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1
Gehler, Michael, and Wolfram Kaiser. "A Study in Ambivalence: Austria and European Integration 1945–95." Contemporary European History 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004057.
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During the Cold War era the smaller states in Western Europe were confronted with numerous external pressures. These included most of all the need for closer economic co-operation within Western Europe to sustain the process of post-war economic and political reconstruction and the impact on Europe of the confrontation between the new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. The responses of the smaller states to these external pressures varied considerably between two poles: on the one hand, a policy of active integration, with common policies and the transfer of at least some degree of national sovereignty to common institutions, and, on the other, a policy of neutrality, either chosen freely or initially forced upon, to retain as much decision-making autonomy as possible, while safeguarding core economic interests through intergovernmental co-operation. The choice of strategy depended not only on the character and degree of the external political pressures, but also on the respective historical preconditions and on what domestic and external aims the smaller states hoped to achieve with their policies.
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Milward, Alan S., and R. T. Griffiths. "The Netherlands and the Economic Integration of Europe, 1945-1957." Economic History Review 44, no. 4 (November 1991): 746. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597831.
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Yavuz, M. Hakan, and Mujeeb R. Khan. "Turkey and Europe: Will East Meet West?" Current History 103, no. 676 (November 1, 2004): 389–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.676.389.
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For many Europeans, integration with a large Muslim country of 70 million people with a lower level of economic development and a much faster-growing population seems a daunting prospect. Equally daunting, however, may be a Turkey cast adrift….
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Freeman, Alan. "For Another Europe: A Class Analysis of European Economic Integration." Historical Materialism 14, no. 1 (2006): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920606776690901.
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Bianchini, Stefano. "L'Europa orientale a venti anni dal 1989." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078001.
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- Eastern Europe twenty years on looks retrospectively at the radical changes that have occurred in East-Central Europe since 1989. Despite the Cold War, cultural, economic and social exchanges and "métissages" had developed between the two parts of Europe. The communist collapse of 1989 offered a simultaneous opportunity of reforms and integration, given the interdependence between the "post-socialist transition" and the double process of the Eu enlargement and deepening. Nationalism however has emerged in opposition to integration (and globalization) in both Eastern and Western Europe, giving a new dimension to processes that increasingly have emphasized how Europe is no longer divided in an East-West dichotomy, but displays similar problems in dealing with diversity, social welfare, effective governance and mutual recognition.Key words: Post-socialist transition, European Union, métissage, Nationalism, Globalization.Parole chiave: transizione post-socialista, Unione europea, meticciato, nazionalismo, globalizzazione.
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Lynch, Frances M. B., and Fernando Guirao. "L'ereditŕ intellettuale di Alan S. Milward." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041011.
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Alan S. Milward was a contemporary historian who combined the political historian's method of consulting the written record with the economic historian's use of statistical data and the social scientist's preference for general theory. On the strength of the resulting research methodology he produced a series of original histories of Nineteenth and Twentieth century Europe which tackled the big historical issues of his time: the nature of Nazism; of total war; of economic development in Nineteenth and Twentieth century Europe; and the reasons for the sustained economic boom in western Europe after 1945 and for the origins of European integration. In so far as his conclusions on each separate theme challenged the dominant theories, they stimulated considerable debate. Indeed, his implicit theories of historical change and European integration continue to resonate in the current political and economic crises facing Europe. Unlike neo-classical economists, European federalists and many integration theorists, Milward argued that economic and monetary union would not necessarily lead to a democratic political union in Europe and the end of nation-state. Indeed he predicted in 2000 that if the European Monetary Union was beset by asymmetric shocks, it would weaken progressively until its desired effect had been so reduced as to defeat the Union's original purpose. As we live through such asymmetric shocks, Milward's predictions seem to carry more force than any of teleological theories of European integration.
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Vdovychenko, Victoria. "Narrating Integration and Disintegration in Europe: Italy’s View." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.6-24.
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EU’s economic and political challenges open a new page of the European integration history. The Eurozone crisis and challenges presented by Brexit enhanced scholars from various countries to analyze and rethink about the future of the European integration and EU as a whole. The paths of the differentiated integration present a specific interest in this article. This kind of integration is becoming more and more popular among politicians and researchers in their affords to demonstrate a pragmatic approach how to re-start the integration process. This article will outline the issues framed by the differentiated integration in Italy, a founding member of the European Union. Moreover, it presents an attempt to apply the principles of differentiated integration to some of the politics: political and economic governance in the EU. The article poses the question to what extent the political fluidity will be necessary in order for the EU to still remain solid tackling common economic and political challenges. The article presents the opinions of the Italian scholars and politicians referred to the differentiated integration. The first part of it theorizes the concept of differentiated integration and presents an evolution of scholars’ thoughts starting from the mid-90s. The second part of the article reveals the challenges of the EU, the European integration process and the implications on the Italian Republic. It tries to show how Italy manages to overcome the present integration challenges.
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Canihac, Hugo. "Programming the Common Market: The Making and Failure of a ‘Dirigiste’ Europe, 1957–1967." Contemporary European History 30, no. 3 (May 27, 2021): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000242.
