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1

THUM, GREGOR. "Ethnic Cleansing in Eastern Europe after 1945." Contemporary European History 19, no. 1 (December 16, 2009): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990257.

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Cravens, C. "THE COLUMBIA LITERARY HISTORY OF EASTERN EUROPE SINCE 1945." Comparative Literature 61, no. 4 (January 1, 2009): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00104124-2009-028.

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3

Osborne, Richard H. "Eastern Europe: An historical geography 1815–1945." Journal of Historical Geography 15, no. 4 (October 1989): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-7488(89)90018-2.

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4

Totrov, Yuri. "Western Intelligence Operations in Eastern Europe, 1945–1954." Journal of Intelligence History 5, no. 1 (June 2005): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2005.10555109.

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5

Tansey, E. M. "Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890-1945, Paul Weindling." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 1, 2001): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.466.520.

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Tansey, E. M. "Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945, Paul Weindling." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 2001): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.466.520.

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7

Gregor, Neil. "After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe, 1945–1990." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei419.

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8

Kraujelis, Ramojus. "The status and the future of Baltic States and Romania in the strategy of Western Allies in the early years of the Second World War: a comparative view." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (August 15, 2010): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_8.

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The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.
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9

Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.

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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
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10

Szudarek, Krystian Maciej. "Od Hermanna Hoogewega do Hermanna Golluba: z dziejów Archiwum Państwowego w Szczecinie (Staatsarchiv Stettin). Recenzja monografii Macieja Szukały, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie w latach 1914–1945. Ludzie i działalność, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie, Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych w Warszawie, Szczecin–Warszawa 2019, ss. 269." Archeion 122 (2021): 393–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.21.004.14484.

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Recenzowana monografia omawia dzieje Archiwum Państwowego w Szcze­cinie (Staatsarchiv Stettin) w okresie od wybuchu pierwszej wojny świato­wej do zakończenia drugiej wojny światowej. W tych latach dyrektorami archiwum byli kolejno: Hermann Hoogeweg (1913–1923), Otto Grotefend (1923–1930), Erich Randt (1930–1935) i Adolf Diestelkamp (1935–1945). W okresie II wojny światowej, w związku ze służbą wojskową Adolfa Die­stelkampa, funkcje kierownika archiwum pełnili Fritz Morré (1939–1941) i Hermann Gollub (1941–1945). Działalność archiwum została ukazana w monografii przez pryzmat funkcji, jakie pełnią instytucje tego typu (gro­madzenie, przechowywanie, opracowywanie i udostępnianie zasobu), na tle przemian politycznych i społecznych zachodzących w Niemczech. Dużo miejsca autor poświęcił pracownikom merytorycznym archiwum i prowa­dzonym przez nich badaniom naukowym. W tym kontekście ukazał kształ­towanie się nowego typu archiwisty zaangażowanego politycznie, włącza­jącego się w niemieckie badania wschodnie (deutsche Ostforschung). From Hermann Hoogeweg to Hermann Gollub: history of the State Archives in Szczecin (Staatsarchiv Stettin). Review of the monograph by Maciej Szukła, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie w latach 1919–1945. Ludzie i działalność, Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie, Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych w Warszawie , Szczecin–Warsaw 2019, pp. 269 The reviewed monograph gives a description of the history of the State Archives in Szczecin (Staatsarchiv Stettin) from the beginning of the First World War to the end of the Second Word War. Within that period the Archives had following directors: Hermann Hoogeweg (1913–1923), Otto Grotefend (1923–1930), Erich Randt (1930–1935) and Adolf Diestelkamp (1935–1945). During the Second World War Fritz Morré (1939–1941) and then Hermann Gollub (1941–1945) deputized for Adolf Diestelkamp when he did military service. The monograph take a look at how the Archives performed its typical functions (collecting, preserving, processing and providing access to archival materials) in the context of the political and social transformation in Germany. The author puts a lot of emphasis on professional working in the Archives and their academic research to show the emergence of a new type of politically engaged archivist who joined the studies on Eastern Europe (deutsche Ostforschung).
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11

Kater, Michael H. "Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890-1945 (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 75, no. 3 (2001): 614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2001.0125.

