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1
Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Melnychuk, Halyna. "Integration of Republica Moldova to the EU: Real Conditions and Perspectives (the 1990ʼs of the 20th – early of the 21st century)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 18, 2018): 287–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.287-295.
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This article presents important steps and achievements accomplished by the Republic of Moldova towards integration, by analysing its collaboration with the European Union.
The development of relations with the EU is the priority goal that Moldova strives for, which means not only economic, but also political and cultural integration. The first steps of the Republic of Moldova towards the EU were encouraging. After years of isolation, this process was difficult and required a lot of efforts. This is due to many reasons, the most important of which are Russia's political and economic pressure, theunresolved issue in Transnistria, the ideological and geopolitical schisms of the population, some of which see their future with Russia, and the other part with Europe. Despite the existing problems, cooperation with the EU has yielded tangible results: the EU-Moldova Association Agreement has been signed, the visa regime has been abolished and financial support for the socioeconomic and public sectors is provided.
Moldova, for its part, is making great efforts to form a single political, economic and cultural educational space with the EU, which supports its efforts in the process of European integration. Its speed and success largely depend on the country itself, its economic and political development. A strong statepolicymaking aimed at strengthening reforms and stimulating the transition to a market economy in accordance with the international principles is inherent in the future development of Moldova.
Keywords: Republic of Moldova, European Union,European Integration, foreign policy, Transniestrian conflict
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Adamczyk, Beata. "Cultural cooperation between nations as an important factor of sustainable social development of the region of Central and Eastern Europe in the European Union (for instance Poland and Lithuania)." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2007): 225–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2007.5.1.16.
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Cultural and social cooperation among nations lived in East and Central Europe has been sprung up over many centuries. In the 20th century, the nations of the part of Europe were subjected to an attempt to standardize their national cultures by means of introducing the socialist realistic culture. At present the message of cultural cooperation is social and cultural integration. Relations between Poland and Lithuania can be an example for development of cooperation among the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe on the state and regional levels, as well as example for educational institutions and economic associations, the connected relations may become germs of cooperation and good-neighbourly relationship as well as in the perspective of social development of the region among the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic Sea.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "Formation of the Foreign Policy Dimension of European Integration in the 40’s – 80’s Years of the 20th Century." European Historical Studies, no. 15 (2020): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.1.
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The article is devoted to study history of formation mechanisms of foreign policy of the European Communities in the period before creation of the European Union (40s – 80s of the XXth century). The dynamics formation of the foreign and security component of European integration from the first postwar projects of political association of the leading states of Western Europe (France and Great Britain) to creation in the early 1970s of a mechanism of European political cooperation (EPC) and its further activity are traced. The article analyzes political and legal status, evolution of the organizational structure, main activities, international achievements and miscalculations in the work of the EPC. Positions of Member States of the European Communities on development of their foreign policy and security components have been taken into account. The conclusions stated that the processes of European integration in the post-war period began precisely from the political sphere. However, due to differences in the strategic views of the states of Western Europe, their unwillingness to surrender state sovereignty in favor of European political institutions, as well as the position of the United States, it very quickly moved into the formation of a purely economic regional association. At the same time, the scale of economic integration and international policy tendencies have led to the formation of the system of political cooperation, which has become commonplace in the work of the Community institutions and the interaction of the Member States. On the whole, the EPC remained a weak and declarative practice of regular inter-state meetings at various levels, because it was outside the system of institutions and the regulatory framework of the European Communities. National ambitions of the Member States, each of which often favored the established priorities of its own foreign policy over the common interests of the union. Achieved level of political unification positions and actions of the Member States of the European Communities did not significantly increase the influence of integration in the international space until the formation of the European Union.
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Kimourtzis, Panagiotis, Georgios Kokkinos, Ioannis V. Papageorgiou, and Ioannis F. Papageorgiou. "Economic crisis and integration: Deconstructing social borders in Rhodes Island." Social and Education History 6, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2017.2635.
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Greece has been the focus of the mass media because of the ongoing economic crisis and the mixed migration flows that use the country as entry point to Europe. Although conceptually different, both phenomena converge in a vicious cycle that triggers an othering process. The economic crisis transfers Greece from the geopolitical centre to the periphery making the country dependent on the external economic and political decision making. Nevertheless, apart from being at the border, Greece is also the border of Europe. Peripherality appoints to Greece an instrumental role for the management of migration. Boundaries as “thresholds” produce patters of inclusion and exclusion creating by that perceptions of the Self and the Other. To that extent, the instrumental role of Greece as consequence of its peripherisation amplifies locally an othering process. Based on a different function of borders and peripheries, namely the endorsement of antagonistic narratives, this article discusses potential interventions in that vicious cycle. A local cultural diversity in Rhodes, Greece, the Rhodian Muslim community has been the receiving end of diversity management policies with particular emphasis on education throughout the 20th century. The knowledge accumulated may support new efforts countering the othering process. ResumenGrecia se ha situado en el centro de atención de los medios de comunicación a causa de la actual crisis económica y de los flujos migratorios mixtos que utilizan el país como punto de entrada a Europa. Ambos fenómenos convergen en un círculo vicioso que desencadena un proceso de alterización. La crisis económica mueve a Grecia desde el centro geopolítico a la periferia, haciendola dependiente de la toma de decisiones económicas y políticas externas. Además de estar en la frontera, Grecia es también la frontera de Europa. La perifericidad le atribuye un papel instrumental en la gestión de la migración. Los límites como "umbrales" producen patrones de inclusión y exclusión que se crean por esa percepción de Sí mismo y del Otro. El papel instrumental de Grecia como consecuencia de su periferización amplifica localmente un proceso de alterización. Basado en una función diferente de las fronteras y las periferias, y con el respaldo de narrativas antagónicas, en este artículo se discuten posibles intervenciones en ese círculo vicioso. Una diversidad cultural local en Rodas (Grecia), la comunidad musulmana rodesa, ha sido la receptora de las políticas de gestión de la diversidad con particular énfasis en educación a través del siglo XX. El conocimiento acumulado puede respaldar nuevos esfuerzos para contrarrestar el proceso de alterización.
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Yosypenko, Serhii. "The long twentieth century?" Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 3 (November 3, 2022): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2022.03.083.