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This article contributes to the debate about the history of the political economy of the European Economic Community (EEC). It retraces the efforts during the early years of the EEC to implement a form of ‘European economic programming’, that is, a more ‘dirigiste’ type of economic governance than is usually associated with European integration. Based on a variety of archives, it offers a new account of the making and failure of this project. It argues that, at the time, the idea of economic programming found many supporters, but its implementation largely failed for political as well as practical reasons. In so doing, it also brings to light the role of economists during the early years of European integration.
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C. Van Hook, James. "Translating Economics into Politics in Cold War Germany." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250207.
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Economics and economic history have a fundamental role to play in our understanding of Cold War Germany. Yet, it is still difficult to establish concrete links between economic phenomena and the most important questions facing post 1945 historians. Obviously, one may evaluate West Germany's “economic miracle,” the success of western European integration, or the end of communism in 1989 from a purely economic point of view. To achieve a deeper understanding of Cold War Germany, however, one must evaluate whether the social market economy represented an adequate response to Nazism, if memory and perspective provided the decisive impulse for European integration, or if the Cold War ended in Europe because of changes in western nuclear strategy. Economic history operates in relation to politics, culture, and historical memory. The parameters for economic action are often as determined by the given political culture of the moment, as they are by the feasibility of alternative economic philosophies.
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BOHLING, JOSEPH. "Colonial or Continental Power? The Debate over Economic Expansion in Interwar France, 1925–1932." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (May 2017): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000066.
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In the 1920s various French elites argued that the nation state was not viable in an increasingly interdependent world economy dominated by ‘continental blocs’ such as the United States and the Soviet Union; instead, they hoped to expand French economic power through larger political structures, whether France's existing empire or a federal Europe. French foreign minister Aristide Briand called for the organisation of Europe at the same time that other elites advocated the consolidation of the French empire. Although imperial rivalry would trump European cooperation in the interwar years, the 1920s created a framework for post-1945 debates about whether France would achieve economic growth and maintain political independence through colonial development, continental cooperation or some combination of the two. Conventional narratives locate the origins of European integration in the devastations of the Second World War and the crisis of empire. This article argues that integration was conceived within and in tension with, not outside of, an imperial framework.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "France and European Integration: From the Schuman Plan to Economic and Monetary Union." Contemporary European History 13, no. 1 (February 2004): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001516.
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Craig Parsons, A Certain Idea of Europe (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2003), 255pp., $39.95 (hb), ISBN 0-8014-4086-6.David J. Howarth, The French Road to European Monetary Union (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-92096-1.Mairi MacLean, Economic Management and French Business from de Gaulle to Chirac (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-76148-0.
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Alvarez-Palau, Eduard J., Alfonso Díez-Minguela, and Jordi Martí-Henneberg. "Railroad Integration and Uneven Development on the European Periphery, 1870–1910." Social Science History 45, no. 2 (2021): 261–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.1.
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AbstractThis study explores the relationship between railroad integration and regional development on the European periphery between 1870 and 1910, based on a regional data set including 291 spatial units. Railroad integration is proxied by railroad density, while per capita GDP is used as an indicator of economic development. The period under study is of particular relevance as it has been associated with the second wave of railroad construction in Europe and also coincides with the industrialization of most of the continent. Overall, we found that railroads had a significant and positive impact on the growth of per capita GDP across Europe. The magnitude of this relationship appears to be relatively modest, but the results obtained are robust with respect to a number of different specifications. From a geographical perspective, we found that railroads had a significantly greater influence on regions located in countries on the northern periphery of Europe than in other outlying areas. They also helped the economies of these areas to begin the process of catching up with the continent’s industrialized core. In contrast, the regions on the southern periphery showed lower levels of economic growth, with this exacerbating the preexisting divergence in economic development. The expansion of the railroad network in them was unable to homogenize the diffusion of economic development and tended to further benefit the regions that were already industrialized. In most of the cases, the capital effect was magnified, and this contributed to the consolidation of newly created nation-states.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro. "The British Position towards European Integration: A Different Economic and Political Approach." Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0007.
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Abstract The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.
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FREYER, Eckhard. "EU-BREXIT-CEE-UKRAINE: EUROPE’S HEALTHIER FUTURE AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEADERSHIP." JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN ECONOMY 19, Vol 19, No 3 (2020) (September 2020): 423–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2020.03.423.
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The horrors of WWII changed history and created a better Europe based on a Common market as an essential signal of unity among the EU member states. Now generations have grown up in peace and growing prosperity. However, a decade ago, ECB/EU had to overcome the EU-euro-financial crisis and now Brexit. In addition, Covid19 crisis brings many pressing problems, as the Coronavirus pandemic is likely to result in Europe/Germany’s largest economic downturn in the last seven decades. Loss of prosperity, des-integration in the European Union could escalate further. Even in academic and scientific institutions and in European research networks difficulties are relevant. Can we overcome Brexit / Corona and create a healthy Europe that is a global socioeconomic leader? Based on our Cultural Heritage across Europe we must look further than Brexit, and even more seek solutions to the Ukrainian conflict.
