Journal articles on the topic 'Europe – Commercial policy – History'
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1
Trachtenberg, Marc. "De Gaulle, Moravcsik, and Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032255.
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The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
2
Moravcsik, Andrew. "Beyond Grain and Grandeur: An Answer to Critics and an Agenda for Future Research." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032264.
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Moravcsik's reply to the six commentaries deals with sources omitted from the original article, the use of evidence in his analysis of the Fouchet Plan and the “empty chair” crisis, and broader critiques of (and proposed alternatives to) the commercial interpretation of French policy on European integration during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. Moravcsik concedes some of the points raised by the critics and offers a more qualified and nuanced restatement of his argument, but he sticks to his basic contention that “commercial interests were a dominant and sufficient motivation for French policy in Europe.”
3
Imre, Anikó. "Why Should We Study Socialist Commercials?" European Television Memories 2, no. 3 (June 30, 2013): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2013.jethc033.
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This article looks at television’s so far neglected contribution as a relay and interpretive framework at the intersection of postsocialist memory and history studies. It zooms in on postsocialist nostalgia as a relational expression of a heterogeneous set of desires that operate in an intercultural network. Televisual nostalgia also implicates Western Europe and makes explicit a Western European longing for the divided Europe of the Cold War. This longing, in turn, shores up Europe’s repressed imperial history. Television’s role at the pressure points of postsocialist institutional and economic policy, consumption and narrative concerns makes it an indispensable window into the intertwined workings of nostalgia and nationalism within a postcolonial Europe.
4
Lieshout, Robert H., Mathieu L. L. Segers, and Anna M. van der Vleuten. "De Gaulle, Moravcsik, and The Choice for Europe: Soft Sources, Weak Evidence." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2004): 89–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397042350900.
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In The Choice for Europe Andrew Moravcsik develops a “commercial” interpretation of Charles de Gaulle's European policies. Moravcsik claims that his revisionist analysis succeeds because he, as opposed to almost all other students of European Community policymaking, has relied not on “soft” sources but on hard primary sources. An investigation of his claim shows that it cannot be substantiated. Both the quality of his sources and his handling of them are poor. His commercial interpretation of de Gaulle's policy is based on a serious misreading of the two sources on which his argument depends. Finally, his restatement in 2000 of his original argument a restatement intended to overcome the problem that, as his critics pointed out, he failed to produce any direct supporting evidence leads only to further problems.
5
Frieden, Jeff. "Sectoral conflict and foreign economic policy, 1914–1940." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000713x.
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The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.
6
Grossman, Richard S. "The Shoe That Didn't Drop: Explaining Banking Stability During the Great Depression." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 3 (September 1994): 654–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700015072.
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This article attempts to account for the exceptional stability exhibited by the banking systems of Britain, Canada, and ten other countries during the Great Depression. It considers three possible explanations of stability—the structure of the commercial banking system, macroeconomic policy and performance, and lender of last resort behavior—employing data from 25 countries across Europe and North America. The results suggest that macroeconomic policy—especially exchange-rate policy—and banking structure, but not lenders of last resort, were systematically responsible for banking stability.
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BARTEL, FRITZ. "Fugitive Leverage: Commercial Banks, Sovereign Debt, and Cold War Crisis in Poland, 1980–1982." Enterprise & Society 18, no. 1 (June 14, 2016): 72–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2016.19.
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This article examines a familiar Cold War event, the Polish Crisis of the early 1980s, but from an unfamiliar perspective: international financial history. Historians have yet to examine how the growing international activity of Western commercial banks and the Eastern Bloc’s heavy borrowing on international capital markets during the 1970s influenced the course of the late Cold War. This article covers the history of the Eastern Bloc’s largest borrower—Poland—and its road to sovereign default in 1981. It examines how financial diplomacy among banks, communist countries, and the U.S. government catalyzed the formation of the labor union Solidarność (Solidarity). Ultimately, this article speaks to an important theme in the history of U.S. capitalism since World War II; namely, how the construction of global finance influenced U.S. foreign policy. The end of the Cold War in the fall of 1989 was the result not only of communism’s loss of legitimacy among the peoples of Eastern Europe, but also its loss of creditworthiness on global financial markets.
8
Conway, Stephen. "Bentham versus Pitt: Jeremy Bentham and British Foreign Policy 1789." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 791–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022329.
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The successes and failures of British foreign policy from the end of the American war of independence until the outbreak of the conflict with revolutionary France will be familiar, at least in outline, to many students of late-eighteenth-century history. In 1783 Britain was widely regarded as having been reduced to the status of a second-rank power. British ministers, and especially Pitt the Younger and his first foreign secretary, the marquess of Carmarthen, sought a European alliance to end their country's isolation and vulnerability. The Anglo-French commercial treaty of 1786, the product of French rather than British pressure, was of little help in this respect, as it never developed beyond a limited trade agreement. Negotiations for similar reciprocal commercial concessions with other powers all proved fruitless. In 1787 and 1788, however, political and military arrangements were concluded with the Dutch and the Prussians after Prussian troops – with British encouragement and support – had intervened in the United Provinces to secure the position of the house of Orange and to crush the pro-French ‘Patriot’ party. Fortified by this new British – Prussian – Dutch connexion, or Triple Alliance as it was called, Pitt's government was able to exert considerable influence in Europe and farther afield. In 1788, when the Swedes attacked Russia, which was already at war with the Turks, Denmark, in accordance with its treaty obligations to Russia, invaded Sweden. The British and Prussians threatened the Danes and forced them to withdraw. A few months later, in April 1789, renewed Anglo-Prussian pressure compelled Denmark to maintain a strict neutrality in the continuing Russo-Swedish conflict. In 1790 the British were just as successful in a confrontation with Spain over the Nootka Sound in North America. Only when the government backed down during the dispute with Russia over possession of the Turkish fortress of Ochakov on the Black Sea coast, were the limits of British power fully exposed.
