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1
Batagelj, Leon. "Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.
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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.
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Sagagi, A. Muhammad. "Commercial policy and industrialisation in Nigeria, 1963-1978." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34674/.
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As a contribution to the continuing debate among trade and development economists as to the role of industrial strategies in the pattern of economic development, this study analyses the experience of one developing country, Nigeria, with an import substitution strategy. The performance of the industrial sector is critically assessed and related to the trade policy adopted. Using published data, the study covers 24 industries and a period of 16 years, beginning 1963 and extending to 1978. An analysis of the structure of protection reveals a considerably high and wide ranging levels of effective protection, in favour of consumer-goods oriented sectors. The relationship between these rates of effective protection on the one hand and import substitution and sectoral growth on the other was examined using various parametric and non-parametric tests of association. The evidence, which is only suggestive in nature, indicates that the structure of protection does play a role, albeit a minimal one, in stimulating industrial growth. Using Input-Output techniques, the employment, foreign exchange and output implications of the present strategy of Import- Substitution and of a hypothetical strategy of export promotion are analysed. There is a general absence of 'key' employment sectors and, paradoxically, an export promotion strategy is found to be less employment generating and more capital using but less foreign exchangeusing than the existing strategy. Although there is a considerable scope for capital-labour substitution in many industries, it was found that the often recommended policy of getting prices 'right' will not be sufficient to bring about an appreciable improvement in the employment situation. The development of factor productivity between 1963 and 1978 for each of the 24 industries was analysed; and three possible determinants of productivity are investigated: capital intensity and technical progress, output growth (the Verdoorn's Law) and trade policy. With regards to the latter, it was found that periods of especially slack productivity growth roughly correspond to those in which there was especially restrictive trade policy as quantified by high erps. The economic efficiency of the manufacturing sector was appraised using the criteria of net social profitability, social rate of return and Domestic Resources Costs (DRCs). Evidence was found in support of the hypothesis that the resource pull of protection to the protected industries is accompanied by higher rates of private, but lower rates of social profitability for the more heavily protected sectors. The overall conclusion of the thesis is that the policies of protection should have been more rationally applied and the IS strategy more rationally executed in line with the country's enunciated objectives.
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Bozic, Bojana. "Policy Approaches to Reduce Discrimination Against Minorities in Europe." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/717.
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In many European countries, despite decades of learning about the risks of discrimination and the conflicts associated with it, discrimination against minorities persists. Many have criticized European governments for not doing enough to challenge the negative stereotypes and prejudices against minority groups, especially in education and employment. In this thesis, Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria, France, and the Netherlands will be used as case studies to explore the varying dynamics underlying this discrimination and strategies that can be implemented to overcome discrimination.
This thesis will recommend a series of policy approaches in areas such as civic integration, education reform, anti-discrimination law, and monitoring and evaluation to help reduce minority discrimination European countries.
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Radtke, Robert Warren. "The British commercial community in Shanghai and British policy in China, 1925-1931." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315945.
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Corps, Terence John. "Reciprocity revised : the Jacksonians, navigation, and the shaping of United States commercial policy, 1829-1850." Thesis, Durham University, 1992. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6138/.
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The study investigates the importance of the policy of reciprocal navigation within U.S. domestic politics and commercial diplomacy in the late Jacksonian era. Addressing the neglect by historians of the development of the policy after 1829, the study examines the basis of a strong minority in opposition to the existing equality in commercial exactions granted to the shipping of foreign countries which reciprocated with like terms. This opposition, located chiefly in the maritime centres of New England and Baltimore, and reaching its climax in the harsh economic climate of the early 1840s, made use of pressure group tactics in an attempt to persuade American policy-makers to suspend the policy, or to abandon it altogether. They also drew attention to similar problems in the related matter of trade with Britain's colonies in the western hemisphere. Their efforts met with varied results: the gradual improvement of the colonial trade problem until its final resolution with the reform of the British Navigation acts in 1849; short-term legislative attention to the issue of reciprocal navigation, but with no positive outcome; temporary suspension of the policy by diplomatic officers of the Tyler administration; and finally the further extension of reciprocity, and the exploitation by the Polk administration of the opposition to it as a negotiating tool to win commercial concessions from European states. The study concludes that reciprocal navigation, while not a party issue as such, did evoke responses which reflected prevailing partisan and sectional attitudes. At a time of growing sectional tension the issue tended to divide northern and southern Whigs, for and against sympathy for the critics of reciprocity respectively; while Democrats managed to maintain party unity on this issue, despite the apparent southern priorities of the Polk administration, as revealed by their manipulation of shippers' discontent.