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Maguire, Lisa. "France’s present and future in both Europe and the world: Spring 1990 Conference at the French Institute, New York University." Tocqueville Review 12 (December 1991): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.12.251.
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Evening colloquia at the Maison Française, New York University, Spring 1990 The academic year of 1989–90 witnessed both the crumbling of the Soviet bloc, as well as a continued preoccupation with the coming economic integration of Europe.
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Rosenbloom, Joshua L. "The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914." Social Science History 22, no. 3 (1998): 287–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021763.
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During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the spread of railroad and telegraph networks in the United States and Europe, the introduction of steamships on transatlantic routes, and the laying of transatlantic telegraph cables initiated a period of pronounced economic integration within and between countries (Williamson 1996; Thomas 1954; Chandler 1977; Perloffet al. 1965; James 1978). This period was also characterized by a rapid pace of growth and pronounced international convergence in standards of living among the countries of western Europe, North America, and Australia (Maddison 1991). Jeffrey Williamson (1996) has recently argued that the increasing integration of factor markets, especially labor markets, in this era was a crucial factor in the pace of international convergence.
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Smedley, Stuart. "Making a Federal Case: Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (November 28, 2020): 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.
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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.
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Masini, Fabio. "Pierre Uri: The making of a European economic order." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (February 2022): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2021-002003.
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In the 1950s Pierre Uri played a significant role in shaping the European eco-nomic order. Thanks to his prominent contributions to the team of advisers that centred around Jean Monnet, both the ECSC and the EEC Treaties were designed to encompass the potential to evolve into a federal constitution for Europe. The paper aims to highlight the role of Pierre Uri in drafting the main features of the institutional, decision-making, and fiscal architecture of early European economic integration.
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Cunha, Carlos. "The Portuguese Radical Left and Europe: The Case of the PCP." Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea, no. 24 (January 26, 2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/pasado2022.24.03.
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This paper takes a qualitative, rhetorical and historical approach with a view to analyzing the Portuguese Communist Party’s (PCP) long-term, oppositional stance and tactics towards European integration (EI) by briefly covering early opposition, while focusing on 1990s onward stages. The economic crises (Euro Crisis 2008/2009 and Pandemic) Portugal faces, and the rigid, neo-liberal solutions imposed by the European Union, have led the PCP to feel its constant criticisms of increased federalism have been justified. At its XXI Congress in 2020, the PCP used the same rhetorical arguments as it had in the past, including that the only solution is to break with the right’s pro-EU policies.
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Fiszer, Józef M. "Kryzys integracji europejskiej czy kryzys Unii Europejskiej? Przesłanki i skutki." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2015 (January 31, 2016): 82–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.15.5.
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There is no doubt that the European Union, as a result of the European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, uniting Europe, which decided to eliminate war forever. Unfortunately, the idea of “eternal peace” has not materialised fully yet. The article aims to present the European Union at present, facing an ongoing crisis. The article discusses strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although it became substantially stronger expanding to the East – does not cope with many economic, political, social and international problems nowadays. The main thesis is the statement that the EU requires a complete overhaul so that it might continue to develop and be the European integration drive. If it does not happen, the EU will start to disintegrate and will finally collapse or become nothing more but just a free trade zone.
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GEHLER, MICHAEL, and WOLFRAM KAISER. "TRANSNATIONALISM AND EARLY EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: THE NOUVELLES EQUIPES INTERNATIONALES AND THE GENEVA CIRCLE 1947–1957." Historical Journal 44, no. 3 (September 2001): 773–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0100200x.
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Based on the analysis of primary sources from party archives and the private papers of politicians in six countries, this article evaluates the influence of Christian Democrat transnationalism on European integration in the crucial formative period from 1947 to 1957. It shows how the Christian Democrats' co-operation in the Nouvelles Equipes Internationales and the Geneva Circle shaped and re-enforced their historical orientations, ideological preferences, and common party interests and played an important role in structuring the concept and the reality of a ‘core Europe’ of continental countries. It is crucial to include ‘soft’ factors such as the growing transnational political networks in the analysis of European integration history to avoid a monocausal explanation that focuses exclusively on inter-state relations and sees the integration process solely as the product of a multilateral bargaining process driven by national (economic) interests.
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Baltazar, Isabel. "The European Union is at a crossroads." Debater a Europa, no. 25 (December 28, 2021): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_25_1.
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This study presents the history of European unity in the contemporary period and how the European federation project was being presented for the constitution of the United States of Europe. Then the way to a European Union with one voice, in the history of European integration, in a sovereignty shared by the States, not always uniting all the members, in the same integration, posing the question of a Europe at different speeds. At European crossroads, it is not always possible to reach an understanding among all nations, on how to achieve this European Union. It is here that the question arises of a Europe at various speeds, in which some states agree to further deepen, and others, or due to the lack of possibility of convergence, for economic reasons, as in the case of the Euro, are left out of certain integration policies. However, what we want to reflect on is that the process of European construction maintains its unity around its fundamental values, although policies can adjust to concrete situations, which do not invalidate their essential nature, ends and objectives, or that is, despite these different “speeds”, depending on the situation and the will of the states, the project itself always maintains the European Union as a whole.
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Antonyuk, Nataliya. "Central, Eastern and East-Central Europle: on the History and the Current State of Conceptualization and Demarcation of Concepts." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.01.
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The article is devoted to a historical overview and discussion of the current understanding and demarcation of the concepts “Central Europe”, “Eastern Europe” and “Central Eastern Europe”. The analysis is performed from a descriptive and comparative point of view, including a step‑by‑step generalization and separation of the above concepts and the verification of how natural, artificial or instrumental their character is, as well as by analysing their contrastive properties. In conclusion, the author has argued that the integration / disintegration and democratization / autocratization processes in the countries that used to be or now constitute different sub‑regions of Europe during the 20th and 21st centuries have led to significant and highly ambiguous changes in the spectrum of political, socio‑economic, religious, cultural (national and supranational) processes, etc. As a result, various attributes of political, socio‑economic and cultural development, in particular their diversity from the perspective of certain European sub‑regions (which are often, though mistakenly, treated as a collective category of countries of “commensurable type”), have previously predetermined and today especially predetermine the need for analysis of the history and the current state of conceptualization and demarcation of the outlined concepts.
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Bay Rasmussen, Steffen. "Introduction." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 64 (May 14, 2021): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-64-2021pp19-22.
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The process of European integration has evolved through crises of governance towards ever greater integration of the societies of the participating member states, giving rise to new questions about the political organization of the European continent. At the same time, European societies have become ever more diverse, giving rise to new and complex problematiques of coexistence. Europe must now also deal with the consequences of an economic model based on the consumption of finite resources. Beyond specific crises and events, Europe is therefore faced with a multifaceted challenge of ecological, democratic and societal sustainability. To approach the challenges from the point of view of sustainability means to see the ecological, democratic and societal long-term viability of Europe as made possible by the continuous reconstruction of European societies through innovative cultural, social, economic and political practices under the ecological constraints posed by the limits of our planet.
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Haider, Inger Eriksson. "European Integration: History and Perspectives Report from a Colloquium Retracing the Evolution of the European Union." International Journal of Legal Information 30, no. 3 (2002): 466–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500010143.
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Fifty years ago, in the aftermath of the Second World War, Europe lay in ruins. What could be done to put an end to its belligerent past? Robert Schuman, then French Foreign Minister, envisioned that the European nations pool their resources together and unite their sovereign states, creating a unique form of political and economic union to be governed by supranational institutions. In the words of Jean Monnet: “Nothing can be achieved without institutions.” These ideas were the origins of the European Union.
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Monson, Andrew. "Egyptian Fiscal History in a World of Warring States, 664–30 bce." Journal of Egyptian History 8, no. 1 (August 24, 2015): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340021.
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From China to the Mediterranean, interstate competition transformed the political, economic, and social order in the mid-first millenniumbce. The case of Egypt from the Saite reunification in 664bceto the Roman conquest in 30bceillustrates this phenomenon, which resembles the rise of fiscal-military states under the pressure of war in early modern Europe. The New Fiscal History that has sought to explain this rise in Europe tends to produce a linear historical account of centralization and increasing fiscal capacity from feudal societies to the modern tax state. In Egypt, by contrast, the process was interrupted by integration into the imperial structures of Achaemenid Persia and Rome. It thus provides a convenient laboratory to compare the development of fiscal institutions in a political environment characterized by warring states, and one dominated by a single empire.
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Tselios, Vassilis, and Andrés Rodríguez-Pose. "Did Decentralisation Affect Citizens’ Perception of the European Union? The Impact during the Height of Decentralisation in Europe." Economies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2020): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies8020038.
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The aim of this paper is to assess the extent to which different levels of decentralisation across regions of the European Union (EU) affected citizens’ perceptions about European integration over the period 1973–2002. The paper uses Eurobarometer Surveys to explore by means of multinomial logistic regressions whether decentralisation was an important factor behind the varying perceptions about Europe. Two dimensions of decentralization—political and fiscal—are considered in the analysis, alongside several compositional and contextual effects. The results of the analysis show that fiscal decentralisation was fundamental for citizens’ support for European integration, while there is limited evidence that political decentralisation played a similar role. Hence, while fiscal decentralisation may have given prominence to the economic benefits of European integration, political decentralisation was more associated with its economic costs. Taking into account that history matters, this paper raises potentially interesting insights for the design of policies aimed at promoting social cohesion.
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Maes, Ivo, and Sabine Péters. "Niels Thygesen: An Academic in the Making of European Monetary Union." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 1 (March 2021): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2020-001005.
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Niels Thygesen (born 1934) played for nearly five decades an influential role as a policy orientated academic, especially in the process of economic and monetary integration in Europe. He is especially known as a member of the Delors Committee and as the first Chair of the European Fiscal Board. As part of a re-search program on collecting memories, this paper publishes the results of several interviews with him. His early life offers insightful observations on the develop-ment of the economics profession in the postwar years (he was close to Nobel Prize laureates as Franco Modigliani and Milton Friedman). Thygesen's involvement with the process of European monetary integration really started in 1974 with his membership of the Marjolin Committee (which provided an assessment of the failure of the 1970 Werner Report). Since then he has been involved in a multitude of committees and initiatives, like the OPTICA groups, the All Saints Day Manifes-to, the Committee for Monetary Union in Europe (an initiative of Giscard and Schmidt) and the Euro50 Group.
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Caldari, Katia. "Planning the European architecture: The contribution of Robert Marjolin." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (February 2022): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2021-002001.
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In his autobiographical notes, Robert Marjolin defines himself as "architect of European Unity". He played a pivotal role in the reconstruction of France after WWII and in the construction of the European Economic Community. He was a strict collaborator of Jean Monnet far before the end of the war and vice-President of the European Commission from 1958 to 1967. He was a fervent advocate of European integration and strongly believed in the urgency to develop a planning approach at European level that was coherent with his idea of economic and monetary union. Accordingly, he bustled about the attempt to spread and to make accepted his idea of Europe as "Europe organisée" by coordinating meetings and seminars and by creating a network of people that shared and sustained the idea of economic planning. He promoted a communitarian "action programme" which should go beyond the customs union and would consider some long-term commu-nitarian targets. A large part of the literature overlooks Marjolin's contribution to the European project. Main aim of this paper is to focus on Marjolin's role in the European integration process and show that building a strong (economic but also political, social, and military) European union was his main goal and the leitmotif of his whole career.
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Hang, Nguyen Thi Thuy. "Us and European Integration Prior to 1968." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 33, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2016-0011.
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Abstract This paper surveys the history of the United States policy towards European integration from 1945 up to 1968 before President Nixon came into office. Drawing on a detailed analysis of the documents mostly obtainable from the official websites of the US Department of State, the US National Archives, and the EU Historical Archives, the paper argues that it was the European geopolitical and economic context after the Second World War and the United States national interests which moulded this country’s pro-European integration policy. Thus, the paper will begin with an analysis of the search for global influence between the United States and the Soviet Union before examining how the United States redefined its core interests in recognition of the Soviet threat. Then, it will explore the role that the United States played in reconstructing Western European economy and defending it physically. Also, it is argued that the United States and Western Europe took concerted action together to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom), the very first supranational institutions which have made the European integration process irreversible. It will be concluded that the vitality of the European integration project depended on US economic and political capital for its success.
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Geiger, Till, and Michael Kennedy. "The lost origins of Ireland’s involvement in Europe: the Irish response to the Briand Plan, 1929–30." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 126 (November 2000): 232–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014863.
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In a collected volume assessing Ireland’s involvement in European integration Gearóid Mac Niocaill and Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh wrote that With the establishment of an Irish National State in 1922 the opportunities for expanding Irish links with Europe seemed greatly enhanced. It remained to be seen if these opportunities would be taken.However, Patrick Keatinge reminded readers of the same volume that ‘Up to the late 1950s Ireland’s diplomatic persona was only slightly “European”.’ Most Irish diplomatic historians would agree with this interpretation, arguing that Britain, the Commonwealth and the League of Nations remained the primary focus of Irish foreign policy in the inter-war period. Supporting Keatinge’s interpretation, the existing historical literature suggests that Irish diplomats were rather slow in renewing the perceived longstanding contacts with continental Europe before the Second World War. Indeed, Roy Foster has criticised the discursive claim of Ireland’s longstanding contacts with continental Europe, made by many Irish policy-makers at the time of Ireland’s entry into the European Economic Community in 1973, as a ‘grandiose self-delusion’. Most historical accounts, therefore, suggest that Ireland’s involvement in Europe tentatively started with the involvement in the Marshall Plan and participation in the Council of Europe.
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AHONEN, PERTTI. "Taming the Expellee Threat in Post–1945 Europe: Lessons from the Two Germanies and Finland." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002127.
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This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.
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Bruneteau, Bernard. "The Construction of Europe and the Concept of the Nation-State." Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300002046.
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The construction of Europe is often teleologically addressed as a result of an unstoppable trend towards federalism. Another angle on this history gives access to another logic: that of a European kind of nation-state which considers European integration not as an element in its decline, but as a tool to reorganise its power. This new youth for the old nation-state was linked as much to the historical context of the 1950s–1970s as to the specific rules of policy-making and to the economic regulation focus of the European Community.
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Walters, William. "Exploring European Social Policy. By Robert R. Geyer. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2000. 272p. $50.00 cloth, $14.99 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401812016.
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Social scientific interest in "social Europe" pales in compar- ison with the attention that has been directed toward the economic and political dimensions of the European Union (EU). This is perhaps hardly surprising; for much of its relatively short history, the system that is today the EU has been almost exclusively economic in its focus. Only since the 1980s has the project of European integration acquired a significant social dimension. Given this imbalance, Robert Geyer provides a welcome and timely addition to the litera- ture.
