Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Europe Foreign public opinion'
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1
Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
Abstract:
This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
2
Leslie, Stuart T. "The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.
Abstract:
Thesis advisor: James CroninThis paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
3
Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
4
Kalshoven, Petra Tjitske. "Plays on "the Indian" : representation of knowledge and authenticity in Indianist mimetic practice." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102244.
Abstract:
Indian hobbyism, or Indianism, is an expression of a typically European fascination with Native American peoples which involves crafting "museum-quality replicas" of clothing and artifacts as well as reenactment of slices of Native American nineteenth-century life by non-Native practitioners in an effort to produce knowledge and meaningful experience through experimentation. Drawing on fieldwork data collected in 2003 and 2004 among play communities of Indian hobbyists in Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and the Czech Republic, I formulate an understanding of the social, performative, and mimetic dynamics of this phenomenon by conceiving of Indianist practices as forms of play that constantly shift between different play frames. In terms of knowledge production, I argue that the Indian hobby provides a space in which different (epistemological) traditions meet, as Indian hobbyists draw on, and enact, a hybrid reservoir of indigenous and European knowledge systems and art forms. Especially interesting is the relationship between Indianism and the dynamics of museal display in the West, both historically and contemporaneously. In general, I found that two different approaches to the right way of representing may be distinguished in Indianist methodological practice: a "Renaissance" and a "Translational" mode.Because of its striking mimetic aspects, Indianism raises questions of identity play and cultural appropriation. An important element of the hobbyist quest for knowledge and experience consists in investing the self in an "other" in ways that elicit criticism from outsiders, including anthropologists. Indian hobbyism is a controversial example of "playing at" cultures that (by all conventional standards) belong elsewhere and to someone else, providing interesting insights for debates on identity politics and the construction of "race"---also among Indianists themselves. Rather than longing to embody someone else's identity, however, Indianists, almost in spite of themselves, enact a social world that is filled with action and life in their European present. Indianist practice and desire for authenticity revolve around craftsmanship and reenactment, resulting in skillful replicas, in the here and now.
5
Zottarelli, Lisa K. "Coming in From the Cold: Integration into the European Union and Public Opinion on Democracy and the Market Economy in Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3099/.
Abstract:
The political economy transformations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have received a great deal of attention over the past decade. The focus of much research has been to examine the internal national reorientations of the countries with regard to the changes in political and economic conditions. The importance of the international reorientation of these countries toward Western Europe in general and the European Union in particular has been generally overlooked. This dissertation examines public opinion on the political and economic transformations within the framework of the direction of the international reorientations of the countries. The countries were divided into three categories, those that can be expected to be invited to join the European Union in the next enlargement, those that can be expected to join the European Union in a subsequent enlargement, and the countries not seeking European Union membership. Public opinion on democracy and the market economy and attitudinal factors that influence these opinions are compared in 16 countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The data are from the Central and East European Barometers 3-7 (1992 - 1996). The findings suggest that general opinions regarding satisfaction with democracy are not related to the status of the country seeking membership in the European Union while support from the market economy does differ. When examining attitudinal factors that are related to satisfaction with democracy and support for the market economy, differences emerged between the three categories of countries. These findings suggest that public opinion is in part shaped by the international orientations of the country and that changes in public opinion are important in understanding the political and economic transformation processes.
6
Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.
Abstract:
Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
7
Antonucci, Ryan J. "Changing Perceptions of il DuceTracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1379111698.
8
Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
Abstract:
Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
9
Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.
Abstract:
This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
10
Yarnell, Caroline Janet. "Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.
Abstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.
11
Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.
Abstract:
After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.
12
Yehia, Hanan. "I don't want to pay for that! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic: public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 /." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.
13
Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.
Abstract:
The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames.
The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion.
Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.
14
Brooks, Eric Midthun. "The Enlightenment European perception of China sinophilia, sinophobia, and modernity /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3597.
15
Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.