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Davis, John Richard. "Trade, politics, perspectives, and the question of a British commercial policy towards the German states 1848-1866." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296985.
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Antinelli, Annachiara. "The case of People’s Republic of China penetration and foreign policy developments in Djibouti State : the logistic and commercial sectors." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-30443.
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McCarthy, Matthew John. "'A sure defence against the foe '? : maritime predation & British commercial policy during the Spanish American Wars of Independence, 1810-1830." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4454.
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The following study investigates the British government�s response to maritime predation in the period 1810-1830 and evaluates the effectiveness of the measures implemented to protect British trade and shipping. A necessary prerequisite for this task is to establish the impact of commerce raiding activity on the British mercantile marine, which has thus far eluded historians. Chapters one and two of the following study are dedicated to this purpose. In chapter one, the key findings of previous works with regard to the organizational and operational features of commerce-raiding activity are synthesised and the extent and nature of the threat posed to British trade and shipping is established. The ways in which this threat became a reality for British merchants is the subject of chapter two. The impact of predation on the British mercantile marine is identified through the use of quantitative and qualitative data. A database of prize actions, which can be defined as encounters between British merchant vessels and maritime predators, has been constructed for this study from the intelligence contained in contemporary newspapers and government correspondence. The database provides statistics on the number of British vessels affected by maritime predators, the annual frequency of prize actions, and the perpetrators responsible for their initiation. Adding depth to these statistics are the letters, petitions, memorials and claims certificates received by the British government, which give detailed breakdowns of the losses incurred by merchants in individual prize cases. In chapter three the wider political context within which the British government received merchant appeals for assistance is established, providing a framework with which to identify and explain the measures implemented to tackle the problems being experienced at sea and to evaluate their effectiveness. Chapters four through to seven thematically analyse the British government�s response to maritime predation. British countermeasures against the depredations of independent Spanish American commerce-raiders are addressed in chapter four. The British government�s response to Spanish predation is the subject of chapters five and six, while chapter seven provides an analysis of British policy towards Cuban-based piracy. These four chapters draw heavily upon government correspondence when identifying the measures implemented by British statesmen to counter the threat of maritime predation, while the public debates and the proceedings of the Anglo-Spanish claims commission underpin appraisals of the effectiveness of these measures. Given that commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence has never been examined from a British perspective, this study will add a new dimension to the existing literature. In doing so, this study will provide a platform from which to reassess the arguments of previous works with regard to the character of predation in the early nineteenth century, the motivation of those individuals who participated in the activity, and the contribution of commerce-raiding to the outcome of the independence conflict. However, the following study also has the potential to raise points of wider significance and make contributions to knowledge and understanding of other aspects of history. The focus of the current study on the effectiveness of British policy in protecting the interests of British merchants from the threat of predation therefore to shed light on wider social, political and economic changes occurring within Britain during the early nineteenth century The upsurge in commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence occurred at a time of profound change in the direction of British economic policy. Cain and Hopkins have outlined the nature of this change and explained the rationale with which it was underpinned. They argue that between 1688 and 1850 Britain was ruled by a gentlemanly elite made up of an alliance between the landed aristocracy and financiers in the City of London. This alliance sought to service the national debt, fund patronage and manage the political system in ways that preserved privilege, civil peace and the constitution. In the period prior to 1815 the pursuit of these objectives saw the British government play a protectionist role in the economy. However, following the Napoleonic Wars it became clear that fundamental changes were needed to restore the health of the economy, maintain civil order and deflect growing criticism of the patronage system that had begun to circulate in the late eighteenth century. Consequently, the ruling class embarked on a process of redefining its role and purpose and gradually began to introduce reforms of the constitution, of the patronage system, of social legislation, and of economic policy. In the economic realm following the Napoleonic Wars, forward-looking members of the Tory government, who were inspired by Adam Smith�s attack on mercantilism in the Wealth of Nations, adopted a laissez-faire outlook and began to progressively withdraw the government from direct participation in the economic process.57 By 1850 the transition was effectively complete and mercantilism had given way to an era of free trade. As D.C.M. Platt has demonstrated, for the remainder of the nineteenth century the British government maintained an urgent official interest in the general welfare of British commerce overseas but exhibited a distinct prejudice against promoting individual financial and trading interests. This study promises to shed further light on early nineteenth-century British economic policy by providing a case-study with which to view this transition in action and with which to assess its significance to the lives of British subjects.