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12

Ghodsee, Kristen, Hülya Adak, Elsa Stéphan, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ivan Stankov, Rumiana Stoilova, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150111.

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Anna Artwinska and Agnieszka Mrozik, eds., Gender, Generations, and Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond, New York: Routledge, 2020, 352 pp., £120.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-36742-323-0.Clio: Femmes, Genre, Histoire, 48, no. 2 (2018)Lisa Greenwald, Daughters of 1968: Redefining French Feminism and the Women’s Liberation MovementGal Kirn, The Partisan Counter-Archive: Retracing the Ruptures of Art and Memory in the Yugoslav People’s Liberation StruggleMilena Kirova, Performing Masculinity in the Hebrew BibleAndrea Krizsan and Conny Roggeband, eds., Gendering Democratic Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe: A Comparative AgendaLudmila Miklashevskaya, Gender and Survival in Soviet Russia: A Life in the Shadow of Stalin’s TerrorBarbara Molony and Jennifer Nelson, eds., Women’s Activism and “Second Wave” Feminism: Transnational HistoriesN. K. Petrova, Zhenskie sud’by voiny (Women’s war fates)Feryal Saygılıgil and Nacide Berber, eds. Feminizm: Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce, Cilt 10 (Feminism: Thought in modern Turkey, vol. 10)Marsha Siefert, ed., Labor in State-Socialist Europe, 1945–1989: Contributions to a History of WorkZilka Šiljak Spahić, Sociologija roda: Feministička kritika (Sociology of gender: Feminist critique)Věra Sokolová and Ľubica Kobová, eds., Odvaha nesouhlasit: Feministické myšlení Hany Havelkové a jeho reflexe (The courage to disagree: Hana Havelková’s feminist thought and its reflections)Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Piotr Perkowski, Małgorzata Fidelis, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Kobiety w Polsce, 1945–1989: Nowoczesność – równouprawnienie – komunizmp (Women in Poland, 1945–1989: Modernity, equality, communism)Vassiliki Theodorou and Despina Karakatsani, Strengthening Young Bodies, Building the Nation: A Social History of Children’s Health and Welfare in Greece (1890–1940) Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s Jessica Zychowicz, Superfluous Women: Art, Feminism and Revolution in Twenty-First-Century Ukraine
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13

Cornis-Pope, Marcel. "The Columbia Literary History of Eastern Europe since 1945 (review)." Comparatist 33, no. 1 (2009): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/com.0.0047.

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14

Lauber, Jack M. "From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe since 1945." History: Reviews of New Books 20, no. 4 (June 1992): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950635.

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15

Leon, Crina. "Jardar Seim and the history of a Norwegian-Romanian story." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 1 (August 15, 2016): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i1_7.

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Jardar Seim is a historian and member of The Norwegian Historical Association, a specialist in Eastern European history which he taught at the University of Oslo between 1983 and 2002, and moreover a keen speaker of the Romanian language. He is the author of the works Øst-Europas historie/The History of Eastern Europe (Aschehoug, Oslo, 1994) and Øst-Europa etter murens fall/Eastern Europe after the Fall of the Wall (Aschehoug Forum, Oslo, 1999) and co-editor of the book Romanian-Norwegian Relations. Diplomatic Documents, 1905-1947 (Romanian Cultural Institute, Bucharest, 2007), one of the very few works dealing with the Norwegian-Romanian diplomatic relations. He was also a teacher of history, Norwegian and social studies at the High School in Ski, Norway, and responsible for the pupils’ exchange between the above-mentioned high school and Unirea High School (later Unirea National College) in Braşov, Romania, in the period 1993-2008.
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16

Stefańska, Dorota. "Marian Dziamarski (1900–1945) – kapłan, męczennik." Biuletyn Szadkowski 11 (December 30, 2011): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1643-0700.11.08.