16
LeMaitre, Alfred. "British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.
17
Callister, Graeme. "Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815." Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.
Abstract:
This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.
18
Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. "British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.
Abstract:
The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.
19
Håkansson, Daniel. "Barbarerna från väst : Japanernas syn på västvärlden under 1800-talet i texter tagna ur Sources of Japanese tradition och The Iwakura embassy /." Växjö : Växjö University. School of Humanities, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:206072/FULLTEXT01.
20
Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.
Abstract:
At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
21
Frost, Meera Alice Christine. "Changing representations of pagan Indians in Italian culture c.1300 to c.1600." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610820.
22
Hayat, Muhammad Azmat. "Essays on central bank independence and public support." Thesis, Lille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL12010/document.
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Cette thèse traite de certaines questions importantes d'économie politique, plus particulièrement liées à l'indépendance des banques centrales. Le premier chapitre de la thèse montre que la probabilité de remplacement d'un gouverneur de banque centrale est positivement liée à la part du mandat déjà effectuée, aux crises bancaires et monétaires, aux élections, aux réformes des statuts des banques centrales, ainsi qu'à l'inflation. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous montrons que le grand public connaît très bien la question de l'indépendance de la banque centrale. Cette question est analysée pour des échantillons représentatifs de 15 pays Européens, interrogés sur la proposition de créer une Banque Centrale Européenne (BCE) indépendante. Nous montrons que le comportement de l'inflation n'est pas suffisant pour expliquer la préférence des agents pour une banque centrale indépendante: les caractéristiques personnelles et les circonstances ont un impact plus fort, avec le sexe, l'emploi, le niveau d'éducation, de revenu, et le degré d'information et le souci civique montrant une significativité particulière. Le troisième chapitre de l'étude traite de la question du soutien de la banque centrale par le public. Nous employons un riche ensemble de déterminants potentiels, en combinant les données macro-économiques et socio-démographiques pour expliquer la confiance dans la BCE. Nous constatons que les personnes ayant un niveau de revenu élevé, d'éducation élevé et une orientation politique centriste ou de droite ont tendance à plus soutenir la BCE. La pertinence politique de ces résultats est importante pour la stratégie de communication de la BCE avec le public de l'UEThis thesis addresses some important issues in the political economy particularly related to central bank independence. The first chapter of the thesis explores the determinants of removal of central bankers and shows that the probability of replacing a central bank governor is positively related to the time already spent in office, to banking and currency crises, the occurrence of elections, central bank independence reforms, and inflation. In the second chapter, we demonstrate that general public adheres the issue and importance of independence of central bank very well. Using data from Eurobarometer surveys for 1998 to 2000 for 15 EU countries, which included a specific question on this issue, we show that inflation performance is not sufficient to explain people's preferences for an independent central bank: personal characteristics and circumstances have a stronger impact, with gender, employment status, education level, income, and degree of information and civic concern showing particular relevance. The third chapter of the study deals with the issue of support of the central bank in public. We employ a rich set of potential determinants, combining macroeconomic and socio-demographic data, to explain trust in the ECB. We find that people with higher level of income and education and centre to right-wing political orientation tend to support the ECB, as well as people with optimistic expectations on the economic situation. The policy relevance of this dissertation is important for the central banks' communication policy along general policies and also for the ECB's communication strategy with the EU public
23
Hucker, D. J. "The role of public opinion in the formulation of British and French foreign policy, 1938-1939." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516164.
24
Copsey, Nathaniel. "Informed public opinion in south-eastern Poland and Western Ukraine and the making of foreign policy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439029.
25
Goodman, Joshua L. "A cry for justice public opinion, U.S. foreign policy, and the Treaty of Locarno, 1925-1926 /." Tallahassee, Fla. : Florida State University, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fsu/lib/digcoll/undergraduate/honors-theses/341808.
26
Lu, Mei-hui. "Changes in the concept of reading in English and in the use of reading strategies among ESL learners identified before and after ESL reading instruction /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7906.