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Sloman, Peter Jack. "Economic thought and policy in the Liberal Party, c. 1929-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c961d45b-8c97-4e4b-b91c-6d0c8c55da5b.
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This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.
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Bisson, Douglas Ronald. "The Merchant Adventurers and the Tudor commonwealth: the formulation of a trade policy, 1485-1565 /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487335992905996.
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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. "The ideology of nation and race: the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.
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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
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Dobruszkes, Frédéric. "Géographie de la libéralisation du transport aérien passagers en Europe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210715.
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De 1987 à 1997, le transport aérien intra-européen a connu un bouleversement institutionnel sans précé-dent avec sa libéralisation, c’est-à-dire le passage d’un environnement très régulé et contraint par les États à un environnement libéral. Au terme de ce processus, toute compagnie communautaire peut opérer n’importe quel vol intra-communautaire et les aides d’État sont interdites, obligeant les compagnies à être financière-ment rentables. La liberté d’accès au marché et l’impératif de rentabilité sont de nature à faire évoluer la géographie des réseaux et donc la desserte des ré-gions européennes par le biais de différentes dynami-ques (développement ou rationalisation des compagnies préexistantes, émergence de nouvelles compagnies, faillites, réorganisation des services publics,…).La libéralisation du ciel européen a effectivement conduit à soumettre l’essentiel de l’offre intra-européenne aux « lois du marché », les services publics étant devenus résiduels (moins de 5% des sièges intra-européens). Pour autant, la concurrence à l’échelle des lignes n’est pas devenue la norme. Elle a certes aug-menté, en particulier sur des grandes lignes domesti-ques jadis très protégées, sur les principales lignes européennes entre régions métropolitaines et sur les lignes nord – sud à vocation touristique. Cependant, le développement de nombreuses nouvelles lignes exploi-tées par une seule compagnie a paradoxalement aug-menté le nombre et la part des monopoles de fait. De nombreuses concurrences n’ont lieu qu’indirectement, soit au travers de filiales étrangères (par exemple Spa-nair appartenant à SAS), soit par des compagnies low-cost opérant depuis des aéroports secondaires plus éloignés des grandes agglomérations européennes (par exemple Hahn au lieu de Francfort).
Entre 1991 et 2005, la desserte de l’espace européen libéralisé connaît d’importantes évolutions. D’une part, le volume de l’offre (en sièges) est presque multiplié par deux (+85%, +81% si l’on se limite aux vols intra-européens), soit un taux de croissance annuel moyen de 5,6%. Cette croissance concerne plus l’offre interna-tionale que nationale, qui l’emporte maintenant sur la seconde. D’autre part, la dynamique d’ouverture et de fermeture de lignes est spectaculaire :1308 créations contre 459 disparitions, si bien que le nombre total de lignes a augmenté de moitié et que le réseau européen actuel est un réseau pour moitié renouvelé par rapport à celui de 1991. Cependant, le poids en sièges des lignes héritées est de 8/10. Le réseau européen actuel est donc quantitativement toujours dominé par les relations historiques, qui constituent l’armature de la desserte aérienne européenne.
Les espaces touristiques balnéaires méridionaux ont capté une grande partie de cette croissance (3/10 des nouvelles liaisons, ¼ de l’augmentation générale du nombre de sièges). Si l’on y ajoute le tourisme urbain, on observe très clairement une banalisation du tou-risme aérien.