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The article is devoted to Marian Dziamarski, a priest coming from Szadek. His life falls within a period of two world wars and the Polish-Soviet War (1919−1921) – a time which was very important for Polish history and, as many believe, also for the history of Europe. The basis for reflection on the life and activity of M. Dziamarski is his path to the priesthood and the way he fulfilled his vocation. M. Dziamarski participated in the struggle to preserve independence and fought about the shape of the eastern border of the Polish state. After completing education he served as a priest in the eastern territories of Poland. The last years of his life were in the period of occupation − the end of the Second World War brought his tragic death.
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17

Alrich, A. "Book Review: After the Expulsion. West Germany and Eastern Europe 1945-1990." German History 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540502300323.

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18

Pergher, Roberta. "Staging the Nation in Fascist Italy's “New Provinces”." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000610.

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Read any textbook account of interwar Europe, and “indifference to nation” is not likely to figure as a heading. On the contrary, the talk will be of untrammeled nationalist rivalries leading the continent to ruin. In the territories of Eastern and South Eastern Europe that had once been part of the polyglot Habsburg and Ottoman empires, we will be reminded, nationalist hatred and border conflicts paved the way to World War I. And in the aftermath of that war, the regimes of Mussolini and Hitler took glorification of the national community to new heights, unleashing colonial and continental wars of conquest and annihilation. Small wonder that when many Europeans looked back from the rubble of 1945, what they saw was far too much commitment to nation, not too little. Indeed, the aspiration of many idealists in 1945 was precisely to supersede the nationalist rivalries and affiliations that they saw as so detrimental to peaceful coexistence and to create some kind of supranational European loyalty and structure instead.
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19

Richardson-Little, Ned, Hella Dietz, and James Mark. "New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (November 22, 2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602004.

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In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists in the evolution of human rights concepts and politics has not received sufficient attention. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research for the history of the Cold War, dissent as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not merely human rights antagonists, but contributed to shaping the international arena and human rights politics, motivated both strategically as well as ideologically. And the Eastern Bloc was not merely a region that passively absorbed the idea of human rights from the West, but a site where human rights ideas where articulated, internationalized and also contested.
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20

Mraovic-O'Hare, Damjana. "The Columbia Literary History of Eastern Europe since 1945 by Harold B. Segel." World Literature Today 83, no. 2 (2009): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2009.0246.

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21

FÖLLMER, MORITZ, and MARK B. SMITH. "Urban Societies in Europe since 1945: Toward a Historical Interpretation." Contemporary European History 24, no. 4 (October 16, 2015): 475–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000296.

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How can we write the history of urban societies in Europe after 1945? This article offers an interpretative overview of key developments in both Eastern and Western Europe, while also discussing some key conceptual issues. Along the way, it takes stock of the relevant historiography (much of which is very recent) and introduces a selection of papers from a cycle of three international workshops held between 2011 and 2013. The papers range geographically from Britain to the Soviet Union and cover topics as diverse as post-war reconstruction and alternative communities in the 1970s. Their respective approaches are informed by an interest in the way societies have been imagined in discourses and reshaped in spatial settings. Moreover, the papers move beyond case studies, urban history's classic genre, and can therefore facilitate synthetic reflection. It is our hope that, in so doing, we can make urban history more relevant to contemporary European historians in general.
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Swain, Nigel. "Socialist Escapes: Breaking Away from Ideology and Everyday Routine in Eastern Europe, 1945–1989." Social History 39, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 602–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2014.952565.

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23

Wolf, Jana. "The Fascist Challenge. Networks, Promises for the Future and Cultures of Violence in Europe, 1922 – 1945." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201004.

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This conference report comprises the contributions of European and American specialists in Fascism on the topic of networks, promises for the future and cultures of violence in Europe, 1922–1945. It was concluded that a much more in-depth examination of fascist networks, as well as their learning and acquisition processes is required, especially after 1939 and in the currently under-researched regions of Eastern and Southern-Eastern Europe. Secondly, the concept of a ‘New Man’ should be applied in more detailed studies on population and educational policies. Thirdly, there is a need to counter the frequently lamented asymmetrical state of research between Italian fascism and National Socialism.
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24

Cocks, Geoffrey. "Reviews of Books:Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe 1890-1945 Paul Julian Weindling." American Historical Review 107, no. 5 (December 2002): 1656–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/533008.

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25

Murashko, G., and A. Noskova. "DOCUMENT - Stalin and the National-Territorial Controversies in Eastern Europe, 1945-47." Cold War History 1, no. 3 (April 2001): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999933.

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26

Romanenko, Sergey. "The 1941—1945 Plans for Post-War Settlement in South-Eastern Europe: the Problem of Federation." ISTORIYA 11, no. 12-2 (98) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013127-8.

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27

Johns, A. H. "Hopes and Frustrations: Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies in Australia." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 25, no. 2 (December 1991): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400024251.

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Up to 1945 university education in Australia had little sense of engagement with any cultural traditions outside those of Western Europe. It was only in the aftermath of World War II that Australians began to realize that while their nation had powerful allies in Britain and America, nations with whom it had ties of kin and culture, it had on its doorstep in neighboring Southeast Asia and not so distant Northeast Asia, neighbors who might become both friends and close partners in regional associations.These were also the years during which the Australian government decided as a matter of policy to develop postgraduate studies in Australia so that Australians should no longer as a matter of course go to Britain for higher degrees. Both these factors came together in the establishment in 1946 of the Australian National University, an institution with an exclusive mission for post-graduate training. Significantly, among its foundation schools was the Research School of Pacific Studies, which included departments of Pacific History and Far Eastern History.
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Goddard, Chris. "Children in History." Children Australia 15, no. 1 (1990): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s103507720000256x.

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Writing about the French Revolution, Edmund Burke suggested that the state that cannot change will not survive. As I write this, at the end of 1989, it is evident that for many people the world is changing at a great pace, and that some states may not survive. There can be no doubt that 1989 will appear in history books as a year to be remembered, a year to be weighed alongside 1789, 1914, 1939 and so on. There is a sense that we are living through a momentous time in history. For those of us too young to remember 1939 or 1945, let alone 1914, this is the first experience of enormous upheaval. The map of Europe, East and West, appears to be changing every day.With the established order, in Eastern Europe at least, disintegrating so rapidly, writing anything is a risky business, particularly for a journal such as Australian Child and Family Welfare where lead times are long and labour is voluntary. Much of what is written at the end of 1989 may appear irrelevant at best, in 1990.
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Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (September 1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.

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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition governments established with Stalin's consent throughout Europe in 1945. Tito favoured a communist offensive, while Stalin, aware of the international position of the Soviet Union, favoured a more cautious approach. When Stalin summoned the first meeting of the Cominform in September 1947 and made Tito its de Facto leader, Tito mistakenly assumed he was to head a new international committed to a revolutionary offensive not only in Eastern Europe but in Greece and even Italy and France.
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Lower, W. "War in a Twilight World: Partisan and Anti-Partisan Warfare in Eastern Europe, 1939-1945." German History 29, no. 4 (July 18, 2011): 667–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr054.

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Granieri, Ronald J. "Reviews of Books:After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe, 1945-1990 Pertti Ahonen." American Historical Review 110, no. 2 (April 2005): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/531478.

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32

Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.

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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.
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Beer, Matthias. "Vertriebene und “Umsiedlerpolitik.” Integrationskonflikte in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft und die Assimilationsstrategien in der SBZ/DDR 1945-1961." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906370069.

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Among forced population transfers in the twentieth century, the expulsion of the German population from East Central Europe at the end of World War II was remarkable. More than twelve million Germans were expelled from the eastern parts of the German Reich and some eastern European states. These refugees arrived in a defeated, occupied, destroyed, and divided country. Initially, the percentage of expelled persons in the Soviet Occupation Zone was much higher than in the western zones. With almost 4.5 million individuals, the expellees made up twenty-four percent of the total population in the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1949. By contrast, western Germany had eight million expellees, who comprised roughly sixteen percent of the total population.
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BRODIE, THOMAS. "German Society at War, 1939–45." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000255.