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Butorina, O. V., and Yu A. Borko. "Benefits of Regional Integration: Redefining the Concept." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S105—S112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080020.
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Abstract For decades, the topic of regional integration has been considered in research through its economic benefits. The classic theories of customs unions and optimum currency area, together with, to a lesser extent, the new regionalism approach are based on analyses of potential costs and benefits of regional associations. Regional integration is traditionally understood as a way to encourage trade flow between member states, to facilitate more efficient allocation of resources by stimulating competition by increasing the capacity of the internal market. That is expected to result in faster economic growth and, consequently, increased per capita income. The 70-year history of the European Union provides sufficient research material to analyze whether economic benefits truly are the main driving force of regional integration. With this goal in mind, the presented article first sums up the key reasons for the post-war unification of Western Europe, then explores the position of the cost-benefit analysis in the theory of regional integration, and finally analyzes the degree of influence of welfare effects on strategic decisions of the European Union. The analysis shows that economic gain is not an immanent property of regional integration: it does not occur at all stages of the process and is neither its primary goal nor its driving force. Instead, regional integration aims to respond to the changing global order, i.e., help member states strengthen their international position and protect themselves from undesirable external influence. While economic benefits are also important, they are not necessarily the decisive factor.
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KOPSTEIN, JEFFREY. "1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-communist Future." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005050.
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AbstractPolitical scientists have documented significant variation in political and economic outcomes of the 1989–91 revolutions. Countries bordering on western Europe have become relatively democratic and economically successful, with both democracy and wealth dropping off as one moves east and south. Explanations for this variation and the replication of an older pattern on the Eurasian landmass have moved farther and farther into the past. Yet in moving to the longue durée, more proximate events such as the revolutions of 1989, the demise of communism and even the communist experience itself recede into the background and are themselves accounted for by antecedent conditions. The article discusses how two more proximate factors helped to change older patterns in central and eastern Europe: the impact of communist modernisation and the prospect of European integration.
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Gonzŕlez, Angeles. ""Non a qualunque prezzo". Gli imprenditori e l'ingresso della Spagna nella Comunitŕ economica europea (1957-1977)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032009.
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- The concern of the Spanish businessmen towards membership in the European Communities took place under defined parameters for the defense of their interests and a purely economic view of the integration project, in the same way as among the majority of Greeks and Portuguese counterparts. Europe was a promise and a guarantee of development, the opportunity to complete the process of liberalization of the Spanish economy, to undertake industrial restructuring and to modernize and professionalizethe management of their businesses. Otherwise, Europe was a challenge: they could only survive the best and most effective. This two faces were inseparable, as the two faces of Janus, and can help to explain the changing perceptions about integration and transition from a naive optimism to a widespread skepticism. It coincides with the expansive phase of the Spanish economy, but after that, the growth model began to experiment signs of crisis, in the second half of the sixties.
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Janecki, Andrzej, and Waldemar Sługocki. "Democracy and Freedom in Turbulent Times. Poland’s Membership of the European Union as the Final Process of Integration after 1989." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (February 28, 2023): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.8.
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Every country has symbolic dates in its history. The necessary political, social, and economic transformation after 1989 required costly changes. The prospect, and then the realization of Poland’s aspiration to become a member of the European Union has turned us from a former Soviet-influenced bloc country into a fully-fledged member of the European family. All thanks to May 1, 2004. Since then, this date has been the foundation, and a new chapter in Poland’s recent history. Poland has confidently entered a new political, economic, and, above all, civilizational space. The aim of the article was to show the way to this important event which changed Poland’s place in Europe forever.
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De Noronha, Teresa, and Eric Vaz. "Why a multidisciplinary agenda for Southern Europe?" REGION 6, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): E1—E5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i4.280.
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Since the process of southern Europe's integration in the European Union, the Mediterranean region has seen a more considerable gap between central and northern European countries and its southern European counterpart. Thus, in a European context of social cohesion, it becomes necessary to better understand Southern Europe, without escaping to the so required perception of the complexity of Mediterranean culture. As a significant player along history, Southern Europe established a platform of diversity and freedom consistently, bringing peace between different historic-cultural traditions. Moreover, the southern frontier of Europe to Africa and Asia has become a crucial determinant in the current times of change where ruptures in the political systems are also defining new patterns of regional migration. Meanwhile, the integration of Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Greece in the European Union reinforced an essential search for stability, altering to some extent the political and economic predispositions of these countries. This has been followed by somewhat rigid institutions, that remain, to a certain extent, an obstacle to sustainable development, and justify a broader assessment of the potential of policy and governance intervention. A Mediterranean region where a context of stagnation or increasing poverty and migration is leading most impoverished areas to a deleterious deprivation of human resources and capital. In such cases towards conflict, Southern European countries may represent a bridging alternative and an exemplar representation of democracy. A co-joint positive Mediterranean agenda is necessary, where migration patterns become a substantial factor in the future of all the frontier countries: Italy and Greece, Spain, and Portugal. This special issue collects recent insights in socio-economic developments in Mediterranean countries in order to further a future agenda for Southern Europe.
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Spalińska, Aleksandra. "Processes of European (Dis)Integration in Context of New Medievalism." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 4 (November 29, 2018): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i4.p120-125.
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What is the source of the European Union’s crisis? Are disintegrating tendencies so serious? How the scope and content of member states’ sovereignty has changed within the years of integration process? The paper puts out a thesis that the answer to these questions can be found in the concept of new medievalism. This concept allows us to look at the EU from the perspective of historiosophy and civilization studies as well as globalization processes and qualitative changes in international politics. More broadly, this concept concerns the entire West, regarding social, political and economic changes which affect the position of western civilization in terms of its global domination. The “New Middle Ages” (another name for “new medievalism” in civilization studies) also refers to the European integration theory, providing a fresh look at the European history (this concept strongly refers to history) and interpretation of the presence at once. In the field of European Studies known is model of Europe as neo-medieval Empire, which provides the theoretical apparatus for research on changes of politics and power in Europe. The concept of new medievalism also investigates the risks of disintegration – that’s why it helps to understand the possible consequences of EU’s breakup. The aim of the paper is to present the interpretations of new medievalism, regarding the causes and possible outcomes of EU’s disintegration.
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KOSTOVICOVA, DENISA, and NATALIJA BASIC. "Conference Report Transnationalism in the Balkans: The Emergence, Nature and Impact of Cross-national Linkages on an Enlarged and Enlarging Europe, 26–27 November 2004." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 583–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002778.
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In response to the pull of prospective membership of the European Union (EU), the states, societies and economies of the Balkan countries are undergoing unprecedented change. Their transformation has been shaped by a double legacy of communism and ethnic conflict, distinguishing their efforts from the transitional experience of their counterparts in east central Europe. How do these legacies interact with the goal of becoming a part of the EU? Is political and economic liberalisation a sufficient foundation for the Europeanisation of the Balkan states? How can the extent of their post-communist and post-conflict transformation and European integration be gauged? To tackle these questions, the Centre for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), London, and the Institute for East European Studies at the Free University, Berlin, organised a two-day conference to examine the nature of transnational relations in the Balkans. With the financial support of Volkswagen Stiftung, the conference, entitled ‘Transnationalism in the Balkans: The Emergence, Nature and Impact of Cross-national Linkages on an Enarged and Enlarging Europe’, took place at the LSE in November 2004.
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Gillingham, John. "A Test Case of Moravcsik's “Liberal Intergovernmentalist” Approach to European Integration." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032237.
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The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur.John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM, JAMES MARK, and JOSÉ M. FARALDO. "Entangled Transitions: Eastern and Southern European Convergence or Alternative Europes? 1960s–2000s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000261.
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Ever since the fall of the Iron Curtain and the enthusiasm it inspired about the potential for European unity and democracy, it has become fashionable to see post-war European history in terms of convergence. Historians have researched the integration of the European continent into the global, in the context of the Cold War, decolonisation and economic globalisation. Internally, processes of convergence are seen to link the trajectories of nations on a continent where integration eventually trumped the divisions of nationalism, regionalism and the Iron Curtain. This story of an ‘ever deeper and wider union’ was also reflected in the ways in which the transformations of Southern and Eastern Europe were narrated. The idea of a so-called ‘return to Europe’ inspired histories that connected the fall of right-wing authoritarian regimes in the Southern European states of Portugal, Greece and Spain from the mid-1970s with the end of communism in Eastern Europe from 1989. This dominant account has presented Southern and Eastern European ‘peripheries’ moving towards the (Western) European core and its norms, values and models of liberal democracy. Even though some have raised objections to these teleological and Western-dominated narratives of transition they have remained strikingly potent in histories of post-war Europe. Only very recently have they received historiographical critique. Partly this is due to the enduring appeal of centre-periphery approaches that continue to influence intellectual debates about European identity and history. This is also because research on the transitions in Southern and Eastern Europe has for a long time remained rather insular. Historians have been slow to enter a research field that has been dominated by institutional and political approaches, and they have remained more focused on national histories. Where historians of either Eastern or Southern Europe have addressed the transnational or transregional aspects of transition, this has mainly focused on the appeal of the West or its Atlanticist dimensions.
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Vladimir Torres, James, and Leonardo Moreno-Álvarez. "INTRODUCCIÓN: INLAND PORTS IN THE ANGLO-IBERIAN ATLANTIC: NEW APPROACHES FROM ECONOMIC, POLITICAL, AND SOCIAL HISTORY." Illes i imperis, no. 24 (November 24, 2022): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31009/illesimperis.2022.i24.01.