27
Martini, Nicholas Fred. "The role of ideology in foreign policy attitude formation." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3347.
Abstract:
I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).
28
James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
Abstract:
This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
29
Marcellini, Margherita. "Representation Of Turkey In The Italian Media: Between Islam And Europe." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613433/index.pdf.
Abstract:
This thesis aims to examine the representation of Turkey by the Italian newspapers in order to determine: a) if it is a stereotyped and ill-informed representation of Turkey, in parallel to the low level knowledge of the Italian public on Turkeyb) if there is a convergence among political agenda on Turkey and the media on Turkey
c) whether Islam is being inserted to the construction of Turkish perception by the Italian media. According to the Transatlantic Trends Surveys of the past years, it appears that the Italians have a confused image and limited knowledge of Turkey and its membership to the EU. On the political level, the government official position is supportive of Turkish membership into the EU. At the political party level, the opinions on this matter are diverse, principally depending on the political positions of the parties. This thesis argues that Turkey being Muslim-majority country, the perception of Islam plays an important role in shaping Turkish image in the Italians
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Lawrence, Joyce (Joyce Marie). "Enlightened self-interest : how the national economy, ideology, and anti-Americanism influence public opinion on foreign investment." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/88381.
Abstract:
Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, February 2014."February 2014." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 64-66).
Despite the benefits of economic globalization, popular opposition to foreign investment continues to influence policy debates. What explains opposition to foreign investment? Standard political economy theories suggest that support for international trade, immigration, and investment all depend on the impact these policies have on potential earnings in the labor market. According to standard models, those who stand to benefit economically from international exchange are expected to be more supportive than those who will face increased competition and declining wages. An analysis of four cross-national surveys from 57 countries provides empirical evidence that public opinion on foreign investment is not determined by economic self-interest, but rather by evaluations of the national economy, political ideology, and attitudes about the United States. These findings have implications for understanding the debate over globalization policy and domestic support for further liberalization around the world..
by Joyce Lawrence.
S.M.
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Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.
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Peldán, Carlsson Gustav. "Economics, political values and historic legacy : Determinants of public support for EU membership and European integration in post-communist Europe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300364.
Abstract:
This study examines the explanatory power of the traditional explanations as to what determines public support for EU membership and European integration – the economic explanation and the political values‐based explanation – in the context of the post-communist member states of the EU. Further, an alternative explanation – the communist legacy explanation – is presented and tested. It is hypothesized that a high degree of Soviet influence and suppression during the communist period leads to a low degree of support for EU membership and European integration, because of a willingness to protect oneself from violation of national sovereignty once again. The explanatory power of the traditional explanations does not obtain convincing empirical support, even if many individual predictors are statistically significant as determinants. Communist legacy seems to be important as a determinant of public support for EU membership and European integration. However, the hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected, because of the methodological problems associated with the dummy variable approach used in order to test it. Further, the direction of the relationship between communist legacy and public support for EU membership and European integration seems to be two‐fold, rather than one-sided as hypothesized.
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Pavlock, Sarah. "Public opinions role in the formation of policy in the foreign and domestic spheres." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1474.
Abstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Lyne, Kay. "Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.
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Buß, Christopher Verfasser], and Bernhard [Akademischer Betreuer] [Ebbinghaus. "Public opinion towards labour market reforms in Europe - a multidimensional and dynamic perspective on attitudes / Christopher Buß ; Betreuer: Bernhard Ebbinghaus." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1151446718/34.
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Wu, Su Ya. "Presidential Use of Divine Election Cues in Foreign Policy Crises." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437565094.
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Prinz, Vanessa. "Imagine migration the migration process and its destination Europe in the eyes of Tanzanian students /." [Wien] : Südwind-Verlag, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/79447612.html.
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Zahlmann, Rahel. "Foreign Journalism in the Era of Globalization : An Ethnographic Study of Foreign Correspondents of the German Broadcasting Network ARD in Europe." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36025.