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The paper describes the historical and intellectual foundations on which the European political system was built after the Second World War; this system pursued the goal to prevent any war in Europe, but proved unable to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war. The paper shows that this system was built not only because of the trauma of the First and Second World Wars, but also in accord- ance with the liberal attitude to war, which M. Vatter called «war with “war”»; at the same time, such a clear attitude does not refer to real wars, but to an imaginary «war of all against all». Based on the analysis of the principles and results of the research project “War and Society” under the direction of J. Baechler, the author outlines the principles of liberal Realpolitik as the implementation of the mentioned attitude in the realm of wars: it consists in their rationalization both at the level of goals and at the level of means of warfare; such a rationalization finally makes war irrational and unacceptable. From the point of view of such Realpolitik, war is only an extraordinary means of politics, and the russian-Ukrainian war is only an excess of violence, while in the opinion of the author, it is an inevitable consequence of the irrational and violent russian-Ukrainian extrapolitical conflict, whose stakes is the existence self of Ukraine. The author believes that one of the reasons for the inability of the European political system to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war is the belief that with the end of the Cold War, the “century of total war” in Europe also ended, and that the economic and cultural integration of post-communist countries into the European space makes such conflicts impossible. The author refers to the description of the own logic of wars of the 20th century, proposed in R. Aron’s book «The century of total war», and suggests considering the russian-Ukrainian war as a continuation of these wars. In the perspective pro- posed by R. Aron, the mentioned «century of total war» can be considered as a «long 20th century», which continues to this day.
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Жимаева, Екатерина, and Ekaterina Zhimaeva. "Health-impaired children social integration: Russian and Non-Russian historical experience." Servis Plus 8, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/5531.
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The article is devoted to an analysis of health-impaired children social integration. The author identifies six major stages in the development of a society’s attitude towards disability as a problem and disables children
as a distinct social group: from absolute rejection and even destruction of health-impaired persons to public recognition of equal rights irrespective of health conditions. In the article, the author compares Russian and European experience in health-impaired-people-targeted aid-provision and concludes that Russian experience is significantly different from that of Europe, where aid programmes were informed by the goals and aims of the state. By mid-20th century, European society had come to a realization of health-impaired people’s social equality and begun to develop a social model of disability, the underlying premise of which was active social assistance provided for persons with special needs in the course of their socialization. The predominant attitude in Russia was characterized by plaintive compassion and pity, which shaped the support/aid model as initially grounded in private charity and, later, state provision. By the end of the 20th century, due to global socio-economic reforms, a social model of disability came to be created in Russia. However, legal deficiencies, fund and qualified personnel shortages, as well as the negative stereotypes have so far been challenging the development of the model. As a conclusion, the author insists that the
adaptivity model currently in effect be replaced by a self-actualization model. The author provides practical recommendations concerning personnel training and re-training in the field of social follow-up of healthimpaired people.
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Husenicova, Lucia. "Disillusionment with liberal democracy in the Visegrad countries." UNISCI Journal 18, no. 54 (October 2020): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-97.
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The disillusionment with Europe and integration process is spreading through the continent. However, it appears to be stronger in countries of the Central Europe, specifically V4. Countries that have joined the democratic club at the end of 20th century show today higher potential to be governed by populistic and nationalistic parties. The article addresses the issue of perception of democracy in V4 countries through the scope of analysis of scientific publications as well as opinion polls conducted by national or international agencies. It works with several definitions of democracy and liberal democracy as a theoretical background and confronts them with how these are perceived by the people in the selected V4 countries. The opinion polls show, that people in these countries value democracy as a concept, and value the freedom that it brings, however, their everyday life and political decision are often impacted by the social and economic conditions they are living in.
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Iskakov, I. J., E. E. Lanina, V. Y. Kucherenko, G. V. Alekseev, and G. N. Egorova. "Possibilities for economic adjustments educational process in the ЕurАsЕС countries." Proceedings of the Voronezh State University of Engineering Technologies 82, no. 4 (January 20, 2021): 263–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20914/2310-1202-2020-4-263-271.
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The paper attempts to analyze the problems of adjusting the educational process in the EurAsEC countries that have arisen in recent decades in case of unforeseen circumstances. At the end of the 20th century, the ideas of globalization of all areas of the world community's activity led in the field of higher education to a thirst for immediate changes. What prompted the concern of the leading universities in Europe, which train highly qualified for the real sectors of the economy? An analysis of the current situation showed that the realities existing at that time pushed people to action, since analysts of higher education have repeatedly noticed that in the field of many areas of fundamental research, Europe is significantly inferior to the United States. Also noteworthy is the identity of the Nobel laureates. Independent commentators, beyond any emotion, pointed out that the United States has always invested significant amounts of money in the development of science. These problems gave rise to the Bologna process of reforming higher education in Europe. In this regard, the problems are considered and the prospects for the creation and development of a single educational space on the territory of the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union, considered by the authors as an important component of economic integration in the post-Soviet space, are identified. From the standpoint of taking into account foreign experience, as well as existing elements of educational integration within the framework of such associations. as EurAsEC, SCO, CIS, the main directions of integration interaction in the field of education of the EAEU countries are highlighted. The authors made attempts to formulate ways out of the current situation in the Eurasian educational space, especially in cases of unforeseen environmental conditions, such as a pandemic. Although in the educational space under consideration, the state of affairs with the organization, and in particular with funding, research and science is worse, this should not lead to ignoring the interests of both the students themselves and educational organizations in general. Insufficient funding is aggravated by many other factors, which together lead to the conclusion that EurAsia needs innovations designed to “modernize” the structure of education.
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Raja, Muhammad Yasin Sultan, Muhammad Rehan Zafar, and Sidra Sulman Malik. "Dynamics of Sino Russian Cooperation: History and future Prospects." Global International Relations Review V, no. III (September 30, 2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).05.
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After the end of the cold war international politics had moved from bi-polar to uni-polar resulting in instability. The United States of America to achieve her geo strategic interests took aggressive action which made other states insecure. We have witnessed a rise in the number of wars happened in the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century. The Middle East is still facing the aftershocks of Arab Spring and the Europe is still divided the way it was during the cold war. To counter the hegemonic designs of the United States of America and its allies Sino Russian cooperation has tried to balance the dynamics of International power power politics. This Sino Russian cooperation is based on an economic, strategic and political level. The very nature of this Sino Russian cooperation revolves around the integration of interests and inclusiveness of other likeminded states. In the second decade of the 21st Century this cooperation has evolved at the international level as an alternative to the Western political block led by the USA
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Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Inwestycje austriackie w Polsce przed 1989 rokiem." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 29 (September 14, 2021): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.04.
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Austrian investments in Poland developed with varying intensity throughout the 20th century. The Second Austrian Republic exerted a visible influence on the eastern area in terms of entrepreneurship, the intensity of this process, the degree of generated changes and the effects in relation to Poland require clarification. Poland was treated by post-war Austria as an initiator of changes in the region and a partner in the exchange of goods and raw materials. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of Austrian economic stimuli, mainly direct investments, on the political situation in Poland. Their effectiveness is estimated on the basis of specific initiatives undertaken, not only for the sake of the national interest of the republic, but also responsibility for economic and political support for the area of Central and Eastern Europe. An important question remains how the Polish government reacted to the offers made by the Austrian authorities. The adopted hypothesis concerns integration in the region. The Austrians, through cooperation with Poland, sought to strengthen the economic and political position of the neighboring eastern countries.
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Karl, Brian. "Technology in Modern Moroccan Musical Practices." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 790–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000918.
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The proliferation of technologies in use for popular music in Morocco points to cultural interactions beyond the most local or national influences that inform musical practices there. Examining the integration of technologies from outside Morocco—including musical instruments, recording media, and distribution systems—sheds light on negotiations of novelty and difference in contemporary Moroccan social and political life and thus on multiple facets of how late modernity has played out there. Among other broad areas of significance that musical practices help illuminate are the social and economic effects of colonial and postcolonial interactions, including the development of cash economies, globalized exchange, and cultural tourism; nationalist initiatives to define culture; and large-scale migration to Europe and elsewhere in recent decades, following a longer population shift in 20th-century Morocco from primarily rural locales to burgeoning urban centers.
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Meyer, Dietmar. "Human Capital and EU-Enlargement." Competitio 3, no. 1 (August 27, 2020): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21845/comp/2004/1/5.
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The enlargement of the European Union is an almost everywhere accepted necessity, but at the same time of course also a compromise. Economies or regions of different economic, social, institutional, etc. development become united in Europe with a territory from the Atlantic to the Eastern borders of Poland, Slovakia and Hungary, from the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean Sea. This integration process going along with the worldwide globalisation will imply a new distribution, or a redistribution of the factors of production. First of all the human capital will be touched by this development.2 One of the most important results found by social sciences in the 20th century is the realisation of the immense role played by human factors in the process of economic development. The extremely high efficiency of human capital and the high mobility could diminish the regional differences in the economic development and therefore in the social life. But even this is one reason for the mentioned re-allocation of the human capital. In the frame of a very simple static model (See e. g. Bishi – Kopel [2002]) the flow of human capital between different regions – called the European Union and the New Member States – will be analysed. The introduction of search costs extends the field of policy-analysis.
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Kalický, Juraj, Jana Lasicová, and Jaroslav Ušiak. "Central European states from a conservative perspective in the period 1990–2004." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no. 4 (May 25, 2018): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.4.1.
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CENTRAL EUROPEAN STATES FROM A CONSERVATIVE PERSPECTIVE IN THE PERIOD 1990–2004The post-communist transition of Central European States the V4 countries and their neighbours, when speaking about a broader Central Europe took place in the last decade of the 20th century until the years 2002 and 2004, when the V4 countries were allowed to access the EU and NATO. In this case, the term transition accounts for changes in the political status of states, a transition period in which basic pillars of the state — political system, the market economy, replaced the centrally-planned economy, the security and agenda of human rights, were assessed by new criteria. It was a complicated process that had to be reflected from the perspective of science and research, but also it had to be accepted from the perspective of citizens who did not always perceive the changes in a positive way. Central Europe lacked public discussion, a space that was supposed to be dedicated to the supporters of integration, but also to opposing opinions in order to make transparent attitudes, objections, but mainly, to introduce comprehensible projects of further development. Today many theoreticians from Western Europe view the absence of public discussion to be a serious lack of planning in the preparation period. Mainly future positive benefits were presented, liberalism as the best solution of economic problems was unilaterally preferred. Little attention was given to possible impacts of the other ideological or theoretical concepts, e.g., conservatism, which puts an emphasis on the important role of the state, traditions, paternalism, and other aspects, which could, at first sight, operate as controlling mechanisms, even barriers to liberalism and integration. At that time, conservatism seemed to be an outdated ideology. But in practice, the situation was different. Conservative parties, and particularly the conservative perspective of reality, became an essential way of problem solving. The article aspires to explain some aspects of the impact of conservatism on the positive process of transition and transformation in Central Europe.
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Klinova, Marina. "The State in Valéry Giscard d'Estaing Economic Policy: Retrospective and Modern Context." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640017200-8.
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In the year of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing’s 95th anniversary and the 40th year of the end of his presidential tenure, it seems relevant to compare the economic situations during the presidential mandates of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Emmanuel Macron. The goal was set against the background of similar negative factors that influenced the implementation of the programmes of both presidents to modernize the economy, show their desire to develop the European superstructure, and ensure France's leading role in Europe. The features of the liberal economic views of Giscard d'Estaing are highlighted and also contrasted with those of his dirigist predecessors. A change in the scale of state intervention in the economy is determined: from a reduction in the last quarter of the 20th century to a new expansion in the 21st century against the backdrop of crises (the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, the European Sovereign Debt Crisis of 2011–2013, and the COVID-19 pandemic) under Macron. The role of the General Planning Commissariat, recreated to determine economic priorities and concentrate resources on key high-tech areas of economic recovery and modernization, with the cooperation of the State and private entrepreneurship, is analyzed. Under Giscard d'Estaing, these sectors were aircraft and engine construction, high-speed rail transport, telecommunications, nuclear power engineering; under Macron – telecommunications, digitalization, energy saving, environmental protection. To conduct their analysis, the authors used both Russian and international memoirs literature, individual and collective monographs, articles in periodicals, official legal and statistical documents. The conclusion is made about a difficult starting situation, without sufficient support in society, when both reformer-presidents embarked on ambitious economic projects; the commitment of both Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Emmanuel Macron to the European idea, combined with the Gaullist conviction that France’s path to greatness lies in economic growth and European integration. The decisive importance of the economic factor for the outcome of the 1981 and the upcoming 2022 presidential elections in France is demonstrated.
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Narochnitskaya, Elena. "Charles de Gaulle's Political Philosophy – a View from the 21st Century International Dimension." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020206216.
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The historical and political visions of France's greatest statesman of the 20th century Charles de Gaulle resonate in present controversies over essential topics including prospects for nation states and civilizations in globalization era, the concept of European integration, structures and norms of the 21th century international order and more. The value of de Gaulle's political philosophy is not in the originality of underlying theoretical ideas, but in an uncommonly harmonious dualism of fundamental antithesis applied to the changing concrete realities and political action strategy. His foreign policy thinking combined recognition of the continuing role of nations with globally scaled and universalist approach, historicism – with attention to recent and upcoming shifts; realism – with values and principles; pragmatism in tactics – with strategic vision and political will. De Gaulle’s “national idea” is aware of the line that separates constructive national ambitions from destructive ones and is balanced by the European and global dimensions of his concerns and motivations. National interests, being the core priority for de Gaulle as head of state, were conceived not in a standard way but within the framework of rebuilding the Cold War bipolar system into a more plural and cooperative international order with a "true" Europe of Nations as an independent center of power. Of particular importance in today's context are the humanist aspect of de Gaulle's views on civilization and technological progress and his recognition of ideological pluralism in international relations.
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Lobanov, M. M., and N. V. Kulikova. "Country Studies of Central and Eastern Europe: How to Get Out of the Dive?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 6 (April 14, 2022): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-6-11.
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The current stage of development of studies of Central and Eastern Europe is characterized by a number of specific and common problems for the whole scientific direction. Systemic transformation in the states of the region at the turn of the 1980s-1990s led to a decrease in the level of their foreign economic and foreign policy relations with Russia, which influenced the interest in the study and accumulation of knowledge about Central and Eastern Europe in our country. In particular, the demand of state bodies for regular country studies of the region decreased, which affected the publication activity of scientific centers and the training of new scientists by specialized university departments. Central-Eastern Europe ceased to be considered as a separate region as its thirteen states were involved in European integration processes, and the number of scientific institutions and research teams for its study decreased. The disunity of specialists dealing with Eastern European problems and the low level of their scientific interaction leads to the formation of an "archipelago" of research centers. On the basis of open data, we found nine, oft en small, scientific teams for the study of history (from the middle of the 20th century), economy, society, domestic and foreign policy of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and analyze the results of their activities in 2010-21 (including topics and territorial scope of works). It is worth to note that in the Russian regions, the corresponding research within the framework of research teams is not carried out, they have survived only in Moscow. Such a key characteristic of country studies as complexity is gone – in the conditions of methodological stagnation and in the absence of the possibility of conducting comprehensive country studies, scientists tackle its components separately, and some of them have been abandoned. The predominance of the reductionist approach over the holistic one also applies to geographical coverage: our analysis of the specialization of scientists shows that many countries in the region remain outside the research field, and interest in two or three of them is due to cultural and historical ties and foreign policy agenda. The training of researchers and teachers at the departments of universities is carried out in an insufficient level for personnel renewal, the age of twothirds of the specialists is over 40 years old. In order to assess the prospects for solving this problem, we analyzed the topics of dissertations defended over ten years in 24 Russian universities and academic institutes in history, politics, economics and economic geography of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Chetverikov, A. O. "From the European Health Community to the European Health Union: The Project of the Supranational Health and Research Organization of the European Countries and its Historical Destiny." Lex Russica, no. 6 (July 5, 2021): 138–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.175.6.138-153.
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The paper examines the little-known pages of the legal regulation of international integration in Europe: the project of the creation in the middle of the 20th century of the European Health Community (EHC) and its relationship to the current project for the establishment of the European Health Union. The introduction examines the reasons for the ineffective response of the modern European Union (EU) to the global coronavirus pandemic, mainly due to the lack of European institutions, in contrast to the economy and a number of other spheres of public life, supranational powers in the field of health.The first section analyzes the main provisions of the draft EHC presented by the French Government in 1952 and became the subject of an international "preparatory conference" with the participation of 16 European countries at the end of the same year. The author gives special attention to the legal consolidation in the EHC draft founding treaty of "sanitary activities" (prevention and counteraction of various types of diseases); "cultural provisions" dedicated to the collection of information, the development of scientific research and education in the field of health; provisions on the creation of a common therapeutic and research infrastructure of the EHC; the political and legal nature of the EHC as a supranational organization with restrictions in its favor of the sovereign rights of the participating states.The second section describes and evaluates the domestic, foreign, and economic factors that prevented the creation of the EHC.The final section examines the impact of the EHC on the law-making and law-enforcement activities of the modern EU, and compares the legal model of the EHC with the model of the European Health Union, which was established in the end of 2020. There are also proposals for using the experience of European integration in the field of healthcare for the development of integration processes in a similar field between Russia and other former Soviet republics, including the creation of common medical and research centers under the auspices of the Union State of Russia and Belarus and (or) the Eurasian Economic Union, equipped with mega-science facilities (synchrotrons, etc.), other advanced infrastructure of scientific theoretical and scientific applied nature.
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Łukaszuk, Tomasz. "The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 56 (June 15, 2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.15.
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The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.
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Pochta, Yu M. "Development of the Russian Model of Federalism: Relationships of Center and Regions in 2007-2016." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-97-115.
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This article was written by Yuriy Pochta for the Council of Europe and was published in the spring of 2016 in the collection: Regionalisation trends in European countries 2007-2015. A study by members of the Group of Independent Experts of the European Charter of Local Self-Government / Editor: Prof. Francesco Merloni. Strasburg, 2016. Yuriy Pochta is a member of a group of independent experts of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, which is the pan-European political assembly representing local and regional authorities from the forty-seven member states of the Council of Europe. The Congress entrusted the Group of Independent Experts on the European Charter of Local Self-Government with the task of producing a comparative academic study. This study is based on information from Council of Europe member States affected by the regionalisation process and on recent regionalisation developments in Europe. The intention is to review the situation regarding regionalisation since the 2007 report of the European Committee on Local and Regional Democracy (CDLR). Following on from this, the idea is to achieve a broader understanding of the phenomenon from both the legal and institutional angles. The main aim of this study is to evaluate regionalisation trends, towards both more and less regionalisation, in individual countries and consequently in Europe as a whole. At the same time it seeks to determine whether the various countries considered actually have regional institutions as defined by the 2009 Council of Europe Reference Framework for Regional Democracy. In preparing his section on Russia, Yuriy Pochta proceeded from the fact that the modern Russian state emerged relatively recently - at the turn of 1980-90-s. of the 20th century and its formation, including its federal structure continues. It is shown that since 2007 the process of regionalization of the Russian Federation is developing successfully. Having opted for the creation of a democratic society, post-Soviet Russian Federation borrowed Western model, adapting it to its own circumstances. The impact of these conditions leads to the fact that it is quite difficult to relate the existing Russian federal system to the classic Western model. On this occasion Russian and Western scholars participate in a lively debate about the nature of Russian federalism - whether it is real or a simulation, whether it is in the crisis. But in 2014, in connection with the entry of the Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation, Russian federalism issues become even more urgent, raising a number of questions about the evolution of Russian federalism, the possibility of the organic integration of the two new subjects in the federation in a situation of sharp complication of Russia's relations with the West, led by the United States, caused by the political and socio-economic crisis in the Republic of Ukraine.
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Alborova, Dina, Boris Koybaev, and Elena Galkina. "Non-Use of Force Agreement as a Factor of Influence on Security Issues in the System of International Relations (On the Example of Georgian-Ossetian Conflict and Conflicts in Europe." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.11.
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Introduction. In recent decades, the issue of security has remained very acute and most pressing in modern international relations. Security is the key word that defines domestic and foreign policies of states in both the Caucasus region and a number of European regions. In the late 80s of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union was painful, accompanied by the economic collapse, the rupture of socio-economic and political ties, awakening of national identity, which often took the form of nationalistic character. Painful processes took place in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, in the Caucasus, which flamed with conflicts. Owing to ethno political conflicts new state formations appeared. Methods and materials. This article uses a set of methods for studying international politics, mainly the comparative, systemic, structural and functional ones, as well as methods for analyzing and processing documents, including content analysis. The use of the conflictological paradigm is the main methodological tool of this study. The authors also use the case study method for studying various conflicts (Georgian-Ossetian conflict, in Cyprus, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Transdniestria, etc.). The article analyzes the UN Resolutions, treaties, and memorandums relating to the non-use of force in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and conflicts in Europe. Analysis. One of the key aspects of regional security in the system of international relations is the issue of signing the Treaty on the Non-Use of Force. This issue has also been discussed at the official site – the Geneva meetings. The South Caucasus is an unstable, conflict-prone region with many problems. Here interests of both world and regional players collide, which cannot influence stability and security in regional international relations positively. Moreover, new challenges are swaying the situation, in particular, in the form of world terrorism and wars in the neighboring Middle East. Each of the countries located in the South Caucasus is fully aware of the need for stable peace and security in the region, but, at the same time, they do not have a common opinion on the issues relating to the mechanisms for achieving this state. As regards, in particular, the Georgian-Ossetian relations, the situation is aggravated by the foreign policy of these countries – while Georgia is taking steps towards European integration and joining NATO, South Ossetia is more and more integrated into the socio-economic and political legal components of the Russian Federation, denoting its strategic partnership with Russia as a guarantee of its own security. Results. The examples of conflicts in Europe and the Georgian-Ossetian conflict analyzed in the article show that the Agreements on the nonuse of force could serve as a basis for the cease-fire, divorce of the warring parties and the beginning of preparing a platform for the negotiation process. Nevertheless, there is not unequivocal answer to the question of whether such agreements are a guarantee that one of the parties may not violate the agreement and hostilities will not resume again.
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Fotaki, Marianna. "The ghosts of the past, the dreamlands of the future … or why fantasies are bound to fail in socialism and the market: The case of public health policy development in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.004.
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The transition ‘from planned to market economy’ in the former Soviet Union and in several countries in post-communist Europe is one of the most sweeping social transformations of the second half of the 20th century. It is widely accepted that this transformation was driven by a shared belief in the market’s superior ability to deliver economic growth, to create wealth and contribute to the well-being of the populations after the demise of the defunct socialist ideology. However, the element of utopian fantasy undergirding the grand projects of socialism and the market is usually ignored, often with detrimental results. The study draws on Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis to propose an alternative reading of the process of transition, as an exchange of one powerful fantasy for another. My key contention is that as long as the common utopian dream of social harmony underlying both projects will not be recognised for what it is, which is in itself an unattainable desire of the human psyche, the illusory dreamlands will continue to exist and so will their violent political consequences. The study uses the example of public health policy development in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia to illustrate how unacknowledged fantasy leads to violent utilitarianism as it was manifested in socialism, and is now repeated differently but no less tyrannically in the market. In conclusion, I argue for integrating fantasy as a constitutive element of political projects and explore the possibility of the autonomous (self-determined) mode of governance that Cornelius Castoriadis (1987/2005) theorised on and juxtaposed to the heteronomous ways of organising ruled by master signifiers present in various ideologies.
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Knezevic, Aleksandar, and Nevena Radic. "The census categorization of ethnic identity: Between theoretical comprehensions and statistical practice." Stanovnistvo 54, no. 2 (2016): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv161122010k.
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Theoretical debates about ethnic identity during the second half of the 20th century did not just attract attention of academic circles, but they influenced creation of political discourse which determined public life in almost every multinational society, regardless the level of socio-economic development. In recent decades, many theories about ethnic identity have emerged, especially those about ethnicity as a relatively new concept, which caused a great deal of controversy that has been ongoing since the 1960s. Modern demography deals with problems of great social importance, especially when it comes to anthropological, social and political demography, whose results often take lead in the modern political debate. In that sense, a lot of theoretical approaches tried to emphasize the decline of importance of traditional elements of ethnic identity, even their disappearance in favor of supranational concepts, over the past more than half a century. However, in practice, the opposite processes are constantly repeating and the awareness of belonging to certain ethnic group, not only remained the important part of social life, but its significance rapidly grew in certain periods and societies. Ethnic and social pluralism of modern societies, together with massive migration flows, have initiated the review of sustainability, not only the traditional definitions of ethnic identity, but also the various supranational concepts which have mostly emerged from ethnic identification and legal nationality. The fear that ethno-cultural pluralism will have negative effects on ethno-demographic differentiation increased the need for quantitative researches of demographic characteristics of population towards ethnic marks, also for reviewing of methodological solutions of ethno-statistic evidence, starting from definitions, categorizations and statistic classification, as far as the ways of collecting and publishing the data. In that sense the censuses are considered as a base of ethno-demographic studies of French and Serbian population, in which different theoretical concepts of ethnic identity created two different approaches to ethno-statistic census process. In every Serbian census from the middle of the 19th century till today central topics were the questions about static ethno-cultural categories of religion and about mother tongue, while the question about ethnicity was asked in each and every census taken after Second World War. On the other hand, although it has the longest census tradition in Europe, the official ethno-statistic evidence of population in France has been for a long time determined by constant rejection of ethnic categorization and by the absence of questions about primary ethnic marks of population. Instead, the supranational concept of legal nationality has become the central spot while, as a feature of political integration of immigrants in a census, the question about state of birth starts to appear. The main dilemma regarding relations between prevailing theoretical concepts of ethnic identity and the official statistic practice based on Serbian and French models, still remains. Therefore, this paper shows two-way influence of ethno-statistic categorization and the real ethnic structure, and opens a discussion whether the ethnic identities have been defined by statistics or the ethnic identity is the one which defines the official statistics.
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Tomka, B. "Social Integration in 20th Century Europe: Evidences from Hungarian Family Development." Journal of Social History 35, no. 2 (December 1, 2001): 327–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2001.0144.