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Inland waterways had an expansive role in the economic performance of preindustrialand early industrial societies. The lower freight rates and lower biomass consumptioncharacteristic of riverine trade allowed merchants to export bulky, low-value-to-weightcommodities to distant nodes and successfully compete in global, competitive markets.As a growing literature has shown, economies endowed with an extensive network of inlandwaterways were better positioned to benefit from regional specialization andSmithian growth.1 The increasing integration of markets in China, Europe, and other regionsbefore the twentieth century was driven, among other things, by fundamental organizationaland technological changes in river navigation, such as improvements in portfacilities, canalization, customs simplification, and elimination of barriers to entry.2 Theadvent of steam navigation strengthened the productivity gains in river trade, makingupriver navigation cost-effective and further connecting inland nodes to the expansivewaves of global trade.3
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Kim, Si Hong. "EU's External Relations with South East Asia." International Area Review 10, no. 2 (September 2007): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590701000203.
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For Europe South East Asia has been a focus of strategic interests. Since 1977 formal contacts began and through these 30 years the two regions experienced mutual comprehension as well as misunderstanding owing partly to the performing balancing functions. Human rights issue is up to now a very subtle one to deal with. This entails asymmetrical position not only between Europe and Asia but also among member states of the ASEAN in levels of socio-economic developments. ASEM took the significant role in the interregionalism during the past decade. Still there needs some concrete agenda for the long-term and sustainable relationship. One such agenda might be learning lessons from Europe in terms of half century integration history and processes.
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TIZZONI, Elisa. "Europeans on Holiday." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 2 (2019): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-189.
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Aiming to provide an overview on the tourism policy implemented by the European Economic Community from the early 1960s until today, the research gives a contribution to fill a gap in current European Integration History, since Historians devoted little attention to the role of tourism in the integration process. To achieve this goal, the article addresses the mutual interactions between the making of Europe and the spread of mass tourism, by a focus on the role played from the Commission and the Council in the field of leisure travel. Broadly speaking, achievements and contradictions of the attempts to set a true tourism policy throughout the decades are investigated. From a methodological point of view, the research owes to the so-called “new history of European integration”, to the extent that multiple layers are taken into account, in order to assess the consequences of EEC tourism policy on society as a whole.
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ZVARYCH, Ihor, and Olena ZVARYCH. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE WORLD ECONOMIC SYSTEM AND ITS IMPACT ON STATE REGIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY IN UKRAINE: NEW CHALLENGES AND THREATS." Herald of Khmelnytskyi National University. Economic sciences 308, no. 4 (July 28, 2022): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31891/2307-5740-2022-308-4-46.
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For economic science, the process of globalization, globalization transformations and shifts is connected with the formation of a single world economic system that functions according to general rules. The beginning of the twenty-first century is marked by the regionalization of the political space of our country. Regionalism is increasingly asserting its rights as one of the most influential concepts of Western democracy. Within the framework of the European Union, there is a concept of “Europe of Regions”. Researchers pay attention to regional processes in the European space, paying tribute to the trends that are constantly developing there. Regionalism can be “administrative”, and in some cases it acquires a political character. Regionalism with a noticeable political accent, in which separatist motives play a leading role, is quite relevant for Ukraine. In our opinion, regionalism is not a unequivocally negative or destructive phenomenon, it has a rather significant potential of constructivism. This phenomenon is heterogeneous and ambiguous in the modern political history of various states. There is a need to develop a comprehensive program of state regional policy, taking into account the processes of political modernization and integration of Ukraine into the European political space.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "De Gaulle, Moravcsik, and Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032255.
Full textAbstract:
The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
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HERMAN, DIDI. "The New Roman Empire: European Envisionings and American Premillennialists." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 1 (April 2000): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006258.
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A unified Europe – the economic and political powerhouse of the world – looms just over the horizon. All that is lacking is a strong personality to galvanise and unify the various factions on the continent. And that person is coming!Charles Dyer, World News and Bible Prophecy (1993, 206)The subject of Europe, its history, politics, and integration, is an important area of study across a range of academic disciplines and professional spheres. Theorists and policy-makers alike have made European developments, particularly the elements of union, a key area of inquiry. This article seeks to explore a somewhat neglected field of analysis – the influence of religion in shaping understandings of Europe. In contrast to much work on Europe, my focus here is on the European perspective of a particular group of outsiders: conservative, premillennial Protestants in the United States.
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BROAD, MATTHEW. "Keeping your Friends Close: British Foreign Policy and the Nordic Economic Community, 1968–1972." Contemporary European History 25, no. 3 (April 5, 2016): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000175.
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AbstractThe Nordic Economic Community (Nordek) was a short-lived and ultimately unsuccessful attempt to strengthen cooperation between the four Nordic states. While the importance of the project to Britain has often been overlooked, this article suggests that Whitehall took considerable interest from the start. It demonstrates how, although officially neutral, London sought first to mitigate the effects of Nordek, then to undermine its establishment and, finally, in the wake of Nordek's collapse, to guard against its re-emergence. The aim throughout was to protect three central tenets of British foreign policy: EFTA unity in light of the second veto, Britain's own application for EEC membership and a cohesive Western Europe militarily integrated in NATO. However, the article highlights the absence of a coherent strategy towards tentative Nordic integration and the mixed success this brought, the interdependency of Anglo-Nordic relations in the pursuit and success of British foreign policy goals and the relative decline of the Britain's influence in the Nordic region.