Abstract:
The aim of this master thesis is to figure out the role of foreign correspondents within Europe during today’s developments of globalization and digitalization, in the view of professional foreign journalists. The continent becomes closer in terms of politics, currencies and cultures, and a growing infrastructure simplifies travelling and communication. Therefore, the role and function of foreign journalists are more and more questioned. The main focus of this thesis is thereby the case of the foreign correspondence offices of the German public broadcasting network ARD. An auto-ethnographic study was used to base the analysis of this thesis on own perspectives. In a further step interviews with five foreign journalists examine the experiences of professionals in this field. The analysis is based, besides these two qualitative methods, on the theories of Siemes (2000), Cole and Hamilton (2008), and Archetti (2013).The researches’results demonstrate strong arguments for the relevance of the maintenance of foreign correspondences within Europe as the role of public broadcasters in particular is to inform, explain and classify happenings within the own country as well as in foreign areas to the audience. The nearby countries play thereby an important role due to many points of contact; for that reason professional journalists should further on hold the function to care for enlightenment.
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Sampson, Anthony J. "Prioritizing efforts to improve foreign public opinion of America applying a business model to discover and create customer value." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FSampson.pdf.
Abstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Jansen, Erik. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on Jan. 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-103). Also available in print.
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Pohlkamp, Elli-Katharina [Verfasser], and Robert [Akademischer Betreuer] Horres. "Public Opinion and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision-Making Processes During the Koizumi Administration / Elli-Katharina Pohlkamp ; Betreuer: Robert Horres." Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1162971568/34.
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
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Wang, Xiuli. "Winning American hearts and minds : country characteristics, public relations and mass media." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Charpentier, Marc 1965. "Columns on the march : Montreal newspapers interpret the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61149.
Abstract:
This thesis examines Quebec public opinion towards the Spanish Civil War. It is based on a systematic analysis of editorials and articles from ten Montreal-based newspapers, representing divergent points of view. It suggests that, contrary to the popular interpretation, Quebec francophones did not unanimously support General Franco during the war; nor did all of the province's anglophones endorse the cause of the Spanish Popular Front. Support for General Franco and the Spanish Republic in Montreal transcended linguistic lines, and cleavages other than language, such as religion, ideology and social class, influenced public opinion towards the war.
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Fisher, Simon. "An Era of Two Images: Japan in the Eyes of the Australian Public 1950-1960." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7997.
Abstract:
Since Federation Australia had largely regarded Japan as a nation that posed a direct threat to its way of life, a view seemingly proved correct in World War Two. Yet by the end of the 1950s, a mere fifteen years after the war ended, Australians were more positive about their Japanese neighbours than ever before. This thesis seeks to explore why public opinion moved so dramatically over these years by studying a select series of events, ranging from the Treaty of Peace with Japan to art exhibitions, throughout the decade.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
Abstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Myers, Teresa A. "Bringing it Home: A Natural Experiment Testing the Effect of Casualties on Local Opinion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275417147.
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Beaudoin, Christopher E. "International knowledge and attitudes : their measurement and antecedents /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3025600.
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Ayeni, Anthony. "Content Analysis Study of ABC News Presentations on Nigeria as an Example of Third World News Coverage." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500790/.
Abstract:
The purpose of this study is to inquire if there are dispositions of any type. of newscast carried by ABC News about Nigeria and if these newscasts are positively or negatively inclined. The analysis quantified and verified that while the broadcast content of ABC News presentations on Nigeria have been objectively covered, the newscasts have taken stereotypical patterns. This, thereby establishes the need for ABC News, being an example of American network news, to diversify and cover stories of social and human interest in Nigeria and other Third World countries. The study concludes that a true maxim of news coverage is needed as a guide to unbiased, unslanted or cliched news presentations.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
Abstract:
This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
50
Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.
Abstract:
Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de casRecent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations