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1
Cherkasova, E. "Spain: Opinion on European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-48-53.
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The article analyzes the changes that characterize Spanish approach to political aspects of European integration, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to the process. Spanish political circles and even think tanks pay relatively little attention to theoretical aspects of European integration, whereas practical relations with the EU are of paramount importance. This is due to the fact that the question of belonging to the EU was settled in Spain long ago and definitively. Majoritarian character of Spanish democracy facilitates the transfer of powers from Brussels to Madrid, i.e. objectively favors the choice of federalization. Nevertheless, Spain continues to upload its national preferences onto the EU decision-making process. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in the EU have declined because of the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Constantly emphasizing its belonging to the core of the EU, the “Old Europe”, and to the core of the euro zone, maintaining close relationship with the Latin group within the EU, Spain has consistently advocated a united and strong Europe with a Common Foreign and Security Policy.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Morillas, Pol, Thomas Gomart, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, George Pagoulatos, Charles Powell, Nuno Severiano Teixeira, Filippa Chatzistavrou, et al. "What role should southern Europe play after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine? Towards a shared agenda for EU reform." Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no. 271 (April 20, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2022/271/en.
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Relations between southern European member states have often been marked by a loose cooperation or, worse, by logics of competition. Precisely when regional groupings within the EU are increasingly shaping the agenda, these dynamics have hindered the capacity of France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain to pursue shared interests and objectives, while acting as a force for good for the European integration project. Recent events such as the post-pandemic recovery or the war in Ukraine show that, when cooperation occurs, positive results can be achieved. Southern member states can capitalise on a certain ideological affinity and a pro-European vision, despite their governments belonging to different political groups. They share converging interests in the areas of fiscal policy and economic governance, strategic autonomy in energy and technology and even foreign policy priorities, particularly towards the Mediterranean and relations with other global powers. This joint publication by six southern European think tanks identifies several policy areas for fruitful cooperation between southern European member states.
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Liudmila, Ivkina. "Russian diplomacy and the liberal Russian press on the events of the Ten-Year War of Independence (1868-1878)." Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 54–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-54-85.
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The article examines Russia's position on the War of Independence in Cuba (1868-1878), which marked the beginning of a long process of national liberation. The tone of the reports of Russian diplomats from Spain and the United States was determined by the policy of neutrality and non-interference typical of Russia's foreign policy towards Spain after Аlexander II's accession to the Russian throne in 1855. Events of the liberation struggle of the Cuban people, methods and forms of liberation movement, the policy of the United States and Spain in relation to the war of independence in Cuba received coverage in the liberal Russian press, such publications as "World Illustration", "The Case", "The Herald of Europe". Articles and notes contained objective information about the events taking place in Cuba, expressed feelings of solidarity and support for the Cuban people, condemned the policy of Spain, which sought by any means to suppress the revolutionary process, criticized the Cuban policy of the United States, persecuted their vested economic interests and not interested in the independence of Cu-ba.
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Bikkinina, Dzhamilya. "The Discourse of Family Policy in Sociological Research." Социодинамика, no. 1 (January 2023): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2023.1.39299.
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The subject of the study is approaches to assessing the effectiveness and principles of implementing family policy in developed countries such as the United States of America, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Italy, Spain, Finland, etc. The main objective of this article is to compare the views of foreign authors and discourses of family policy, taking into account the diversity of approaches to family policy. Priority directions of family policy research in selected publications of foreign researchers were considered. For the analysis, the principles that allow to represent the discourse of family policy are identified. In this regard, the tasks were set to identify the concepts of family policy in the reviewed foreign articles for the formation of tools that allow: 1) to determine the general characteristics and features of various approaches to family policy of the modern welfare state, highlighted in the works of foreign authors, 2) to assess the unity of positions in the field of family policy. A methodological model called "semantic-structural" analysis was used, which is based on a combination of content analysis and the method of information-target analysis. The analysis of scientific articles by foreign authors allows us to conclude that there is a unified approach to family policy in the welfare states of Western Europe, Asia and North America. A common place in modern studies of family policy is the emphasis on the importance of economic measures associated with the work of family members, the possibility of strengthening the relationship between parents and children through the implementation of social policy measures. The conclusions of the study showed the ambivalence of family policy due to the lack of opportunity to form a unified doctrinal idea of evaluating the effectiveness of family policy measures. The question of assessing the effectiveness of appropriate measures, the priority of a "broad" approach in relation to solving problems within the family remains debatable.
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Glybovets, Victoria, and Yuliia Khvesyk. "THE ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL TOURIST STREAMS OF UKRAINE FOR THE PERIOD FROM 2012 TO 2017." GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, no. 64 (2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2021.64.21-28.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of tourist streams between Ukraine and other countries of the world, as well as to identify the factors that influence the development of international tourism most of all. Research methodology. The most important statistical indicators that characterize tourist streams are the number of Ukrainians who visited other countries for tourist purposes and the number of tourists - citizens of other countries, who arrived in Ukraine. In our study of the tourist streams of Ukraine the mathematical indicator that reflects the features of tourist streams and their socio-economic importance for the development of international tourism in the country, namely the coefficient of tourist exchanges, was used. Selected for the research were the countries visited by more than 50 thousand tourists from Ukraine for at least 2 years in a row. The total number of the tourists includes persons who travelled for official, tourism, and private purposes (without vehicle servicing personnel and servicemen). Results of the research. Most tourists from Ukraine go to neighboring countries, namely to Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Romania, Hungary, and Turkey. Turkey is a popular holiday destination among Ukrainians, because it's close to Ukraine and can provide tourists with a good service. It is necessary to take into account the fact that a large number of Ukrainians work abroad, mainly in Europe, as well as in Russia. When these people leave for a foreign country, they can state their visit is private, not working; therefore, they are mistakenly defined as tourists. The donor countries of tourists who come to Ukraine are (the coefficient tends to "1") Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists are the (coefficient tends to "-1") United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Cyprus, Spain, Greece, Austria, Turkey, and Poland. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the coefficient of tourist exchanges of Ukraine in relation to 29 countries of the world for 2012 and 2017 was calculated. The donor countries of tourists coming to Ukraine, as well as the countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists were identified. Practical significance. It is to reveal the fact that Ukraine is a donor country for tourists. Given the fact that Ukraine is rich in tourist resources, over time, using the experience of tourist countries around the world, it can change this status and receive more foreign tourists.
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Ponedelko, G. "Capital Export – Foreign Economic Phenomena of Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2006): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-2-66-73.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (March 1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.
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Anikina, Alexandra Mikhailovna. "Spain — China: dynamics of trade and economic relations development." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2102-05.
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Spain is a member state of the European Union, which occupies one of the leading places in the world economy. Over the past decade, this country has paid particular attention to expanding the internationalization of its economy, including by striving for geographical diversification of exports and investment activity, for taking on new target markets for products produced in the country, especially agricultural ones, since traditionally the main partners of the country in foreign economic activity are member states of the EU. A development strategy of foreign economic activities (FEA) was developed in the country to achieve these goals. China is not the main trade and economic partner of Spain, however, it is a strategic partner with a high potential for developing bilateral cooperation. The article studies the dynamics of the development of foreign economic relations between Spain and China from 2008 to 2019; main data of export-import operations, including by commodity groups, are given; principal developments in bilateral relations are mentioned. It is concluded that the growth rate of trade flow has increased by more than 65 % over 10 years, including the expansion of Spanish export supplies, in particular products of agroindustrial complex (AIC), share of which reached 30 % in 2019; intensification of interaction at the institutional level is noted, as well as expansion of the activities of Spanish transnational corporations (TNC) in China, where at least one of the corporations opened its 23rd production facility in 2019. The author used a systematic and interdisciplinary approach when working with a variety of scientific and practical materials, including Spanish legislation, annual reports and statistics of national government bodies, analytical reviews of international economic organizations, media publications, as well as economic and statistical analysis. The scientifi c novelty of the work is in a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between Spain and China.
