Academic literature on the topic 'Europe Foreign public opinion'
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Journal articles on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.
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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
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Ropero Carrasco, Julia, and Beatriz García Sánchez. "A review of International Counter-Terrorism strategy through a criminological assessment of the punitive model implemented in Europe." UNIO – EU Law Journal 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.7.2.3536.
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Jihadist terrorism, especially since the Al-Qaeda attacks in 2001 and Daesh’s consolidation as an autonomous group in the following decade, have been a major global political concern. In turn, the cruelty exhibited by the Daesh has had an undeniable impact on public opinion, which demands security above all else and has been exploited by the public authorities to promote military and security strategies, along with a restrictive policy on fundamental rights such as freedom of expression, pushing the criminal barrier to questionable limits. The objective of this article is to offer a critical vision of these policies, based on empirical data, about the phenomenon of foreign terrorist combatants.
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Jaskiernia, Alicja. "Information Pollution in a Digital and Polarized World as a Challenge to Human Rights Protection – the Council of Europe’s Approach." Review of European and Comparative Law 46, no. 3 (August 21, 2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.12389.
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Information pollution in a digitally connected and increasingly polarized world, the spread of disinformation campaigns aimed at shaping public opinion, trends of foreign electoral interference and manipulation, as well as abusive behaviour and the intensification of hate speech on the internet and social media are the phenomenon which concern international public opinion. These all represent a challenge for democracy, and in particular for the electoral processes affecting the right to freedom of expression, including the right to receive information, and the right to free elections. It is a growing international effort to deal with these problems. Among international organizations engaged to seek solutions is the Council of Europe (CoE). The author analyses CoE’s instruments, legally binding (as European Convention on Human Rights), as well of the character of “soft law”, especially resolution of the CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly 2326 (2020) Democracy hacked? How to respond? She exposes the need for better cooperation of international organizations and states’ authorities in this matter.
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Zaręba, Agnieszka. "Misje stabilizacyjne w badaniach opinii publicznej w Europie Środkowej na przykładzie społeczeństwa polskiego po 1989 roku." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.17.
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The purpose of this article is to analyse changes in public opinion polls about the participation of the Polish Army in stabilization missions after 1989. The research material consists of two parts. The first includes CBOS surveys from 1994 to 2016 and the second part includes a research project entitled “Political preferences. Attitudes – identifications – behaviour” carried out in 2018. After municipal elections in 2018, respondents answered questions prepared as part of a questionnaire based on a five-point Likert scale. The respondents answered the question: In your opinion, does Poland’s engagement in foreign stabilization missions ensure Poland’s security? and evaluated the statement: I support Polish involvement in foreign stabilization missions. The overview of CBOS surveys and questions within the project shows the analysis of the fluctuation of views on the participation of the Polish Army in the activities abroad. As a result of the research, it can be pointed out that the Polish public opinion undergoes numerous changes under the influence of the dynamics of the international situation, the feeling of threat and destabilization, as well as historical conditions.
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Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.
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AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.
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Blitz, Brad. "Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
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Baranowski, Mariusz. "Welfare over Warfare? Russia’s War on Ukraine through the Prism of Europe’s Energy Security." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 12, no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 226–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13415.
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The outbreak of war by the Russian Federation in Ukraine on 24 February 2022 not only took world public opinion and politicians by surprise but, above all, demonstrated in all its glory the strong network of political and economic ties in Europe and far beyond the old continent. The attitudes of individual governments and entire societies, particularly in Europe, towards Russian aggression, differ fundamentally. These differences can most simply be explained in terms of economic and political dependence on Russian gas or proximity to the Russian Federation or its dependent countries like Belarus, which mark sharp dividing axes. In this paper, using a survey commissioned by the European Council on Foreign Relations in ten European countries as an example, I will highlight public attitudes towards the war in Ukraine and their potential impact on the policies of individual governments. The interventionist viewpoint presented in this article suggests that general welfare shapes not only public attitudes towards the war but also impregnates specific governmental positions. In the context of the large European economies, this could significantly yet negatively impact Ukraine's financial and military support in the coming months.