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Kokosh, Artem. "The Concept of Space and Political Integration Processes of Eastern Europe in the First Post-War Decade." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 11 (December 14, 2022): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.11.46-56.
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The timeliness of the article lies in describing historical and political specifications of Eastern Europe formatting at time of communism regimes taking into consideration the role of the USSR in political sphere of East European countries. The methodological base of the paper consists in historisism and objectivism principles that allow considering the facts in their historical and spatial relationships. The analysis of integration processes in Eastern Europe in 20th century is combined with the attempt to define a space, that is considered to be the novelty of the paper. The conclusion proves the timeliness defining the USSR effection in the region in 20th century and concentration of East European countries in soviet communism ideology.
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BEREND, IVAN T. "Economic fluctuation revisited." European Review 10, no. 3 (July 2002): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000236.
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This study discusses the various short-, medium- and long-term cycle theories and focuses on the long-term Kondratiev cycle and its Schumpeterian interpretation. It gives a summary on the economic fluctuation in the 20th century and its impact on structural transformation and regional rearrangements. The problem of ‘peripheral structural crisis’ – the destruction without creation in the relatively backward regions of Europe – is introduced.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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van der Wee, Herman. "The twentieth century: an economic retrospective." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870000452x.
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The first of the three waves of economic development covering the 20th century started back in the previous century. The factors determining the success of this so-called ‘long 19th century’ were ideological and political, as well as economical. They generated, at the end of that wave, the move towards the first global economy. During the second wave (1914–1945), economic liberalism and globalisation came under pressure. The mixed economy of the postwar period – the framework of the third wave – initiated a trend towards a new global economy, covering ‘les trente années glorieuses’ (1945–1973), the uncertain 1970s, and the restructuring of the economy along neo-liberal lines (1980s and 1990s). What will be the economic future of Europe?
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KARENIN, DENIS. "RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF WORLD AND NATIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY." History and Modern Perspectives 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2022-4-4-82-90.
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The development of relations between Japan and Europe after the Second World War in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has become the subject of numerous historic- political and economic studies. The subject in question is of interest for researchers from Japan and Europe as well as to scientific communities from various other countries. Obvious spikes of researchers’ activity occurred in the times of transformation of relations such as the shift to neoliberalism by the end of the 20th century, the formation of the European Union and the recent signing of the Economic Cooperation and Strategic Partnership agreements. Today researches of the matter at hand appear to be highly relevant. Japan and Western Europe have come a long way from trade wars and open standoff at international fora to successful economic cooperation and strategic partnership in relatively short time. Analyzing their experience will be useful for finding solutions to present day international crises. The present article presents the most relevant studies of relations between Japan and Western Europe in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The relevant publications are reviewed by the author in chronological order. This way the distinguishing features of researchers’ approaches to the subject in question in different time periods can be demonstrated more distinctly. The problematic-chronological method was used to carry out the research because it allows to trace the correlation between the topics of historical research papers and the stage of development of historical science. Additionally, the author made use of the periodization method.
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Whaples, Robert, Peter Scholliers, and Vera Zamagni. "Labour's Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th- and 20th-Century Europe." Southern Economic Journal 63, no. 1 (July 1996): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1061342.
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Peñalver i Cabré, Alexandre. "Human Right to Environment and Its Effective Protection in Catalonia, Spain and Europe." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 1 (2014): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650002833x.
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Human Right to Environment is one the most relevant Third Generation Human Rights which includes new universal needs arisen from the last third of 20th century. These new human rights add as an additional layer to the First Generation Human Rights (civil and political rights from the end of 18th century) and to the Second Generation Human Rights (economic, social and cultural rights from 19th century).
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Köpeczi-Bócz, Tamás, and Mónika Lőrincz. "The characteristics of the resource needs of innovative businesses." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 69 (March 23, 2016): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/69/1800.
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Every university was funded in different historical periods with particular feature, particular political system, particular proprietory structure and particular economic background, which characterised the particular era. The historical antecedents considerably influenced the situation and role of the institutions as well as the course of their development. Although they had common features but their spatial projections are very dissimilar. In the 19th and 20th century Hungarian history – in the periods of economic integration with the modification of political system and transformation of the social background – the economic and social functions of tertiary education underwent considerable changes, which started to accomplish by the second half of the 20th century and the early 21st century. To moderate regional disparities, European and Hungarian regional development policy considers particular importance to the economic structure of the regions and their potential to be reformed, which is one of the corner stones of compatibility. Considering the more and more diversifying functions of universities, the question is, which factor is more significant; tertiary education or the relation between the sectors of national economy. The possible correlations we presented through the economic structure and the transformation of tertiary education functions of the integration periods.
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GOTOWIECKI, Paweł. "THE INTERMARIUM PARADOX." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 2(13)/2019, no. 2(13)/2019 (2020): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/20191.
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The paper concerns the concept of Intermarium from a historical perspective, seen from the Polish point of view. The author presents the genesis of this concept, its historical premises, unsuccessful attempts to build a collective safety system in Central and Eastern Europe in the 20th century, and finally reflects on the chance of contemporary integration initiatives in the area between the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic Sea. In his speech, the author focuses on the title Intermarium paradox, indicating that in the twentieth century integration attempts had no chance of success, because none of the countries in this part of the continent was a sufficient centre of power - while the unification of Central and Eastern Europe was undertaken by external centres of power, on by the coercion principles.
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Makhnovsky, D. "The Coastal Regions of Europe: Economic Development at the Turn of the 20th Century." Baltic Region 4 (2014): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2014-4-4.
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Kobrak, C. "Ivan T. Berend. An Economic History of 20th Century Europe: Economic Regimes from Laissez-Faire to Globalization." Enterprise and Society 9, no. 1 (April 2, 2008): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khn014.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.
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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.
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O'Connor, James. "20. Jahrhundert mit beschränkter Haftung: Kapital, Arbeit und Bürokratie im Zeitalter des Nationalismus." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 100 (September 1, 1995): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i100.951.
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With the aid of three categories - which are not only meant geographically -"West" (Western Europe and North America), "East" (Eastern Europe) and "South" (the Third World), the main features of the transformation processes ofthe 20th century are analysed: the interrelations between capital, labor and community, the development and integration of the different oppositional movements, the rise of bureaucracy and the welfare state and their following decline, the importance of nationalism and national states and the transition to a global capitalism.
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Lynch, Frances M. B., and Fernando Guirao. "L'ereditŕ intellettuale di Alan S. Milward." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041011.
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Alan S. Milward was a contemporary historian who combined the political historian's method of consulting the written record with the economic historian's use of statistical data and the social scientist's preference for general theory. On the strength of the resulting research methodology he produced a series of original histories of Nineteenth and Twentieth century Europe which tackled the big historical issues of his time: the nature of Nazism; of total war; of economic development in Nineteenth and Twentieth century Europe; and the reasons for the sustained economic boom in western Europe after 1945 and for the origins of European integration. In so far as his conclusions on each separate theme challenged the dominant theories, they stimulated considerable debate. Indeed, his implicit theories of historical change and European integration continue to resonate in the current political and economic crises facing Europe. Unlike neo-classical economists, European federalists and many integration theorists, Milward argued that economic and monetary union would not necessarily lead to a democratic political union in Europe and the end of nation-state. Indeed he predicted in 2000 that if the European Monetary Union was beset by asymmetric shocks, it would weaken progressively until its desired effect had been so reduced as to defeat the Union's original purpose. As we live through such asymmetric shocks, Milward's predictions seem to carry more force than any of teleological theories of European integration.
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Kowalski, Patryk, and Monika Bogucka-Felczak. "Financial sovereignty of autonomous territories in 20th century Central and Eastern Europe." Historia Constitucional, no. 23 (September 14, 2022): 294–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/hc.v0i23.747.
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This article presents the results of comparative legal research concerning the scope of financial sovereignty granted to the autonomous territories of the 20th century Central and Eastern Europe (Silesian Voivodeship, Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia) by the Second Polish Republic (1918-1939), the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938) and the Second Czecho-Slovak Republic (1938-1939). Research material includes: constitutional and public financial legal acts of the aforementioned countries for years 1918-1939, as well as English, Polish, Czech, Slovak and Ukrainian scientific publications in the field of legal, historical and economic sciences pertaining to this matter. The main research result is that the scope of financial power granted to the Silesian Voivodeship by the Second Polish Republic was much wider than in the other two autonomous territories. Moreover, Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia can be described as apparent autonomies. In fact they were “quasi self-government units”. Fecha de envío / Submission date: 28/04/2021Fecha de aceptación / Acceptance date: 18/06/2021
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Chichkoyan, Karina V. "Megamammal collections from the Pampean Region (Argentina) in Europe: past and present." Geological Curator 11, no. 6 (March 2022): 370–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55468/gc1510.
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Pampean (Argentina) megamammal species are seen nowadays in different museums around Europe. These specimens were collected from the late 18th century until the early 20th century. They represent and have inspired the most important milestones in natural sciences during the 19th century, and were collected for social, political and economic reasons, both in South America and Europe. In these collections, paleontological, historical and archaeological realms are merged. Currently, they are useful at research and educational levels, contributing to worldwide society, whilst modern technological advances allow equal access to these materials, which has been especially necessary during the coronavirus pandemic.
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Vittini, Iris. "Antecedentes del MERCOSUR. La posición de Chile." Estudios Latinoamericanos 17 (December 31, 1996): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.36447/estudios1996.v17.art8.
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Abstract/short description:
Since the beginning of twentieth century the three southernmost Latin American states of Argentina, Brasil and Chile (ABC) saw a number of initiatives that proposed varying degrees of economic and political integration of these countries. The basis for such integration was designated by a number of both bilateral and multinational treaties that were signed in the 20th Century. Of the biggest strength is the integration between Brazil and Argentine which led to the emergence of the MERCOSUR custom union. The 1996 article is dedicated to the study of the Chilean attitude towards MERCOSUR.
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Omercic, Jasmin. "Waqf in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th and 21st Century." ICR Journal 8, no. 3 (July 15, 2017): 342–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v8i3.179.
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This paper investigates the socio-economic role of waqf in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the 20th century to date. Bosnia and Herzegovina waqf endured through various political fortunes and improved the social and economic circumstances of Muslims. A contemporary challenge is to reconstruct this waqf. A new development is the emergence of Islamic Economics. Since 1995, the Waqf Directorate of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina (WD-ICBIH), the main authority over waqf, initiated reforms to revive the socio-economic role of waqf and integrate it into Bosnia and Herzegovina development. The study identifies the challenges facing the Waqf Directorate and the development of Islamic Economics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emergence of Islamic Economics and Islamic Banking and Finance, in cooperation with the Bosnia Bank International, presents opportunities to the Waqf Directorate to achieve its vision and mission. Some avenues for waqf integration into Bosnia and Herzegovina development qualify as commendable efforts of reform, indicate a feasible future for the Waqf Directorate, and gradually address various challenges. The paper concludes with actionable policy recommendations.
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Marco, Bresciani. "Tony Judt: il socialismo, gli intellettuali e l'Europa postbellica." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 85 (February 2012): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-085006.
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Tony Judt: socialism, intellectuals and postwar Europe sketches an intellectual and historiographical profile of the British Jewish historian Tony Judt (1948-2010). His historical studies concerned French socialism between the 19th and the 20th century, the relationship between French postwar intellectuals and communism, and the East European dissidents. In his masterpiece, Postwar, Judt broadened his historical perspective to Eastern Europe and focussed on the political, social, cultural and economic experiences of the European postwar period.
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Oskolkov, P. V. "Ethnoregional Separatism in Europe: Disintegration vs. Integration?" Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-59-71.
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Having been in the 2000s far from the spotlight of the news, European separatism is gradually returning to the information fi eld, which is partly due to the alerting reports from Scotland and Catalonia. The paper attempts to answer the following questions: what is the nature of the ethnoregional separatism in the EU, how does disintegrational agenda cohabit with the European integration dynamics, and what are the prospects for European separatism. The review of the theoretical framework within which ethnic and regionalist separatism exists is followed by the analysis of the empirics gained from diff erent European regions claiming independence or autonomy, such as Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders, Brittany, and many others, in 2000–2021. The author attempts to demythologize the widespread misconception about separatism as a potentially deadly threat to the EU nation-states or the European unity. The research is situated within the constructivist view towards ethnicity and the symbolic practices employed by the separatists; this paradigm is complemented by the institutional approach to the EU governing bodies and practices. The author comes to the following conclusions: currently, disintegrative projects within the EU nation-states cannot be successful, because of the position of the EU and the member states, and due to the uncertainties in the ethnic regions themselves (however, Scotland makes for an important exception, because of Brexit). Most separatist cases in the EU are either of instrumental or of a pure autonomist nature and do not enjoy any support from the integrational grouping that is not ready for the troubles the “internal extension” might cause. Moreover, if in the late 20th century, a discernible trend for decentralization and devolution was present, now the pendulum took the reversed direction, or at least remains unmoving; the author observes the trend for recentralization or at least for the freezing of the current fragile balance.