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Dauderstädt, Michael. "Options in foreign economic relations for Central and Eastern Europe." Intereconomics 29, no. 1 (January 1994): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02929807.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Басовская, Elena Basovskaya, Басовский, and Leonid Basovskiy. "International Economic Relations’ Risk Criterion." Economics 2, no. 6 (December 17, 2014): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6730.
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A criterion for an assessment of international economic relations’ risks has been offered. This criterion is based on proposed approach to assessment of risks for world economic dynamics and economic dynamics of different countries and territories. The economic dynamics risk is estimated by comparison of economic growth rates’ average size and a risk measure — a mean square deviation of growth rates. Definition for a line of market of international economic relations’ prospects is offered, similar to the capital market line in the financial assets’ profitability model (CAPM). On the basis of IMF data for 2004-2013 the economic dynamics risks for Europe and CIS countries have been estimated. It has been established that in Europe only economies of Switzerland, Poland, Albania and Malta have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the largest economies the smallest risks have economies of Great Britain, Germany and France. The greatest risks have economies of Italy and Spain. In the CIS only Belarus, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the CIS countries the Ukraine has the worst risk criteria.
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Kutz, William. "Municipalizing geo-economic statecraft: Crisis and transition in Europe." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 6 (February 10, 2017): 1224–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17691969.
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This article investigates how geographical capital switching, precipitated by the 2007–08 economic crisis, has altered the strategic territorial organization of European city-regions. The dislocation of capital accumulation to (emerging) foreign markets has undermined the purported capacity for city-regions to regulate the contradictions of uneven development in the European Union. The argument is that, in southern Spain, city-regions have increasingly responded to the crisis by shifting spatial development away from conventional neoliberal locational initiatives towards an assertion of geo-economic statecraft at the municipal level. Drawing primarily upon the case study of Málaga, Spain the article contributes to theories of new state space in three ways. First, geo-economic statecraft is both embedded within, and is a response to, the historically inherited geographies of neoliberal urbanization. Second, intensified growth imperatives amid recessionary decline belie the importance of gatekeeping activities that municipalize political control over cross-border investment flows that parallel more traditional, selective targeting of state territory. Third, the strategic externalization of economic space has helped to reshape the variegated cartographies of local state territory and sovereignty between the EU and non-member states. Together, these dynamics situate the spatial regulation of urban crises as central to explaining the patterns and processes of European territoriality in the 21st-century.
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Nötel, Rudolf. "Reforms in foreign economic relations of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622519.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G., and Alfred Tovias. "Foreign Economic Relations of the: European Community the Impact of Spain and Portugal." International Journal 47, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202751.
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Cramer, Dale L. "Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal." Comparative Economic Studies 34, no. 1 (April 1992): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1992.8.
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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Foreign economic relations of the European community: The impact of Spain and Portugal." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90182-7.
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Dangerfield, M. V. "The economic opening of central and Eastern Europe: Continuity and change in foreign economic relations." Journal of European Integration 19, no. 1 (September 1995): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036339508429027.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Biffl, Gudrun. "The Role of Migration in Economic Relations between Europe and Turkey." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000331.
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Turkey and Europe are closely interlinked through migration, trade and investment flows. In the year 2000, the interrelationships entered a new phase. Return migration of Turkish migrants to Turkey set in, of often well-educated second-generation migrants, triggered by the fast economic growth and shortages of skilled labour in Turkey. At the same time continued family migration to Europe and Turkish business start-ups in Europe promote trade between Turkey and Europe due to preference and network channels. While economic growth in Turkey is dynamic, it is also volatile, depending on foreign capital. The major challenge for stable and sustainable economic growth is, however, the low labour force participation rate of women and the slow progress in the educational attainment level of its workforce.