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Suslov, Victor I., and Vera G. Basareva. "ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PUBLIC POLICY: SCANDINAVIA AND SIBERIA." Interexpo GEO-Siberia 3, no. 1 (July 8, 2020): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33764/2618-981x-2020-3-1-209-218.
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The report provides a comparative analysis of the current state of the countries of Scandinavia and Siberia. The purpose of the study: to show that sound state economic policies of the countries of Northern Europe lead to undeniable socio-economic progress. Based on the World Bank ratings, information from Rosstat of Russia, and expert opinions, the components of such a policy and the possibility of borrowing the experience of other countries in reforming economies are analyzed. Based on the specific tasks facing the system of regional planning and forecasting in the context of current trends in the development of Russia and the increasing impact of negative foreign economic and foreign policy factors on it, taking into account the experience of Scandinavia, the focus is on the role of technological development and innovation, state support of entrepreneurship. Institutional conditions for the implementation of nationwide reforms of federal relations and mechanisms to overcome stagnation in the development of Siberia are discussed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Leslie, Stuart T. "The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.
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Thesis advisor: James CroninThis paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Kalshoven, Petra Tjitske. "Plays on "the Indian" : representation of knowledge and authenticity in Indianist mimetic practice." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102244.
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Indian hobbyism, or Indianism, is an expression of a typically European fascination with Native American peoples which involves crafting "museum-quality replicas" of clothing and artifacts as well as reenactment of slices of Native American nineteenth-century life by non-Native practitioners in an effort to produce knowledge and meaningful experience through experimentation. Drawing on fieldwork data collected in 2003 and 2004 among play communities of Indian hobbyists in Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and the Czech Republic, I formulate an understanding of the social, performative, and mimetic dynamics of this phenomenon by conceiving of Indianist practices as forms of play that constantly shift between different play frames. In terms of knowledge production, I argue that the Indian hobby provides a space in which different (epistemological) traditions meet, as Indian hobbyists draw on, and enact, a hybrid reservoir of indigenous and European knowledge systems and art forms. Especially interesting is the relationship between Indianism and the dynamics of museal display in the West, both historically and contemporaneously. In general, I found that two different approaches to the right way of representing may be distinguished in Indianist methodological practice: a "Renaissance" and a "Translational" mode.Because of its striking mimetic aspects, Indianism raises questions of identity play and cultural appropriation. An important element of the hobbyist quest for knowledge and experience consists in investing the self in an "other" in ways that elicit criticism from outsiders, including anthropologists. Indian hobbyism is a controversial example of "playing at" cultures that (by all conventional standards) belong elsewhere and to someone else, providing interesting insights for debates on identity politics and the construction of "race"---also among Indianists themselves. Rather than longing to embody someone else's identity, however, Indianists, almost in spite of themselves, enact a social world that is filled with action and life in their European present. Indianist practice and desire for authenticity revolve around craftsmanship and reenactment, resulting in skillful replicas, in the here and now.
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Zottarelli, Lisa K. "Coming in From the Cold: Integration into the European Union and Public Opinion on Democracy and the Market Economy in Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3099/.
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The political economy transformations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have received a great deal of attention over the past decade. The focus of much research has been to examine the internal national reorientations of the countries with regard to the changes in political and economic conditions. The importance of the international reorientation of these countries toward Western Europe in general and the European Union in particular has been generally overlooked. This dissertation examines public opinion on the political and economic transformations within the framework of the direction of the international reorientations of the countries. The countries were divided into three categories, those that can be expected to be invited to join the European Union in the next enlargement, those that can be expected to join the European Union in a subsequent enlargement, and the countries not seeking European Union membership. Public opinion on democracy and the market economy and attitudinal factors that influence these opinions are compared in 16 countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The data are from the Central and East European Barometers 3-7 (1992 - 1996). The findings suggest that general opinions regarding satisfaction with democracy are not related to the status of the country seeking membership in the European Union while support from the market economy does differ. When examining attitudinal factors that are related to satisfaction with democracy and support for the market economy, differences emerged between the three categories of countries. These findings suggest that public opinion is in part shaped by the international orientations of the country and that changes in public opinion are important in understanding the political and economic transformation processes.