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The actions, attitudes and experiences of German society between 1939 and 1945 played a crucial role in ensuring that the Second World War was not only ‘the most immense and costly ever fought’ but also a conflict which uniquely resembled the ideal type of a ‘total war’. The Nazi regime mobilised German society on an unprecedented scale: over 18 million men served in the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS, and compulsoryVolkssturmduty, initiated as Allied forces approached Germany's borders in September 1944, embraced further millions of the young and middle-aged. The German war effort, above all in occupied Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, claimed the lives of millions of Jewish and gentile civilians and served explicitly genocidal ends. In this most ‘total’ of conflicts, the sheer scale of the Third Reich's ultimate defeat stands out, even in comparison with that of Imperial Japan, which surrendered to the Allies prior to an invasion of its Home Islands. When the war in Europe ended on 8 May 1945 Allied forces had occupied almost all of Germany, with its state and economic structures lying in ruins. Some 4.8 million German soldiers and 300,000 Waffen SS troops lost their lives during the Second World War, including 40 per cent of German men born in 1920. According to recent estimates Allied bombing claimed approximately 350,000 to 380,000 victims and inflicted untold damage on the urban fabric of towns and cities across the Reich. As Nicholas Stargardt notes, this was truly ‘a German war like no other’.
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Stokes, Raymond G. "Autarky, Ideology, and Technological Lag: The Case of the East German Chemical Industry, 1945–1964." Central European History 28, no. 1 (March 1995): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011237.

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The ignominious and total collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989/90 revealed all too clearly the disastrous state of the country's economy, especially in comparison to the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). This fact must not, however, be seen in isolation from another, apparently contradictory one: From the beginning to the end of its existence, the GDR was the shining economic and technological star in the communist firmament in Eastern Europe. GDR electronics and optics were crucial to the Soviet space program and to East-bloc military production, which counted among communism's few technological successes. Its chemical and automobile industries were also well regarded in the Eastern bloc and in many developing countries. The GDR's technological prowess—especially when combined with its favored and very lucrative relationship with the FRG—made for a reasonably high standard of living, not just in relation to other countries in the Soviet bloc, but in relation to other industrialized countries as well.
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Murashko, G., and A. Noskova. "Document - Stalin and the National-Territorial Controversies in Eastern Europe, 1945-47 (Part 2)." Cold War History 2, no. 1 (October 2001): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999939.

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37

Krzyzanowski, Lukasz. "Holocaust Survivors and the Restitution of Jewish Private Property in Two Polish Cities, 1945–1948." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab056.

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Abstract Despite a growing historiography on Holocaust survivors, few scholars have focused on the fates of those who returned to their places of origin in Poland in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Even less is known about those who attempted to recover their property in medium-sized Polish cities in the late 1940s. The following article analyzes court cases in two such cities: Kalisz (in the former German territorial administration of the Warthegau) and Radom (the former General Government). By addressing the problems related to the appropriation and recovery of Jewish private property, the author sheds light on the agency of Holocaust survivors and the social processes that shaped postwar Central and Eastern Europe.
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Alstein, Maarten Van. "From Enigma to Enemy: Paul-Henri Spaak, the Belgian Diplomatic Elite, and the Soviet Union, 1944–1945." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00144.

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This article draws on recently declassified documents from the Belgian archives to assess the division within the Belgian diplomatic service about Soviet intentions at the start of the Cold War. The diplomatic corps was divided between those who viewed the Soviet Union favorably and believed that continued close cooperation after the war was both feasible and essential, and those who were wary of Soviet intentions in Eastern Europe and believed that Western democracies would have to be united in opposing Soviet encroachments. Paul-Henri Spaak, the long-time Belgian foreign minister, was initially in the former camp, but events at the close of the war and soon thereafter brought him and Belgian foreign policy much closer to the latter's position.
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Lankov, Andrei N. "The Demise of Non-Communist Parties in North Korea (1945–1960)." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032164.

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This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.
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Cusco, Andrei. "Book review, DARIUS STALIUNAS și YOKO AOSHIMA, coord. The Tsar, the Empire, and the Nation: Dilemmas of Nationalization in Russia’s Western Borderlands, 1905-1915. Historical Studies in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Volume V. Budapest & New York: Central European University Press, 2021. 400 pp." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 10, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 178–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_9.

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Book review, DARIUS STALIUNAS și YOKO AOSHIMA, coord. The Tsar, the Empire, and the Nation: Dilemmas of Nationalization in Russia’s Western Borderlands, 1905-1915. Historical Studies in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Volume V. Budapest & New York: Central European University Press, 2021. 400 pp.
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41

Piotrowski, Harry. "The Soviet Union and the Renner Government of Austria, April–November 1945." Central European History 20, no. 3-4 (September 1987): 246–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012097.

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When the Red Army moved through Eastern Europe in 1945, it faced the problem of creating what the men in the Kremlin called “friendly” governments. In several countries, Joseph Stalin in short order resolved the dilemma by putting into power Communists who had arrived in the van of his army. In the Western mind, Stalin represented a force inexorably driven by a logic inherent in all totalitarian systems. Stalin became the reincarnation of Hitler, a dictator who sought to impose his system on all territories under his sway—and whose appetite could not be sated. Such a view left little ambiguity in interpreting Stalin's foreign policy. It offered no room for an assessment that Soviet foreign policy was driven by a mix of motives, not only by aggression steeped in Communist ideology, but also by considerations of national security, opportunism, and compromise.
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Savelli, Mat. "‘Peace and happiness await us’: Psychotherapy in Yugoslavia, 1945–85." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118773951.

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Previous accounts of psychiatry within Communist Europe have emphasized the dominance of biological approaches to mental health treatment. Psychotherapy was thus framed as a taboo or marginal component of East European psychiatric care. In more recent years, this interpretation has been re-examined as historians are beginning to delve deeper into the diversity of mental healthcare within the Communist world, noting many instances in which psychotherapeutic techniques and theory entered into clinical practice. Despite their excellent work uncovering these hitherto neglected histories, however, historians of the psy-disciplines in Eastern Europe (and indeed other parts of the world) have neglected to fully consider the ways that post-World War II psychotherapeutic developments were not simply continuations of pre-war psychoanalytic traditions, but rather products of emerging transnational networks and knowledge exchanges in the post-war period. This article highlights how psychotherapy became a leading form of treatment within Communist Yugoslavia. Inspired by theorists in France and the United Kingdom, among other places, Yugoslav practitioners became well versed in a number of psychotherapeutic techniques, especially ‘brief psychotherapy’ and group-based treatment. These developments were not accidents of ideology, whereby group psychotherapy might be accepted by authorities as a nod to some idea of ‘the collective’, but were rather products of economic limitations and strong links with international networks of practitioners, especially in the domains of social psychiatry and group analysis. The Yugoslav example underscores the need for more historical attention to transnational connections among psychotherapists and within the psy-disciplines more broadly.
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LUND, JOACHIM. "Denmark and the ‘European New Order’, 1940–1942." Contemporary European History 13, no. 3 (August 2004): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001742.

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This article explores the meaning and impact of the Nazi concept of a ‘New Order’ for Europe on German-occupied Denmark. The first German civil authority in power in Denmark was the Foreign Ministry, which struggled to conclude an economic union with Denmark in summer 1940. Then Goering's Four-Year Plan and the Reich Economics Ministry took command and economic union was abandoned by Berlin, since a pragmatic, day-to-day approach now prevailed. Other initiatives were taken in order to facilitate Denmark's incorporation in the European New Order, such as the setting up of a ministerial Eastern Committee with the purpose of re-establishing Danish industry in the occupied USSR. The article shows how, in Denmark, German short-term politics actually coincided with long-term plans. Germany's ideas of becoming the economic centre of a self-sufficient continental Europe were closely connected to the idea of securing foodstuffs from its neighbours, and this idea, too, was implemented in spring and early summer 1940, when, after the swift occupation of Denmark and the subsequent severance of its trade with Britain, agricultural exports were diverted to the German market.
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44

Brinkmann, Tobias. "German Migrations: Between Blood and Soil." German Politics and Society 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385345.

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Dieter Gosewinkel, Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Die Nationalisierung der Staatsangehörigkeit vom Deutschen Bund bis zur Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001)Daniel Levy, Yfaat Weiss, ed., Challenging Ethnic Citizenship: German and Israeli Perspectives on Immigration (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Barbara Marshall, The New Germany and Migration in Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, Anne von Oswald, ed., 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik – 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (Frankfurt am Main/New York: Campus, 1999)David Rock and Stefan Wolff, ed., Coming Home to Germany? The Integration of Ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe in the Federal Republic since 1945 (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Stefan Wolff, ed., German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000)
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Czubala Ostapiuk, Marcin Roman. "Long Awaited West. Eastern Europe since 1944." Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 4 (April 21, 2019): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1610273.

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Schulz, Ulrike, and Swen Steinberg. "Unternehmen im Transformationsprozess: Ostdeutsche und osteuropäische Perspektiven." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0012.

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Abstract This special issue presents East German as well as East European perspectives on the transformation phases after 1945 and 1989 and advocates the long-term analysis of corporations in the socialist planned economies as an independent research field. This includes not only economic questions but also cultural phenomena of everyday life, as well as questions of identity, milieu, confession or tradition. Ultimately, the aim is to extend this perspective to Eastern Europe. Again, the focus is not on the Comecon countries and their corporations alone. The interdependencies and interconnections between the East European and Western markets should also be taken into account.
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BONCZ, IMRE, and ANDOR SEBESTYÉN. "Economy and mortality in Eastern and Western Europe between 1945 and 1990: the largest medical trial of history." International Journal of Epidemiology 35, no. 3 (June 1, 2006): 796–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyl075.

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48

Helmreich, Ernst C. "E. Garrison Walters. The Other Europe: Eastern Europe to 1945. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1988. xii, 430 pp. $29.95 (cloth), $16.95 (paper)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 24, no. 1 (1990): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023990x00679.

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49

Mink, Georges. "Sociology of Social Structure and Sociologists Working in Totalitarian and Post-Totalitarian Regimes in Central Europe, 1945–1989." Stan Rzeczy, no. 2(13) (November 1, 2017): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51196/srz.13.2.

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The model of society put forward by Marxist theoreticians as descriptive of a post-revolutionary society had a quasi-constitutional status in countries that claimed to adhere to Soviet-type socialism, particularly those of Eastern Europe. As the model’s main function was to legitimise the actions of those who wielded power, it acquired doctrinal significance. In the Eastern European countries, the history of the sociology of social structure and stratification clearly illustrates the conservative nature of official doctrine. However, the real mechanisms of society, in so far as they deviated from the official paradigm, upset doctrinal stability and may consequently have led, if not to a revision of the official dogmas, then to the acceptance of a certain degree of flexibility. In order to understand the development of the theoretical analysis of social stratification and social inequalities (the most sensitive area of debate) in totalitarian and post-totalitarian Soviet type societies, it must be noted that post-war sociology has reflected a continuing effort by sociologists to create an independent scientific framework for their discipline. This is why we try, in this article, to combine evaluating the attitudes of different Eastern European sociologists from across the political spectrum with the evolution and adaptation of their theoretical approaches and creativity.
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Harvey, Elizabeth. "LAST RESORT OR KEY RESOURCE? WOMEN WORKERS FROM THE NAZI-OCCUPIED SOVIET TERRITORIES, THE REICH LABOUR ADMINISTRATION AND THE GERMAN WAR EFFORT." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 26 (September 29, 2016): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440116000098.

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ABSTRACTForeign labour was an essential resource for the Nazi war economy: by September 1944, around six million civilian labourers from across Europe were working in the Reich. Any initial readiness on the part of the peoples of Nazi-occupied Europe to volunteer for work in the Reich had quickly dissipated as the harsh and often vicious treatment of foreign workers became known. The abuse and exploitation of foreign forced labourers by the Nazi regime is well documented. Less well understood is why women formed such a substantial proportion of the labour recruited or forcibly deported from occupied eastern Europe: in September 1944, a third of Polish forced labourers and just over over half of Soviet civilian forced labourers were women. This article explores the factors influencing the demand for and the supply of female labour from the Nazi-occupied territories of the Soviet Union, particularly after the appointment of Fritz Sauckel as Plenipotentiary for Labour in March 1942. It explores the attitudes of labour officials towards these women workers and shows how Nazi gender politics and the Nazi hierarchy of race intersected in the way they were treated.
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