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Khenkin, S. "Spain in Zone of Turbulence." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2012): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-71-81.
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The global financial and economic crisis abruptly changed the socio-economic and political situation in Spain. While having successfully developed in the decade before the crisis, the country became one of the most unfortunate countries in the EU (the so-called PIIGS group, which also includes Greece, Italy, Portugal and Iceland). After centuries of isolation of Spain integrated into European institutions and started to play a prominent role at the international arena. In the proposed article, the author explores the problems of internal and foreign policy, facing the modern Spain.
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Zhiri, Oumelbanine. "Mapping the Frontier between Islam and Christendom in a Diplomatic Age: al-Ghassânî in Spain." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2016): 966–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689039.
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AbstractThis essay analyzes the travel account authored by Moroccan ambassador Muhammad al-Ghassânî, who visited Spain in 1690–91. The account shows the evolution of the early modern frontier between Christian Europe and Islamic North Africa, from a militarized boundary to the development of diplomatic relations. Both an agent and witness of that history, al-Ghassânî describes a heterogeneous space: he surveys the border, explores the foreign land of modern Spain, and reimagines the memory of al-Andalus. His important account, based on sharp observation and serious research, helps nuance the prevailing view that Arab culture had ignored Europe before the nineteenth century.
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Abulafia, David. "Sugar in Spain." European Review 16, no. 2 (May 2008): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000148.
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Sugar has attracted attention from economic historians, particularly because of its significance in the organisation of labour – notably the role of sugar in the development of slavery in the New World. In a Mediterranean setting, the links to slavery are less obvious, but the gradual westward transfer of sugar technology from the Levant to Sicily (under Muslim rule, and later under Aragonese rule) and to Spain reflects seismic changes in the Mediterranean economy. This was a luxury product and, as demand in western Europe grew, European merchants sought sources of supply closer to home than the eastern Mediterranean. Their reluctance to trade in the Levant reflected political uncertainties in the period when Turkish power was rising in the region. In southern Spain, Valencia (under Christian rule) and Granada (under Muslim rule) became major suppliers to northern Europe by the 15th century. Paradoxically, the survival of the last Muslim state in Spain, Granada, was made possible through the injection of capital by Italian and other merchants trading in sugar. However, the discovery of the Atlantic islands, especially Madeira, gave the Portuguese an opportunity to develop sugar production on a massive scale, again targeting Flanders and northern Europe. The article concludes with the arrival of sugar in the Caribbean, in the wake of Columbus.
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Nikulin, K. A. "Crisis in Bilateral Economic Cooperation between Russia and Spain." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-11.
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The article examines the dynamics and features of the trade and economic partnership between Spain and Russia from 2014 to the present, considering the latest challenges. The once promising trajectory of the development of bilateral trade and mutual investment has undergone significant tests: in addition to the sanctions pressure of the collective West countries, the situation has been complicated by the global crisis in the world economy, significant changes in world markets for goods and services, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In these conditions, the study of indicators of Russian-Spanish trade and economic interaction is of interest both from the point of view of forming a forecast for the development of bilateral economic relations and highlighting those industries towards which the emphasis in trade and investment is gradually shifting. The question arises: is it possible to return to the indicators of bilateral trade and investment inherent in Russian-Spanish economic relations before the imposition of sanctions? The data on the bilateral trade presented by the Russian and Spanish national statistics differ insignificantly in terms of the total trade turnover but have severe differences at the level of the trade balance. Based on both countries’ statistical databases, the author of the article presents the possible reasons for such discrepancies and considers the general dynamics of the state of foreign trade between Russia and Spain. In addition to stating the negative trends in foreign trade, there are problems in investment cooperation, which until recently was considered one of the “strongholds” of bilateral cooperation under the pressure of sanctions.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Domínguez Mujica, Josefina, Arlinda Coll García, Jesus González Perez, Dolores Sánchez Aguilera, and María Neffar López. "La population étrangère en Espagne : quelques éléments d’une géographie changeante." Sud-Ouest européen 26, no. 1 (2008): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rgpso.2008.5080.