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Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.
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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
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Antonucci, Ryan J. "Changing Perceptions of il DuceTracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1379111698.
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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.
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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
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Yarnell, Caroline Janet. "Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.
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The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.
Books on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Terzis, Georgios. Mapping foreign correspondence in Europe. New York: Routledge, 2014.
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Jacques, Portes, and European Association for American Studies., eds. Europe and America criss-crossing perspectives 1788-1848. Paris: Centre d'études nord-américaines, E.H.S.S., 1987.
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Britta, Waldschmidt-Nelson, Hünemörder Markus 1971-, and Ostendorf Berndt, eds. Europe and America: Cultures in translation. Heidelberg: Winter, 2006.
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The image of Japan in the United States and Europe. Stockholm: T.J. Burgman, 1987.
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Rob, Kroes, Rossem Maarten van 1943-, Cunliffe Marcus, and Netherlands American Studies Association, eds. Anti-Americanism in Europe. Amsterdam: Free University Press, 1986.
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Poe, Marshall. A people born to slavery: Russia in early modern European ethnography, 1476-1748. Ithaca [N.Y.]: Cornell University Press, 2000.
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Raychaudhuri, Tapan. Three views of Europe from nineteenth century Bengal. Calcutta: Published for Centre for Studies in Social Sciences by K.P. Bagchi, 1987.
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Reflections on the image of the Turk in Europe. Istanbul: Isis Press, 2009.
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A, Wertman Douglas, ed. US-West European relations during the Reagan years: The perspective of West European publics. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1992.
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J, Wintle Michael, ed. Imagining Europe: Europe and European civilisation as seen from its margins and by the rest of the world, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Bruxelles: Peter Lang, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Sojka, Aleksandra, and Rafael Vázquez-García. "The Enlarged EU in a Globalized World: A Comparative Analysis of Elite and Public Opinion Support for a Common European Foreign Policy." In Global Power Europe - Vol. 1, 55–72. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32412-3_4.
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Runefelt, Leif. "Threat or Nuisance? Foreign Street Entertainers in the Swedish Press, 1800–1880." In Baltic Hospitality from the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, 303–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98527-1_12.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the changing public opinion towards street entertainers, as expressed in nineteenth-century Swedish press, identifying a shift towards a discourse of securitization 1850. Until then, entertainers were seldom mentioned and occasionally seen as a positive element of urban social life; their services were often appreciated, and this in a country which otherwise had developed strong legal institutions for controlling and rejecting itinerant and marginalized individuals. From 1850, entertainers became more present in the press, the tone being almost completely negative, portraying them as threats to public morals and economy. Criticism focused on three issues. Firstly, entertainers were claimed to be beggars in disguise, parasites on the social body. Secondly, they made noise, making everyday life a nuisance to the urban population. Lastly, their use of children was used to emphasize their inhumane greed. Behind the shift was an increase in the numbers of entertainers following processes of proletarization in Europe, but also the growth of a middle-class striving to take control of city spaces. Between the lines, it becomes clear that entertainers still were popular among working classes. The discourse of securitization seems to have lacked the necessary audience, and the outcries against entertainers mostly without effect.
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Casey, Steven. "Public Opinion." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 79–89. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-8.
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Kleinberg, Katja B. "Public Opinion Surveys." In Routledge Handbook of Foreign Policy Analysis Methods, 370–84. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003139850-28.
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Quarfood, Christine. "Influencing Public Opinion." In The Montessori Movement in Interwar Europe, 53–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14072-3_3.
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Lantis, Jeffrey S., and Patrick Homan. "Public Opinion and the Media." In US Foreign Policy in Action, 258–80. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-11.
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Clements, Ben. "Religion and Foreign Policy." In Religion and Public Opinion in Britain, 197–232. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137313591_7.