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Randzio-Plath, Christa. "The euro - our future in Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 1 (February 1998): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400107.
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Economic and Monetary Union has been created to complete the single market, to provide optimal macro-economic conditions for employment-enhancing growth and to promote further political integration in the European Union. Unfortunately in the discussion about monetary union the reasons why Europe needs EMU have been almost forgotten. As the future European Central Bank will be solely responsible for European monetary policy and thus be influencing strongly the overall macro-economic framework in Europe, the question of democratic accountability of monetary authorities needs to be debated. EMU is Europe's answer to the challenges of the 21 st century.
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Skokanová, Hana, Vladimír Falťan, and Marek Havlíček. "Driving forces of main landscape change processes from past 200 years in Central Europe - differences between old democratic and post-socialist countries." Ekológia (Bratislava) 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eko-2016-0004.
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Abstract The article compares and points out differences in driving forces of four main landscape change processes that shaped post-socialist countries and old democratic countries of Central Europe during the last two centuries. Studying landscape change processes and corresponding driving forces helps in understanding patterns of present landscape and can help among others in better prediction of future landscape change trends. Here, the presented results are based on review of scientific articles published in peer-reviewed journals between 2000 and 2014. Driving forces affecting these processes were grouped into four categories. Economic forces drove mainly agricultural intensification; agricultural land abandonment and urbanisation and were pronounced especially in the second half of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century. Technological driving forces affected agricultural intensification especially in the 19th century and the second half of the 20th century while cultural driving forces had the biggest impact on urbanisation at the beginning of the 21st century. Political driving forces affected agricultural intensification, urbanisation as well as agricultural land abandonment and were pronounced mainly during the second half of the 20th century in the post-socialist countries. Political forces in the form of subsidies drove agricultural extensification at the beginning of the 21st century. The drivers for the agricultural intensification as well as urbanisation seem to be similar for both old democratic and post-socialist countries. In contrast, agricultural land abandonment in the old democratic countries was driven by technological, cultural and economic driving forces while in the post-socialist countries the political driving forces were mainly responsible. Changes in systems for subsidies and changes in the agricultural commodity markets are also responsible for different frequencies and rates of extensification of agriculture between the two groups of countries.
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Fabbrini, Sergio. "A Single Western State Model?" Comparative Political Studies 36, no. 6 (August 2003): 653–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003254181.
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The article discusses political development in the paradigmatic cases of Western Europe and the United States, arguing that the building and consolidation of their democratic nation states follow different paths. Nevertheless, after two centuries of differential political and institutional evolution, at the end of the 20th century, Western Europe, with the deepening of the integration process, has moved in the direction of a supranational organization that has many similarities to the American compound republic. However, the different institutional histories, with their attendant path-dependency effects, will continue to condition the developments of Europe and America, rendering convergence toward uniformity highly unlikely. Notwithstanding institutional transformation occurring in the Western political world, plurality will continue to mark its future.
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Shaidurov, Vladimir N., Natalia A. Sapronova, Yurii M. Goncharov, and Tadeush A. Novogrodski. "Gypsies in Siberia (end of the 18th – 20th century)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2022-2-60-72.
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The history of the Roma in Russia is a poorly studied topic. The article discusses the main stages in the formation and development of the Gypsy community in Siberia during the late 18th – 20th century. The authors came to the conclusion that the main source for the emergence and growth of the number of Roma in the region was migration, in which Belarusian Roma played an important role. On the basis of various sources, a description is given of the measures taken by the authorities in relation to the Roma population, aimed at its homogenisation and integration into the economic and socio-cultural processes in Siberia. However, all campaigns to combat Gypsy vagrancy in the 19th and 20th centuries did not lead to its complete eradication. The repressive steps both in the second quarter of the 19th century and in the 1930s did not help to solve the problem either. Only a part of the Gypsies switched from a traditional to a semi-sedentary way of life. Archival materials from central and regional archives. Most of the documents are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Klein, Herbert S. "The Social and Economic Integration of Portuguese Immigrants in Brazil in the Late Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (May 1991): 309–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014012.
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Like most of the peripheral countries of Europe in the nineteenth century, Portugal experienced population growth, agricultural expansion and even serious industrial development. By mid-century, in fact, it compared reasonably well in basic economic indices with most comparable late industrialising European countries. Although Portugal continued to develop in the second half of the century, its economy did not grow as rapidly as the rest of Europe and by the end of the century it had fallen seriously behind, becoming one of the poorest societies on the continent. This relative backwardness had several causes. Severe problems of land distribution affected the ability of national agriculture to modernise rapidly, especially in the densely populated north where minifundia land holdings predominated. Portugal's important wine industry was modernised but in only one sector and this sector could not expand its international markets.
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Gray, William O. "Performance of Major US Shipyards in 20th/21st Century." Journal of Ship Production 24, no. 04 (November 1, 2008): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/jsp.2008.24.4.202.
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Since WW II, major US shipbuilders have been unable to compete in price with shipyards in other parts of the world, and often the quality from US yards has been inferior to world standards. Furthermore, the mistaken US government assumption that shipyards and ship owners have a common interest has led to laws to protect American yards from competition. It has also caused commercial shipping to lose out to alternative forms of transportation such as trains, trucks, pipelines, and tug/barge rigs from more efficient smaller yards and crews. The "US built" requirement of the 1920 Jones Act for domestic cargo has been a prime reason for this modal shift. Tragically for coastal shipping, most large US shipyards have failed to adopt the efficient manufacturing lessons of pioneers such as Admiral "Jerry" Land and Henry Kaiser that led to the "WW II shipbuilding miracle," that built nearly 6,000 merchant ships in 5 years, a feat that Winston Churchill said "saved Europe." After WW II, while foreign yards adopted these efficiency measures, that did not happen here, and our yards suffered from few repeat orders because of their high prices. Drawing heavily on SNAME's Journal of Ship Production pioneered by Professors Bunch, Storch, and Lamb, this paper describes not only the history and "secrets" of many successful yards abroad, but also many of the failures in US shipyards during the same Post WW II period. As a result of their failures, and despite "US Friendly" laws, big US yards seldom got multiple repeat orders which they rightly believe might solve their problems. The paper concludes that because of the very serious congestion now occurring on our near-coastal highways, together with major environmental and economic incentives to take cargo "off the roads and rails" should give US shipbuilders a new golden opportunity. Efficient yards should be able to get major repeat orders for a new fleet of fast roll-on/roll-offs (Ro/Ros) and feeder container ships, however, only if they will finally after nearly 60 years adopt the "lean production" principles pioneered in WW II and then exported to Asia and Europe.