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Foreign population in spain : elements of a changing geography. Globalization turned Spain into a center of international mobility because of its late and fast entrance to the group of foreigner-receiving countries. Immigration is one of the factors which have transformed its society : it has modified the population growth rate, recovered the birth rate and slowed down the ageing process. It is no longer a temporary solution to the secondary job market’s manpower deficit, but a factor of economic dynamism. Small and medium cities and the metropolitan borders of bigger ones receive immigrants, and foreign people are replacing the natives in neighbourhoods with low cost housing. The outskirts of tourist areas attract residents from occidental Europe, and many rural zones receive a great number of foreigners.
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
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In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Barbant, Yasmim Dalila, and Leonardo Flauzino de Souza. "Debt patterns of the peripheral economies of Europe: from the increased growth post-implementation of the Euro to the Great Recession." Brazilian Keynesian Review 5, no. 1 (September 21, 2019): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33834/bkr.v5i1.182.
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<p>The main purpose of this article is to outline the specificities of the indebtedness process of each country of the European periphery — Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain — that guided the behavior of the demand and the indebtedness of the domestic economic agents from 2000 to 2017. The main results indicated that from 2000 to 2008, all of the countries had foreign sector surpluses (current account deficits), which characterized distinct indebtedness processes of the domestic economic agents. The reversal of these processes was accompanied by larger public deficits and the replacement of private debt with public debt. With the exception of Ireland, the positive impacts on the economic performance of these countries between 2009 and 2017 came from the foreign sector through the devaluation of the euro in the period.</p>
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.
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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić, and Ivica Matejić. "Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa." Odrzivi razvoj 3, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.
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When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.
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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "Affordable Ally: Taiwan's Diplomatic Venture in Macedonia." Politics 22, no. 1 (February 2002): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00156.
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This article examines foreign policy of the Republic of China (ROC) towards East Central Europe (ECE) through the prism of Taipei's diplomatic strategies vis-à-vis Macedonia. Specifically, it identifies and explains the broad goals and rationale behind Taipei's increased interest in ECE after the Cold War. The study concludes that the Taiwanese interest in East Central Europe was motivated by its wish to capitalise on ECE's anti-communist euphoria and need for foreign capital, hoping that promises of generous economic assistance would convince some ECE states to extend diplomatic recognition to the ROC.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Timakova, Olga A. "China’s Relations with the Mediterranean States: Military and Political Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-700-711.
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China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.
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ADELL, ISMAEL HERNÁNDEZ, and JOSEP PUJOL-ANDREU. "Economic Growth and Biological Innovation: The Development of the European Dairy Sector, 1865–1940." Rural History 27, no. 2 (September 14, 2016): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793316000042.
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Abstract:In this article we discuss an aspect of economic growth that has not been the subject of much consideration in economic and agrarian history to date: the effect of biological innovations on farming development between the mid nineteenth century and the 1930s. We have focused on dairy farming for two reasons. Firstly, dairy farming played a relevant economic role in a number of European regions during this period. Secondly, one of its products, liquid milk, was probably the most significant food during the early stages of the European nutrition transition. We present new statistical data for the evolution of dairy farming in different Northern European countries as well as Spain, and evaluate the impact of cattle population and milk yields in each case. We also link milk yields and the availability of fodder, but special attention is paid to the breeds kept and techniques for their improvement. The article shows that cattle improvement played a significant role in Central and Northern Europe from the mid nineteenth century, but that this was not the case in Spain. Improvement through inbreeding was soon discarded in Spain, absorbent crossbreeding failed, and the sector became dependent on foreign imports of bulls and cows, first from Switzerland and later from Holland. By taking these factors into consideration we can better understand why the dairy sector in Mediterranean Europe did not really begin until the late nineteenth century and why it stagnated in the wake of the First World War.