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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "Defence, Foreign Affairs and Public Opinion." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 1–15. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_1.
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Lantis, Jeffrey S., and Patrick Homan. "Public Opinion and the Media in Action." In US Foreign Policy in Action, 281–98. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-12.
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Ratti, Luca. "Foreign Policy." In Handbook of Public Policy in Europe, 17–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522756_2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Li, Chunfang, Mengqi Liu, and Ke Li. "The Public Opinion Analysis of Chinese and Foreign Remake Movies." In 2019 IEEE/ACIS 18th International Conference on Computer and Information Science (ICIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icis46139.2019.8940344.
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Salsabila, Sandrina, and Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.
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Dashin, Aleksey, Elena Simatova, Anatoly Shapovalov, and Gennady Pratsko. "Principles of international law as source of regulating contractual relations complicated by foreign elements." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.rahd1545.
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This research is dedicated to the problem of essence and classification of international private law principles applicable to international private contracts. It studies existing doctrinal opinions towards systematization criteria of international private law principles including that in relation to other branches of law. The authors come to the conclusion on the essence and characteristics of those international private law principles that are applied to contractual relations complicated by a foreign element and that are reflected in the international practice. By subdividing the international private law principles by extent of relation to primary regulation methods (collision law and material law) and taking into account a close tie of this law branch with other branches, in particular, international public and civil law, given the goals of this research, the authors come to the conclusions that regulation of trans-border contractual relations correspond to the following principles: justice, good faith and rationality of participants of legal relations; autonomy of parties’ will; the closest tie. The substantiation of the above gives quotes of international documents widely spread as lex mercatoria – UNIDROIT principles, principles of the European contractual law, and Hauge principles of law selection as applicable to international commercial contracts.
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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Iza Gigauri, and Valentina Vasile. "Foreign Direct Investment and Competitiveness. Evidences from Romanian Economy." In 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/04.
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The activity of companies with foreign capital is more often in the center of attention of the public opinion, researchers and public authorities considering the positive effects but also the negative externalities that it generates on the economies of the host countries. With the liberalization of capital movements, FDI was consider the panacea that could solve all economic, environmental and social problems in the host less developed countries, but the reality is much more complex. In order to test if foreign direct investment (FDI) is caused by competitiveness in case of Romania, we considered FDI inflows externalities for national economy, net inflows (% of GDP) and Competitiveness index for the time period 2007-2018. The econometric methodology used to model FDI and Competitiveness Index is Granger Causality. The results of the study suggest that there is a unidirectional causality, flowing from Competitiveness Index to foreign direct investment. Thus, in case of Romania, foreign direct investment represents the result of competitiveness, FDI does not influence Competitiveness index.
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Schröder, Ilse, Ed De Jonge, Erik Mooij, and Frank Evers. "Global challenges, local impact." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10564.
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In 2015, the UN set 17 global goals, the so-called Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for the year 2030, “a universal call to action to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure that all people enjoy peace and prosperity”. Although these challenges are global, their impact manifests itself on a local level. An inspiring challenge for HU UAS Utrecht is to educate self-confident (upcoming) professionals who contribute to the realization of these global goals by creating local impact. In our opinion such professionals are socially involved, cope with complexity, think systemic and work trans-disciplinary. Furthermore, they ‘mix and match’ personal, societal and professional development, which will not be confined to formal education but lasts a lifetime. This complex challenge forges us to transform our thinking about education and how to organize learning, and about how, where and with whom we educate. UAS’s will have to cooperate with private, public and research partners and create communities in which all participants work, learn and develop themselves while facing new challenges.
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Ionita, Mirela, and Veronica Pastae. "OBSOLESCENCE AND THE E-LEARNING ELEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF TEACHING AND ACQUIRING FOREIGN LANGUAGES." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-081.