9
Stolberg, Eva-Maria. "Interracial Outposts in Siberia: Nerchinsk, Kiakhta, and the Russo-Chinese Trade in the Seventeenth/Eighteenth Centuries." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 3-4 (2000): 322–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00033.
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AbstractThis essay underlines the essential role of Russo-Chinese border trade in the creation of the multiethnic identity of Siberian outposts such as Nerchinsk and Kiakhta. In the seventeenth/early eighteenth century-under Tsar Peter the Great-Siberia became a meeting place for Russian, Central Asian and Chinese cultures. Furthermore, the Russo-Chinese trade was an important parameter of European economic expansion. Europe and the Far East met territorially only along the Eurasian frontier between Siberia and the Manchu Empire. Profitable trade, however, experienced a severe decline in the 1720s. Peter I's rigid fiscal policy choked off private initiative and prevented Siberia from becoming a major commercial entrepot between the West and East.
10
Hoffmann, Stanley. "Comment on Moravcsik." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032200.
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The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues thatde Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
11
Gillingham, John. "A Test Case of Moravcsik's “Liberal Intergovernmentalist” Approach to European Integration." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032237.
Full textAbstract:
The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur.John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
12
Keeler, John T. S. "A Response to Andrew Moravcsik." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032219.
Full textAbstract:
The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle'bs vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
13
Milward, Alan S. "A Comment on the Article by Andrew Moravcsik." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032228.
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The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
14
Vanke, Jeffrey. "Reconstructing De Gaulle." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 3 (September 2000): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032246.
Full textAbstract:
The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the
15
Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Korten, Christopher. "A house divided: The implications of land expropriated during the Napoleonic years—A case study in the Papal States." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 2 (March 9, 2020): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420909015.
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Church-owned lands throughout Europe were confiscated by the French over more than two decades between 1790 and 1814. This action, which became a French financial policy during this period, has been much discussed. We know about the processes undertaken for the transaction of such large-scale sell-offs; we are also familiar with the types of buyers involved in a given region; and we understand the economic results of these sales. However, we have little or no information about what happened to these properties and their owners following the defeat of Napoleon. This article discusses the consequences of land confiscation during the French Revolution and how uniquely the Papal States dealt with problems in relation to the rest of Europe. While most of the affected continent was content to move on and validate the private commercial transactions that had taken place, the papacy, with its hybrid form of government—half-church, half-state—challenged many of these transactions. Former ecclesiastical owners of such lands contested the validity of these sales, mainly purchased by members of the bourgeoisie or the aristocracy. These legal quarrels were acrimonious and created division within the Papal States, the consequences of which have never been considered.
17
Psalidopoulos, Michalis. "The Greek “Society for the Freedoms of Trade” (1865–67): Rise, Activities, Decline." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 27, no. 4 (December 2005): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710500370026.
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The 150th celebration of the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 was a major stimulus for new publications on the issue of free trade versus protection, a question that dominated economic policy agendas all over Europe in the nineteenth century. Original texts dating from that period were again made public (Kadish 1996, Schonhardt-Bailey 1997), the works of Richard Cobden became available (Cain 1995), and Douglas A. Irwin's book (1996) and Anthony Howe's treatise (1997) can be seen as the “cosmopolitan” answers to older (Semmel 1970) and contemporary (Magnusson 1994 and Wendler 1996) defenses of a “national” economic policy. This literature, however, as well as conferences on the reception of free trade (Marrison 1998), concentrated on the commercial policy of the most economically advanced nations, leaving completely out of scope discussions, debates and economic policy dilemmas related to international trade in other, less-developed countries.
18
Korzun, Valentina. "A. V. Florovsky and Mark Block: Some Details to the Fate of the Historian in Exile." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022266-1.
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The article analyzes the letter-review “Quelques observations sur l'histoire des relation commercial entre l'Europe et des pays de l'Erope Orientale” by M. Block (founded by the authors in the Slavic Library in Prague) on the article sent to the “Annales” in November 1933 by A. V. Florovsky. A. V. Florovsky summarized his ten-year search in the problematic field of Czech-Russian relations in the X—XVIII centuries and it caused serious criticism from M. Bloсk. The text of the letter allows authors to highlight the main directions of this criticism, which was directed against the “bureau” architectonics of the text and insufficient attention to the problems of human and the socio-cultural context. This text, firstly, clarifies the publication policy of the “Annales” and the style of communication between editors and authors. And, secondly, it complements the existing ideas about the scientific fate of A. V. Florovsky in exile. This intellectual contact left a noticeable mark in the direction of Florovsky’s further searches, as evidenced by his subsequent publications on the problem of trade relations between the Czech Republic and Moravia with the countries of Eastern Europe.
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Kovalskyi, Stanislav. "The stages of the US Mediterranean policy`s development in the 19th century: geopolitical outlines and economic interests." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.5.
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The Mediterranean Sea is an important geopolitical region which defines the economic and strategic interests of the world powers, including the USA. The author`s vision of the US Mediterranean policy and its periodization was presented in the article. Research objective: the paper is devoted to the problem of the US Mediterranean policy in the 19th century. The purpose of the presented study is to research origin and development of the US Mediterranean policy taking into account the context of the European and world historical processes. Scientific novelty: the innovative nature of the article lies in the revision of the approach to the US Mediterranean policy`s timeline. The author`s periodization of the US Mediterranean policy was presented in the research. A special attention was focused on the US economic and geopolitical interests` transformations at each stage. Research methods. The history and genetic method was used in the article. It helps to research the origins of the US Mediterranean policy and to separate this policy into self-contained stages. Author`s periodization of the US Mediterranean policy became practical results of the mentioned method. The author demonstrated connections between all stages as holistic process of the American foreign policy`s evolution. An accent is done on research of geopolitical and economic interests of the USA in the field of the system analysis. That allows to consider connection between American foreign policy and European and world historical processes. The influence of the Concert of Europe and the Doctrine of Monroe on the US Mediterranean policy was taken into account also. Conclusions. In contradiction with widespread vision of the US Mediterranean policy in the 19th century as an unseparated historical period, it is possible to defined three stages. The first period (1776–1823) represented the early vision of the American state`s economic interests. The US Mediterranean policy until 1823 was characterized by intensive commercial, political and military activity in the region. The first military conflict in the history of the USA as an independent state was connected with the trade routes and security of navigation in the Mediterranean Sea. The second period (1823–1898) was characterized by principles of the Monroe Doctrine. During the period of isolationism, the USA maintained diplomatic and economic ties with the Mediterranean countries. A main aspect of the US Mediterranean policy at the mention period consisted of the humanitarian and commercial efforts in the Northern Africa and The Middle East. The third period (1898–1914) showed a gradually revision of the Monroe Doctrine. The transformation of the American political course was observed after the Spanish war and in the eve of the First World War. It was concluded that the Mediterranean policy of the USA in 19th century had an evolutional character and corresponded with inclusive European and American policy. Each of the mentioned stages represented an important period of history of the American diplomacy and foreign policy, that is why a research has a prospect for a future survey.
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Dorfner, Thomas. "Von ‘bösen Sektierern’ zu ‘fleißigen Fabrikanten’. Zum Wahrnehmungswandel der Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine im Kontext kameralistischer Peuplierungspolitik (ca. 1750 – 1800)." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung 45, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 283–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.45.2.283.
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During the late 1750s a fundamental shift in the perception of the Moravian Church took place among the upper classes of central Europe. The older view of reality dating from around the year 1750 according to which the Moravians were dangerous sectarians was replaced by the perception that the Moravians were hardworking, obedient, yes almost exemplary subservients. This resulted in the Moravian Church receiving over 100 invitations between 1758 and 1804 from aristocratic houses throughout central Europe to establish a community. This paper shows that the shift in perception took place because both among the subjects and the objects of this perception, fundamental attitudes had changed: from the late 1740s onwards, the Moravian Church had successfully developed its own manufacturing and commercial projects. The new generation of nobility however, which had taken over control in states and/or territories from the 1760s onwards, regarded the economic benefits as a raison d’état. For example, Catholic nobles such as Landgrave Frederick II of Hessen’Kassel were prepared to establish pietistic groups owing to financial considerations. At the same time, aristocratic councillors were turning away from a primarily quantitative population policy and paying more attention to the quality of the settlers. The Seven Years’ War served as a catalyser for this shift in perception because during the years 1757 and 1758, when the fighting paused, several hundred princes and nobles personally took a closer look at Herrnhut. The majority of the aristocratic invitations to establish communities were economically motivated and had the aim of setting up a manufacturing operation. According to the Moravians’ self–perception however, factories were not a sufficient reason to establish a new community. They only felt duty bound to fulfil the Great Commission of the Bible and therefore paid attention to whether an invitation offered the possibility of spreading the Gospel in a territory. Nevertheless, the governing institutions of the Moravian Church did not venture to accept or decline an invitation independently. They figured out the will of Jesus Christ with the help of (usually three) lots. The specific custom of drawing lots could lead to an invitation being declined that was initially favoured, due to a negative result when drawing lots.
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Claire, Sarah. "The Ore Mountains Mining Area in Bohemia: A Reservoir of Silver Resources in Central Europe in the Sixteenth Century." Global Environment 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2022.150103.
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This study of the bohemian Ore Mountains illustrates the stranglehold of wealthy German entrepreneurs (the Welser, Höchtstetter, Fugger, Nutzel, etc.) on the mineral resources of the Ore Mountains (Erzgebirge, Krušné hory) in Bohemia in the sixteenth century, at the expense of the local population. The German commercial firms were the only ones in the region with sufficient capital to invest in the development of Bohemian mines. They had control over a large part of the ore production, which was sent to dynamic north-western European markets. The income generated by the extraction remained temporary for the local population and limited to the time of extraction, which is characteristic of a peripheral economy. The environmental footprint of the mining and the size of the hinterland necessary to supply the mines were much more extensive. Forest overexploitation was caused by the unreasonable extraction of ore, which reduced and depleted forest cover. The lifestyle of populations and the development of local industries were damaged by the pollution of land, forest or fish resources, or the construction of gigantic hydraulic installations to facilitate the floating of wood. The archaeological research results and paleo-environmental studies mobilised in this study testify to this alteration of the environment. Mining statutes were not compelling enough to moderate the ecological footprint of extraction. However, mining laws and scholarly writings, such as Agricola's De Re Metallica in 1556, show the awareness of authorities and scholars of the dangers of mining activities.
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Barraqué, Bernard. "Return of drinking water supply in Paris to public control." Water Policy 14, no. 6 (September 15, 2012): 903–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2012.085.
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The ‘reclaiming’ by Paris of its water back into public hands is a paradox in the homeland of transnational water companies and at a time when the European Commission rather favours the liberalisation of public services ‘of general economic interest’. Yet what has happened is more complex. A quick historical review of management formulas in Europe reveals both the specific model of delegation to private companies made in France, and also the maintained direct labour management formula (with direct public procurement by municipalities) used in several French cities to be presented. Paris has a long history of public procurement of water, whilst using a private company for metering and billing customers. Mayor Chirac changed to a semi-public company with public production and private distribution contracted out to two private companies (with responsibility for the right and left banks). Mayor Delanoë managed to reclaim the distribution in a commercial but public institution called an Établissement Public à caractère Industriel et Commercial (EPIC); this had unsuspected impacts on water supply issue in the suburbs. While Paris can obviously run its services directly, the emerging issue appears to be multi-level governance at the metropolitan level, rather than just a public–private debate. This paper also discusses in detail the arguments put forward by Anne le Strat, Deputy Mayor for Water, in favour of returning to public control, and presents the difficulties of assessing the performance of a service operator, under both delegation and direct management.
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Ippolitov, Sergei Sergeevich. "Russian Emigration of the First Wave in Germany: Humanitarian and Legal aspects of Adaptation, 1917-1920s." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2020): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.1.31909.
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The article discusses the activities of Russian humanitarian, professional and public organizations in determining the legal status of Russian migrants in Europe and providing legal assistance to refugees and Russian legal entities in exile in 1917 - 1920s, as well as the trade unions of Russian lawyers in exile and their activities of legal assistance to their compatriots. The author examines the foreign policy of different states concerning the legal discrimination of Russian refugees and the geopolitical context in which the legal integration of Russian emigration took place in the societies of host countries. The study views the Russian humanitarian and legal activity as a factor in preserving the civic identity of these emigrants. The methodological basis on which this research is based is the principles of historicism and systematicity, which imply the application of the chronological method in the research process, as well as the methods of retrospection, periodization and actualization. The article explores for the first time in historiography the little-studied page in the history of Russian emigration: the creation in Germany in the 1920s of an effective system of humanitarian and legal assistance to Russian refugees aimed at clarifying their legal status and restoring the legal existence of Russian commercial enterprises in exile. For the first time in historiography, the author examines the ability of the emigrant community to self-organize in order to assert its rights in a foreign language and foreign culture society.The factors that significantly complicated the Russian emigrants' humanitarian and legal status, thereby also hindering their integration into European society, included: the long irresolution of their legal status; the significant number of legal obstacles; the ineffectiveness of officials with respect to the refugees' actual lack of rights; the legal conflict in international law that arose with the emergence of the Russian emigration phenomenon; and the unprecedented humanitarian and legal crisis of the post First World War period in Europe. Under these conditions, the Russian emigrant community nonetheless managed to develop effective mechanisms to help its compatriots in the legal sphere.
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Lindner, Ulrike, and Stuart S. Blume. "Vaccine Innovation and Adoption: Polio Vaccines in the UK, the Netherlands and West Germany, 1955–1965." Medical History 50, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300010279.
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“An effective AIDS vaccine could be found as early as 2012, saving 6 million lives if the world is willing to put £10 bn a year into a new programme, the chancellor, Gordon Brown, said in a speech last night in Tanzania”. Faith in biomedical science; the conviction that new vaccines will be translated into lives saved; belief in the necessity of globally concerted action: the British minister's statement reflects views of vaccine innovation that are widely held today. New and improved vaccines seem our best hope of coping with the scourge of AIDS, of arming ourselves against the unknown threats of emergent diseases and potential bioterrorism, and of tackling the resurgence of old diseases arising once more in Europe. Global coordination, pooling our resources, seems self-evidently necessary, given the international nature of a modern epidemic. Much current discussion of vaccine development and use thus has a global character. That is to say, it is conducted under the banner of global slogans or it seeks to establish globally integrated approaches to vaccine research and development (R&D). Over the past two decades the development and rapid introduction of new vaccines have come to dominate the vaccine agenda worldwide. Social scientists and health policy analysts have been set to work, examining barriers to the implementation of international priorities at the national level. Why, for example, are national responses to the availability of new vaccines often so lethargic? A recent study of the adoption of Hemophilus influenza b (Hib) conjugate vaccine is a good example. It shows policy makers in four countries rationally weighing the burden to public health of the diseases against which the vaccine offers protection (bacterial meningitis and pneumonia), against the high cost of the vaccine. Health policy analysts tend to explain the decision to introduce a new vaccine, or to replace an existing vaccine by a new alternative, in terms of the epidemiology and seriousness of the disease, and of scientific consensus regarding the efficacy and potential risks of the vaccine and (perhaps) their costs. The studies of vaccine diffusion and adoption that they conduct have little or nothing to say about political disagreements, or the influence of commercial interests, national traditions, international relations, or global agendas. Where any attention is paid to vaccine history, it is generally in the attempt to illustrate factors (such as resistance to vaccination) that might cause deviations from the rational deployment of vaccines.
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Zastocki, Dariusz, Hubert Lachowicz, Jarosław Sadowski, and Tadeusz Moskalik. "Changes in the Assortment and Species Structure of Timber Harvested from the Polish Managed Part of Białowieża Forest." Sustainability 10, no. 9 (September 14, 2018): 3279. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10093279.
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The subject of the research, which is the Polish managed part of Białowieża Forest together with Białowieża National Park, a remnant of primeval forests, is one of the most valuable forest areas in Europe. This article presents the history of the use of these forests. The assortment and species structure of the harvested timber was analyzed in detail for the Białowieża, Browsk, and Hajnówka Forest Districts from 2008 to 2017. The research is based on data from the State Forests Information System (SILP) and Forest Management Plans (PUL), as well as Nature Conservation Programs (POP). The volume of harvested timber was diversified. In 2011–2013, it was limited by a decision of the Minister of the Environment from 110,000 m3 in 2010 to 48,500 m3. This contributed to the increase of the European spruce bark beetle gradation, causing the death of spruce stands. By an annex to the Forest Management Plan issued in 2016, the Minister of the Environment increased the amount of the timber harvest. In 2017, it amounted to almost 190,000 m3, where 91% of the harvested volume was spruce, but the wood was markedly inferior in technical quality compared to previous years. Such a large increase in harvesting aroused the opposition mainly of environmental organizations and the European Commission. In April 2018, the EU Court of Justice decided that Poland violated EU law by increasing the number of felled trees in Białowieża Forest. After this decision, the Minister of the Environment repealed the earlier decision, the basis for conducting the increased wood harvesting in Białowieża Forest. Changes in the timber harvested in terms of volume, quality, and assortment, are due to the specificity of managing environmentally valuable areas. This relates to the many limitations on commercial forestry, which must take into account the need to protect nature and the legal acts regulating timber harvesting.
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Balakrishnan, Melodena Stephens, Payyazhi Jayashree, and Ian Michael. "Etihad: contributing to the UAE vision through Emiratisation." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/20450621111110285.
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Subject area Strategy, Emiratisation (national policy); human resources (recruitment, training and development, organizational culture and values) and marketing (branding, communication), tourism (destination image). Study level/applicability Undergraduate and Postgraduate Business and Management. Case overview This case highlights the strategy and initiatives taken by Etihad to attract Emirati employees (local nationals) to join the organization. Etihad Airways is the national airline of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), based in Abu Dhabi, the national capital. Since its inception in 2003, the airline has grown faster than any other in commercial aviation history; it currently flies to more than 60 destinations in Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, the Middle East and North America. In the UAE, nationals or Emiratis comprise only 20 per cent of the overall population. According to the UAE 2021 Vision, the government's focus is on building the human capabilities on knowledge and innovation for Emiratis. This vision is reinforced in the Abu Dhabi Economic Vision 2030, which aims to boost national participation, encourage women (national women are on average more highly educated than the men) and decrease the education – market demand gap through training. Expected learning outcomes This case can be used to teach strategy from the point of view of government, human resources and marketing. From the government point of view parallels can be drawn to other nations whose government have focused on policies to create opportunities for and to encourage local employability. An example of a similar programme that was very successful is the “Bumiputra” programme created for indigenous Malaysians in 1971. In the area of human resource strategy, recruitment, training, inculcation of corporate values are some areas that can be reinforced. Form the point of view of marketing; the case can be used to discuss branding from the point of view of people, loyalty building (internal) and communication (internal and external). Destination branding and the role airlines play can also be a discussion point from the strategic point of view with some opportunity for macro-environmental analysis using the PESTLE model. Supplementary materials A teaching note available upon request.
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Beattie, James. "Biota Barons, 'Neo-Eurasias' and Indian-New Zealand Informal Eco-Cultural Networks, 1830s–1870s." Global Environment 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130105.
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This article examines informal (private and commercial) imperial networks and environmental modification by former English East India Company (EIC) employees in New Zealand, as well as the introduction of subcontinental species into that colony. Several very wealthy settlers from India, it argues, single-handedly introduced a cornucopia of Indian plants and animals into different parts of nineteenth-century New Zealand and used money earned in India to engage in large-scale environmental modification. Such was the scale of their enterprise 'in the business of shifting biota from place to place' and in remaking environments in parts of New Zealand that these individuals can be considered 'biota barons'. A focus on the informal eco-cultural networks they created helps refine the thesis of ecological imperialism. It also expands the more recent concept of neo-ecological imperialism, by highlighting the role of non-European natures and models in the re-making of Britain's colonies of settlement and by tracing exchanges between white settler colonies and colonies of extraction. In sum, the paper demonstrates the influence of particular private individuals with the necessary wealth and will to effect certain kinds of environmental change, and tentatively suggests that we might usefully consider Australasia as 'neo-Eurasias' rather than 'neo-Europes'.
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Alfonso F., Alfonso F. "Los designios de la política comercial de Chile: adecuaciones mediante y pragmatismo en las medidas legislativas, 1850-1914." 3 29, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18232/1314.
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Accominotti, O. y Flandreau, M. (2008). Bilateral treaties and the most-favored-nation clause: the myth of trade liberalization in the nineteenth century. World Politics, 60(2), 147-188. doi: 10.1353/wp.0.0010 Anguita, R. (1913). Leyes promulgadas en Chile desde 1810 hasta el 1 de junio de 1913. Santiago de Chile: Imprenta, Litografía i Encuadernación Barcelona. Bairoch, P. (1989). European trade policy, 1815-1914. En P. Mathias y S. Pollard (eds.), The cambridge economic history of europe from the decline of the roman empire: vol. 8. The industrial economies: the development of economic and social policies (pp. 1-160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baldwin, R. (2016). The great convergence: information technology and the new globalization. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Bértola, L., y J. Williamson (2006). Globalization in Latin America Before 1940. En V. Bulmer-Thomas, J. Coatsworth y R. Cortés Conde (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America. Vol. 2: The Long Twentieth Century (pp. 11–56). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bulmer-Thomas, V. (1998). British trade with Latin America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Institute of Latin American Studies Occasional Papers, 19, 1-26. Bulmer-Thomas, V. (2014). The economic history of Latin America since independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cariola, C. y Sunkel, O. (1982). La historia económica de Chile 1830 y 1930: dos ensayos y una bibliografía. Madrid: Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana. Centeno, M. (1997). Blood and debt: war and taxation in nineteenth‐century Latin America. American Journal of Sociology, 102(6), 1565-1605. doi: 10.1086/231127 Coatsworth, J. y Williamson, J. (2004). Always protectionist? Latin American tariffs from independence to great depression. Journal of Latin American Studies, 36(2), 205-232. doi: 10.1017/S0022216X04007412 Cortés, H., Butelmann, A. y Videla, P. (1981). Proteccionismo en Chile: una visión retrospectiva. Cuadernos de Economía, 18(54-55), 141-194. Courcelle-Seneuil, J. G. (1856). Examen comparativo de la tarifa i lejislacion aduanera de Chile con las de Francia, Gran Bretaña i Estados-Unidos. Santiago: Imprenta Nacional. Couyoumdjian, J. Pablo. (2015). Importando modernidad. La evolución del pensamiento económico en Chile en el siglo xix. Historia, 1(48), 43-75. Díaz, J., Lüders. R. y Wagner, G. (2016). Chile 1810-2010. La República en cifras. Historical statistics. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile. Díaz, J. y Wagner, G. (2004). Política comercial: instrumentos y antecedentes. Chile en los siglos xix y xx (Documento de trabajo núm. 23; pp. 1-158). Santiago: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Encina, F. A. (1912). Nuestra inferioridad económica. Sus causas, sus consecuencias. Santiago de Chile: Universitaria. Evenett, S. y Fritz, J. (2020). The global trade alert database handbook. Manuscrito, 14 de julio de 2020. Grossman, G. M. (2016). The purpose of trade agreements. En Handbook of commercial policy (vol. 1, pp. 379-434). Ámsterdam: Elsevier. doi: 10.1016/bs.hescop.2016.04.016 Helleiner, G. (1972). Comercio internacional y desarrollo económico. Madrid: Alianza. Humud, C. (1974). Política económica chilena desde 1830 a 1930. Estudios de Economía, 1(1), 1-122. Kindleberger, C. (1975). The rise of free trade in Western Europe, 1820-1875. The Journal of Economic History, 35(1), 20-55. doi: 10.1017/S0022050700094298 Lira, J. (1880). La lejislacion chilena no codificada. Coleccion de leyes i decretos vijentes i de interes jeneral. Santiago de Chile: El Correo. Llorca-Jaña, M. y Navarrete-Montalvo, J. (2017). The Chilean economy during the 1810-1830s and its entry into the world economy. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 36(3), 354-369. doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12482 López, E. (2014). El proceso de construcción estatal en Chile: Hacienda pública y burocracia (1817-1860). Santiago de Chile: dibam. Loveman, B. (2001). Chile: the legacy of Hispanic capitalism. Nueva York: Oxford University Press. Martner, D. (1923). Estudio de la política comercial e historia económica nacional (vol. 1). Santiago, Chile: Universitaria. Ortega, L. (2018). Chile en ruta al capitalismo: cambio, euforia y depresión, 1850-1880. Santiago: lom Ediciones. Pahre, R. (2007). Politics and trade cooperation in the nineteenth century the agreeable customs of 1815-1914. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press. Pinedo, J. (2005). El pensamiento de los ensayistas y cientistas sociales en los largos años 60 en Chile (1958-1973): los herederos de Francisco A. Encina. Atenea, 492, 69-120. Pinto, J. y Salazar, G. (2002). Historia contemporánea de Chile. Santiago: lom Ediciones. Prados de la Escosura, L. (2009). Lost decades? Economic performance in post-independence Latin America. Journal of Latin American Studies, 41(2), 279-307. doi: 10.1017/S0022216X09005574 Rayes, A., Castro, R. e Ibarra, F. (2020). Números oscuros. La valoración de las importaciones argentinas, c. 1870-1913. Revista Uruguaya de Historia Económica, 10(17), 25-48. doi: 10.47003/RUHE/10.17.02 Rodríguez, M. (1892). Lejislación aduanera: Compilación de leyes i disposiciones vijentes i de interes jeneral, relativas al rejimen de las Aduanas de la República. Santiago de Chile: Gutenberg. Rodríguez, Z. (1886). De nuestra inferioridad económica. Causas. Revista Económica. Rodríguez, Z. (1887). De nuestra inferioridad económica. Remedios. Revista Económica. Rogowski, R. (1989). Commerce and coalitions: how trade affects domestic political alignments. Nueva Jersey: Princeton University Press. Salazar, G. (2009). Mercaderes, empresarios y capitalistas: (Chile, siglo xix). 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Ó'CLÉIREAĊÁAIN, SÉAMUS. "Europe 1992 and Gaps in the EC's Common Commercial Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 28, no. 3 (March 1990): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1990.tb00364.x.
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FORSBACH, RALF. "Health Policy in Twentieth-Century Europe." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003390.
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Iris Borowy and Wolf D. Gruner eds., Facing Illness in Troubled Times: Health in Europe in the Interwar Years 1918–1939 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005), 424 pp., €64.00 (hb), ISBN 363119486.Horst H. Freyhofer The Nuremberg Medical Trial: The Holocaust and the Origin of the Nuremberg Medical Code, Studies in Modern European History 53 (New York: Peter Lang, 2005), 209 pp., €30.00 (pb), ISBN 0820467979.Ulrike Lindner Gesundheitspolitik in der Nachkriegszeit. Großbritannien und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Vergleich, Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London 57 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2004), 581 pp., €64.00 (hb), ISBN 3486200143.
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Parsons, R. M. "History of Technology Policy—Commercial Nuclear Power." Journal of Professional Issues in Engineering Education and Practice 121, no. 2 (April 1995): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)1052-3928(1995)121:2(85).
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Mineeva, Elena K., Alevtina P. Zykina, and Alexey I. Mineev. "PEOPLE’S COMMISSARIAT OF NATIONALITIES OF THE RSFSR AND THE CREATION OF THE CRIMEAN ASSR." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2022-2-75-88.
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Just recently, Russia celebrated the 8th anniversary of the return of Crimea “to its native harbor.” This important event, both for the whole country and the region, makes us once again turn to the historical fate of the Crimean Peninsula. At almost all important stages of historical development, from the time of colonization of the Northern Black Sea region by the Greeks and to the present, this region attracted the attention of all neighbors, both close and the most remote ones, which is due to the special geopolitical position of the Crimea. We can say that whoever owns the peninsula controls the entire Northern Black Sea region, and is an intermediary between Europe and the Middle East. The geographical location enables the Crimean Peninsula to play an important role as a commercial and military-political port, which also indicates the strategic importance of the region.
The years 1991 to 2008 are one of the most difficult periods in the history of Crimea. And most of the problems of the Crimean people at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries were associated with the consequences of the not fully thought-out policy of the Soviet leadership. In this regard, we consider it necessary to analyze more carefully most of the events of the Soviet Union era, since in one way or another they continue to influence modern processes. So far, a complete compromise has not yet been reached among individual active figures of the Crimean Tatar social movement and the leadership of the Republic of Crimea. History already has the experience of successfully resolving such a confrontation between representatives of the Soviet government in Crimea, on the one hand, and the Crimean Tatars in 1920-1921, on the other. As a result, the Crimean ASSR was created as part of the RSFSR. This problem has not yet received proper coverage in historiography. A certain obstacle for those wishing to be engaged in this research topic was the fact that documentary materials have long been part of the archival repositories of two states: the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea (until 2014 in Ukraine) and the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Current international events also do not contribute to an objective and impartial assessment of the problem of the formation of the Crimean Autonomy, which in October 2021 marked the 100th anniversary of the Crimean ASSR. Despite the anniversary date, this historical event, in our opinion, has received insufficient attention and coverage in society.
In modern conditions, further study and generalization of the experience of the creation and existence of the Crimean ASSR is required. It can be useful at the current stage of the national-state development of the peninsula. The purpose of the study is to analyze the historical conditions in which the formation of national-territorial autonomy on the Crimean Peninsula took place with the active and leading role of the People’s Commissariat. The study does not pretend to be exhaustive, but makes a certain contribution to the coverage of the issue.
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Barra, Luca, Christoph Classen, and Sonja de Leeuw. "Editorial." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 6, no. 11 (September 22, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2017.jethc118.
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This issue on the History of Private and Commercial Television in Europe may help deepen our understanding of how the commercialization of television has shaped media culture in Europe. It offers a scholarly view on the history of private and commercial television in Europe, addressing institutional, technological, political, and cultural perspectives, and their entanglement, so as to allow for transnational comparison.
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Anderson, Jason. "Can Europe Catalyze Climate Action?" Current History 108, no. 716 (March 1, 2009): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.716.131.
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Johnson, Paul. "Social Policy in Europe in the Twentieth Century." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000424.
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The 1980s proved to be a tough decade for European welfare states. The post-war ‘welfare consensus’, which perhaps had never been quite so strong or coherent as many contemporary historians and commentators had assumed, was finally laid to rest. The five great spectres identified by Beveridge want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness had not been humbled by public welfare provision despite its ever growing scale and cost. At the beginning of the 1980s the OECD published a report on The Welfare State in Crisis which pointed out that as welfare state expenditure had roughly doubled as a percentage of national income in most west European countries since the late 1950s, so economic growth rates had plummeted. The European welfare states appeared to produce few positive welfare benefits, and this minimal achievement was produced at enormous cost which was to the detriment of overall economic growth and societal well-being.
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Sharp, James Roger, and Doron S. Ben-Atar. "The Origins of Jeffersonian Commercial Policy and Diplomacy." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 787. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211078.
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Cooper, Richard N., Patrick A. Messerlin, and Michelle P. Egan. "Measuring the Costs of Protection in Europe: European Commercial Policy in the 2000s." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 2 (2002): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033099.
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Weeks, William Earl, and Doron S. Ben-Atar. "The Origins of Jeffersonian Commercial Policy and Diplomacy." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081036.
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Dufour, Christian, Dieter Sadowski, and Otto Jacobi. "Employers' Associations in Europe: Policy and Organisation." Le Mouvement social, no. 162 (January 1993): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779523.
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Perkins, Edwin J., and Doron S. Ben-Atar. "The Origins of Jeffersonian Commercial Policy and Diplomacy." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168920.
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Lint, Gregg L., and Doron S. Ben-Atar. "The Origins of Jeffersonian Commercial Policy and Diplomacy." William and Mary Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 1994): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947465.
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März, Julian W. "Challenges Posed by Transnational Commercial Surrogacy: The Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights." European Journal of Health Law 28, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718093-bja10045.
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Abstract There is little consensus between European States regarding the legal treatment of surrogacy in general and of transnational commercial surrogacy in particular. Against this background, the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in this matter is of particular significance since it provides some common ground for the legal treatment of transnational commercial surrogacy in Europe. For this reason, the present paper will outline the development of the jurisprudence of the ECtHR on transnational commercial surrogacy, giving particular attention to the Mennesson and Labassee decisions, the Paradiso/Campanelli case, and the 2019 Advisory Opinion. On this basis, it will conclude by underlining the importance of the best interests of the child principle in the jurisprudence of the ECtHR on transnational commercial surrogacy.
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Croan, Melvin, and Sarah Meiklejohn Terry. "Soviet Policy in Eastern Europe." Russian Review 45, no. 3 (July 1986): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130124.
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Geiger, Vladimir, and Suzana Leček. "The Policy of Retribution in Europe after World War II." Journal of Contemporary History 50, no. 1 (May 22, 2018): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/csp.v50i1.74.
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Neilson, K. "Orme Sargent, Appeasement and British Policy in Europe, 1933-39." Twentieth Century British History 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwp059.
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Sturdy, S., R. Freeman, and J. Smith-Merry. "Making Knowledge for International Policy: WHO Europe and Mental Health Policy, 1970-2008." Social History of Medicine 26, no. 3 (April 18, 2013): 532–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkt009.
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Øksendal, Lars Fredrik. "Dividend policy in Norwegian banking before 1914." Financial History Review 18, no. 2 (February 18, 2011): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565010000314.
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This article discusses the dividend strategy adopted by Norwegian commercial banks before 1914. Based on a unique data set covering all banks in the period 1882– 1913 as well as six other institutions for the pre-1882 period, I identify the existence of a strong bias towards the payment of high and stable dividends to shareholders. The origins of such bias lie in the specific institutional set-up of commercial banking, the expectations of shareholders and the absence of developed securities markets. Combined with a strong preference for high gearing, this feature contributed to increase the fragility of the Norwegian banking system.
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Beale, Alison. "Development and ‘Désétatisation’ in European Cultural Policy." Media International Australia 90, no. 1 (February 1999): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909000111.
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An analysis of European cultural policy supports the argument that the European Union (EU) is first and foremost an economic union. This paper traces two policy styles in European cultural policy: one oriented to deregulation and privatisation; the other concentrating on social development. It argues that the creation of de facto cultural policy by the European Commission in its audiovisual policy is an important indicator of the direction of EU cultural policy. The paper examines some of the implications for national cultural sovereignty of both audiovisual policy and the move to deregulation and privatisation in the wider cultural sector. It looks at initiatives of the Council of Europe and UNESCO to establish international cultural policies for social development to counter the effects of globalisation on the cultures of Europe. It concludes that this counter-effort is lagging in the European context, and that the tendency to describe culture as a resource does not help to distance the social agenda from the dominant commercial one.
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Willis, F. Roy, and Wolfram F. Hanrieder. "Germany, America, Europe: Forty Years of German Foreign Policy." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 847. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162467.
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