i jej recepcję w Polsce." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.04.
Abstract:
The impact of the 1968 events on the FRG’s Ostpolitik and its reception in Poland may be considered in the short and the long term. What the article takes into consideration are the short-term effects of this political approach, observed in the years 1968–1969.Writing about the events of 1968, the author dwells on March 1968 in Poland, or more precisely, on those of its aspects which were related to the formation and implementation of the state’s policy, namely, the turbulence in ruling circles, the replacing of the people who occupied the high-ranking posts and the staffing changes in Poland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the creators of Germany’s Eastern politics, what was fundamental was the intervention of the Warsaw Treaty armies in Czechoslovakia. The rebellion among the youth was of lesser importance to the current politics at the time. Its consequences were felt mostly in the succeeding years and were related, i.a., to public opinion in the FRG and its attitude toward the forms and extent of normalising relations with the countries of East Europe, including Poland.After 1968, in the case of the FRG, the mode of implementation of its Eastern politics was modified. It was concluded that it is the Soviet Union which must be the main partner in any talks (though it was the most important interlocutor anyway, albeit attempts were also made to hold autonomous talks with the satellite countries) and that attention must be paid to avoiding the impression that for Bonn, Ostpolitik is just an instrument to help loosen intra-block dependencies.For Poland, the events of 1968 implied a reduced field of manoeuvre, not so much because not only in Bonn, but also in other Western capitals, it was formally acknowledged that the priority lies with Moscow, but also because of diplomatic practice. Warsaw did not, however, intend to give up the right to pursue its interests, tangible evidence of which was provided by the diplomatic activity of 1969, manifest both by a turn in its policy toward Germany, and by undertaking efforts to sell its own vision of the European Conference.
48
Kozár, László, and György Iván Neszmélyi. "Hungarian endeavours for the enhancement of economic relations in Southeast Asia focusing on a new partnership with Vietnam." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 3-4 (May 12, 2020): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/3-4/1.
Abstract:
Beyond a brief review of the economic integration process among the states of the ASEAN region, the authors of the present study aimed to examine and analyze the main economic, social and political characteristics of the Hungaro-ASEAN relations. The importance of the topic of this research is underlined by the fact that the Hungarian government considers big importance to the improvement of the foreign economic relations with Asian economies. This intention was expressed by a new foreign economic strategy „Eastern opening” announced by the government in 2012, even though the foreign trade statistical figures did not justify its success by now.The authors believe that increasing opening towards Asia serves Hungarian economic interests. Therefore, it is a right and desirable direction to proceed, they consider that in the background of the modest results there might be the insufficient knowledge of the market mechanisms, the actors of the local supply chains and the potential partners. They believe that in order to make the Hungarian foreign economic endeavours in this direction more successful a more thorough examination of the local characteristics – including the actual demand arising at the targeted markets - is necessary. This opinion is prevalent to not only the Asian „Giants”, like China, India and Japan, but also to smaller states, like the ASEAN members, which – together - in terms of population and economic performance – reach the dimensions of an economic great power as well.Furthermore, the integration of the ten Southeast Asian countries develops rapidly, which is coupled by their increasing weight in the world trade. The dynamic economic and social development in the ASEAN region – and in parallel with this the growing demands and purchasing power - may encourage the Hungarian ventures in theory. However, there are still very few Hungarian entrepreneurs, who are ready to enter the market in the region and able in long run to operate there successfully. It is a well-known fact that the since the regime has changed in Hungary, foreign trade became strongly concentrated towards the EU members.The ASEAN countries – because of the geographic distance and by other reasons - definitely cannot mean an alternative of the EU market, however in a certain extent they can relieve this one-sided concentration and may provide additional opportunities for the Hungarian export of goods, and rather to the export of Hungarian services and know-how. The ratio of the ASEAN region within the entire Hungarian foreign trade turnover is small nowadays, furthermore – according to the statistical figures – this region is rather an import resource for Hungary than being an export market. This fact – just itself – is should not be considered as problem. When the amount of the import exceeds the amount of exports, that means that it is more worthwhile to do business with suppliers from there countries than with others. By and large all this is prevalent to the field of the agricultural trade as well: Hungary imports a range of commodities which cannot be produced by domestic farmers or in Europe (spices, tropical fruits, etc.). It is obvious that the ASEAN region cannot be the major market for the Hungarian agricultural export, not even in long run. However, there are still a lot of opportunities to enlarge the turnover of goods and services and enhance the co-operation in this geographic region. In the last chapter, the authors outlined an example in case of Vietnam – co-operation of joint public warehousing of agricultural commodities – which may be a good example for the promising potential opportunities. In contrast with the majority of the ASEAN countries, the Hungaro-Vietnamese political and economic relations had started much earlier than the regime was changed in Hungary. However, the potential advantages arose from this fact – the network of connections and the sympathy of Vietnamese professionals graduated in Hungary, the reputation and popularity of Hungarian agricultural products and technologies, the achievements of R&D in the field of agriculture – could not be utilized from Hungarian side. Vietnam, however still preserved its socialist political establishment, but in terms of its economic development strategy and economic policy has gradually been standing on the basis of market orientation. Vietnam, with its population of ninety million shows a rapid and successful development and it means good opportunities even for Hungarian entrepreneurs. It would be a mistake to leave these potentials unused.
JEL Classification: F14, Q17, R11, N75
49
Esmer, Yilmaz. "The Turkish public opinion and Europe." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 10, no. 1 (September 1996): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579608400127.
50
Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.