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The “lifespan” of a textbooks is dependent on a wide range of factors-of linguistic, social, psychological, technological and even political nature. These factors have implications in the selling process, in the socio-cultural impact, as well as in the erosion of a textbook. The e-learning element is the latest feature added to the process of teaching and acquiring foreign languages. However, it seems to be the subject of high-speed changes and reshaping. These complex phenomena are in connection with the rapid technological progress and evolution of the society itself. Hence some challenging questions arise: how should traditional way of learning blend with these new trends and how could the obsolescence factor affecting both textbooks and e-learning be best estimated and dealt with? 1.1. The lifespan of any textbook is limited to some extent. Both contents and graphics are perishable. Designed for teaching and learning purposes, any textbook is bound to become obsolete in the end. The viability of a textbook is in close connection with its usage - after this it becomes outdated. Quality is a dynamic feature constantly affected by the passage of time. 1.2. Language textbooks tailored for teaching and learning purposes are, in our opinion, a special kind of educational outcome. The market provides at least two types of products: school textbooks and independent methods, which are not restricted in any way by official curricula. Despite the fact that both these products are vulnerable and subject to change, school textbooks are the ones primarily altered by educational policies. 1.2.1. We will focus solely on those textbooks addressed to a public that is willing (not forced) to learn foreign languages. Regardless of the age group it targets (for instance, children, teenagers, adults) or their degree of proficiency (beginner, intermediate, advanced), such a textbook has to be accepted; it cannot be imposed. Consequently, its potential beneficiary can be extrapolated beyond borders, but not beyond time.
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Proskurina, Kristina. "Astana International Financial Center: Features of the Tax Regime and Legal Regulation of Cryptocurrency Turnover." In The XX International Scientific Conference "Functioning of Investments Financed from State Resources and from Other Sources in The Countries of Central And Eastern Europe". Temida 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/ipf.2022.16.
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In its desire to encourage some individuals the State should not infringe the rights and legitimate interests of others. The investment policy of the State should not be discriminatory and should always, first of all, take into account the national (public) interests. However, the State is not always consistent, reasonable and fair in its investment policy in relation to the entire society. The state through public authorities and public officials is the spokesman of the public interests. In this case, the State must take these public interests into account when carrying out activities, in particular, when establishing preferential tax regimes, when attracting foreign investment by establishing a special investment tax residence for foreigners, when limiting the turnover of certain objects of legal relationship. In addition, the private interests of a certain circle of persons should not replace the public interests. The policy pursued by any State (tax, legal, social, economic) should be aimed at improving the standard of living of the entire society within a State. But not at the expense of the established constitutional and sectoral principles and values, as well as the rules of the international cooperation established in international agreements. The article discusses the problems of establishing a special preferential tax regimes on a territorial basis within a unitary State and the problems of legal regulation of cryptocurrency turnover in the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
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Zhang, Zhenhua, and Li Zhu. "Research on Improving the Science Popularization System of Nuclear-Related Projects in China." In 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90546.
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Abstract Nuclear power itself has the characteristics of safety, cleanliness and high efficiency, but due to the professional particularity of nuclear energy and the people’s lack of knowledge about nuclear energy, it leads to the “social amplification of risks” in nuclear-related projects. Some basic data in the discipline of nuclear safety and radiation protection are analyzed, and the effects of the nuclear power chain on health, environment and climate were compared with those of the coal power chain and then the advantages of the nuclear energy industry are given. The article also compares and analyzes the nuclear energy risks and other risks, and analyzes the reasons for the public misunderstanding and fear of nuclear and radiation accidents (events). Now there are many problems existing in the nuclear science popularization work, such as the trend that the risk of nuclear-related projects is easy to be amplified by the society hinders the process of the nuclear energy industry to some extent. Also there are many deficiencies of support and popularization, and many problems in the development of high-quality popular science teaching materials and models and the cultivation and sharing of high-quality resources. Based on the above analysis, it is proposed that nuclear power science popularization should make precise efforts, distinguish groups, take measures according to people, classified implementation and precise communication. Specific suggestions and measures have the following aspects: Multilevel nuclear science education should be carried out and it includes nuclear science for nuclear experts and non-nuclear experts (including educators), nuclear science for government staff and public opinion media, and nuclear science for the public; At the same time, it is necessary to improve the form of nuclear science education, and we will actively and extensively carry out popular science activities that are practical, close to the people, distinctive and effective and establish a long-term nuclear science education mechanism; Drawing on foreign experience to accelerate the formulation of China’s atomic energy law, and clarify the status of public participation in the law. So as to improve the legal and regulatory system, improve the public participation system, and strengthen the capacity building of the information disclosure platform.