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Vallina Rodríguez, A., C. Camarero Bullon, and T. Moreno Bueno. "The impact of COVID-19 on trade relations between Russia and Spain: contributions from the Iberian country." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-10-27.
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It is undeniable to note that the ties between countries, especially cultural, historical, economic and geopolitical, are rooted in the political foundations that have been laid between nations and countries throughout the process of shaping what today is known as international relations, a discipline that has become one of the most relevant for understanding the contemporary world. Starting from the premise that human groups, and hence the forms of their organization, permanently establish social links and interactions that constitute the dynamic substrate of all societies, it would be appropriate to analyze how they materialize in a specific bilateral sphere, for which a key aspect of mutual economic interests between the Russian Federation and Spain has been chosen. From an economic perspective and through the analysis of statistics on foreign trade of goods, foreign investment and trade barriers, this research will address the evolution of trade relations over the last five years, focusing on the international trade situation that has occurred since the global COVID-19 pandemic and created a multiplicity of opportunities and challenges for trade and investment between the two states in health sector.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
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Drelich-Skulska, Bogusława, Sebastian Bobowski, Anna H. Jankowiak, and Przemysław Skulski. "China’s Trade Policy Towards Central and Eastern Europe in the 21St Century, Example of Poland." Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/foli-2014-0111.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to present China’s economic model and discuss, in this context, bilateral trade and investment relations between China and Poland. The analysis presented herein is based on the strategy of cooperation with countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as presented by China’s Prime Minister, and on the growing importance of Poland as a main partner of China in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The paper describes main premises of the Chinese economic model, followed by a diagnosis of Chinese economy. The authors analyze the main directions of China’s foreign cooperation, placing the emphasis on relations with Poland.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, and Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Jiang, Congcong, and Christoph Lattemann. "Chinese OFDI in Europe under the Guidance of BRI — A Focus on China–CEE Economic Relations." China and the World 01, no. 04 (December 2018): 1850022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729318500220.
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China has been actively integrating itself in the global economy through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and increasing trade flows. In order to further expand its foreign market ambition and reinforce itself as a leader in the world economic system, China unleashed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). One of the main economic incentives behind this initiative is to strengthen China’s integration with Central and Eastern European (CEE) markets. In recent years, an emerging trend for Chinese investors to invest in CEE countries such as Poland can be observed. The aim of this research is to analyze the changing patterns and motives of Chinese Outbound FDI (OFDI) to Europe during the period of 2009–2017 under the guidance of BRI. To explore the heterogeneity of Chinese investments behavior within Europe, this paper summarizes the apparent characteristics of Chinese investment patterns in Western Europe and the CEE region. We show that BRI has — against all expectations — no impact on Chinese investment in the CEE region but — in line with expectations — Chinese investors have changed their motives to invest in CEE countries with a shift towards the service sector. To investigate the impact of BRI on Chinese investors, the period of study is divided into two phases: (1) 2009–2013: period before the proposal of BRI and (2) 2014–2017: period after the initiation of BRI. Then the rationale behind the observed differences is examined in detail.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. "Charles de Gaulle and Europe: The New Revisionism." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00192.
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Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.
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Goikoetxea, Jule. "Nation and democracy building in contemporary Europe: the reproduction of the Basque demos." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.830600.
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The article analyzes the material or objectified reproduction of the Basque demos since democracy was established in Spain in 1980. Spain holds within its territory diverse regions and political communities and the Basque case is a highly illustrative example of how the development of regional state institutions is fundamental for the reproduction of distinct democratic demoi not merely in their political but also socio-economic dimension. This paper argues that, in our current European context, political distinctions cannot become effectively objectified and instituted power structures without state institutions being able to uphold a differentiated system of stratification.