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Ciotti, Marco, Jorge L. Manzano, Vladimir Kuznetsov, Galina Fesenko, Luisa Ferroni, and Fabio Giannetti. "Scenario Analysis on the Benefits of Multi-National Cooperation for the Development of a Common Nuclear Energy System Based on PWR and LFR Fleets." In 2014 22nd International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone22-31012.
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Financial aspects, environmental concerns and non-favorable public opinion are strongly conditioning the deployment of new Nuclear Energy Systems across Europe. Nevertheless, new possibilities are emerging to render competitive electricity from Nuclear Power Plants (NPPs) owing to two factors: the first one, which is the fast growth of High Voltage lines interconnecting the European countries’ national electrical grids, this process being triggered by huge increase of the installed intermittent renewable electricity sources (Wind and PV); and the second one, determined by the carbon-free constraints imposed on the base load electricity generation. The countries that due to public opinion pressure can’t build new NPPs on their territory may find it profitable to produce base load nuclear electricity abroad, even at long distances, in order to comply with the European dispositions on the limitation of the CO2 emissions. In this study the benefits from operating at multinational level with the deployment of a fleet of PWRs and subsequently, at a proper time, the one of Lead Fast Reactors (LFRs) are analyzed. The analysis performed involves Italy (a country with a current moratorium on nuclear power on spite that its biggest utility operates NPPs abroad), and the countries from South East and Central East Europe potentially looking for introduction or expansion of their nuclear power programmes. According to the predicted evolution of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) a forecast of the electricity consumption evolution for the present century is derived with the assumption that a certain fraction of it will be covered by nuclear electricity. In this context, evaluated are material balances for the front and the back end of nuclear fuel cycle associated with the installed nuclear capacity. A key element of the analysis is the particular type of LFR assumed in the scenario, characterized by having a fuel cycle where only fission products and the reprocessing losses are sent for disposition and natural or depleted uranium is added to fuel in each reprocessing cycle. Such LFR could be referred to as “adiabatic reactor”. Owing to introduction of such reactors a substantive reduction in uranium consumption and final disposal requirements can be achieved. Finally, the impacts of the LFR and the economy of scale in nuclear fuel cycle on the Levelized Cost of Electricity (LCOE) are being evaluated, for scaling up from a national to a multinational dimension, illustrating the benefits potentially achievable through cooperation among countries.
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Ameir, Omar. "GREEN COMPETITIVENESS IN WASTE MANAGEMENT IN URBAN SOCIETY." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s20.027.
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Climate change and environmental degradation pose an existential threat to the EU and the world. The aim of the Green Agreement for Europe is to make Europe climate neutral by 2050, to support the economy through green technologies, to create a sustainable industry and transport and to reduce pollution. Turning climate and environmental challenges into opportunities will make the transformation fair and inclusive. The European Commission is helping EU Member States to design and implement reforms that support ecological transformation and contribute to achieving the goals of the Green Agreement for Europe. It also helps to design the necessary procedures in central and local administrations and to set up the coordination structures necessary to implement environmental policies. The aim of this article was to propose possible strategies for the use and support of the competitiveness of companies in the Czech Republic in meeting the objectives of the European Union. In the interests of competitiveness, this contribution leads to the strengthening of the SME sector, the reduction of market barriers, the facilitation of foreign investment and trade, the development of research and innovation, better management of public-private partnerships and the optimization of state-owned enterprises.
Reports on the topic "Europe Foreign public opinion"
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Bourbeau, Elizabeth A. Public Opinion: The Neglected Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394013.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.
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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.