Une typologie évolutive des réseaux à l’échelle des compagnies a révélé des stratégies différenciées et donc des impacts variés en termes de desserte des territoires. Les grandes compagnies nationales ont généralement fortement développé leur offre tout en la concentrant plus encore sur leurs bases aéroportuaires traditionnelles organisées en hubs. Parfois, un second hub a dû être créé pour contourner des problèmes de saturation (Munich en plus de Francfort) ou mieux coller à la demande (Milan en plus de Rome). Les compagnies classiques ont aussi pris des participations dans des petites compagnies afin de pénétrer plus facilement, et à moindre coût, des marchés étrangers. Ces filiales — et leurs réseaux — ont parfois été converties en opéra-teurs régionaux alimentant les grands hubs. Par ail-leurs, diverses petites compagnies ont pu se développer à l’échelle européenne, sortant souvent de leur cadre national classique. Ces développements se sont tantôt faits au bénéfice des villes « de province » (en particu-lier en Grande-Bretagne), tantôt par concentration sur la capitale (en particulier dans les pays où les villes de province ont peu de poids économique et démographi-que). Enfin, des compagnies charters ont transformé leur offre en offre régulière, la rendant plus ouverte au public, au profit des zones touristiques méridionales qui sont ainsi plus facilement accessibles.
Mais la plus spectaculaire évolution est sans doute le développement des compagnies low-cost. Celles-ci sont responsables de 4/10 de la croissance de l’offre (en sièges) sur la période 1995-2004 ;elles sont aussi mêlées à 3/10 des nouvelles lignes européennes ouver-tes entre 1991 et 2005. Leurs réseaux renforcent les liaisons entre régions métropolitaines et entre celles-ci et les destinations touristiques. En outre, les régions subcentrales leur doivent la moitié de leur desserte et presque toute leur croissance. De nombreux petits aéroports leur doivent l’essentiel, voire la totalité, de leur desserte et de leur croissance, en particulier dans les régions subcentrales et intermédiaires. Ceci a consi-dérablement modifié les rapports entre compagnies et gestionnaires d’aéroports, plaçant ces derniers dans un rapport de forces qui ne leur est pas toujours favorable.
Ces dynamiques viendraient presque faire oublier les décroissances. D’une part, des faillites ont parfois eu un effet négatif marqué sur la desserte des villes, comme nous l’avons en particulier montré pour Bruxelles avec la faillite de la Sabena. D’autre part, les services publics subventionnés semblent être en régression, bien que l’analyse détaillée du cas français montre que la géo-graphie des services publics antérieurs à la libéralisation découlait parfois plus d’exigences politiques locales que de besoins réels.
A l’échelle régionale, l’analyse des évolutions par types économiques régionaux montre qu’au-delà de taux de croissance très variés et malgré toutes les dynamiques étudiées, la répartition de l’offre est demeurée assez constante :il n’y a pas de remise en cause de la hiérar-chisation de l’espace européen. Les régions métropoli-taines continuent en effet à polariser une très grande partie de l’offre et sont toujours les points de passage quasi-obligés pour les vols intercontinentaux. Un niveau en dessous, les régions centrales disposent toujours d’une offe honorable, quoique limitée à l’Europe et ses marges. Les régions subcentrales profitent d’une « décompression » des régions métropolitaines et cen-trales et de la dynamique low-cost. Les capitales des pays ex-communistes connaissent un rattrapage et sont repolarisées par l’Europe occidentale. Les périphéries touristiques connaissent un important développement mais pèsent peu globalement. Les autres périphéries et les espaces intermédiaires tendent à se marginaliser, victimes de trop faibles densités économiques et démo-graphiques et d’une contraction des services publics aériens.
Enfin, si le développement de lignes transversales entre petites villes est une réalité, leur poids est avant tout local. Celles-ci pèsent en effet peu globalement.
Doctorat en sciences, Spécialisation géographie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Lorenz, Walter. "Towards a European Paradigm of Social Work: Studies in the history of modes of social work and social policy in Europe." Doctoral thesis, Technische Universität Dresden, 2004. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A24577.
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This dissertation analyses the relationship between social work and social policy in Europe from a comparative historical perspective. Central to this analysis is the dynamic interplay of forces which led to the consolidation of the European nation state as a welfare state, including the current crisis of the welfare consensus. The role of social work emerges as central to the project of national cultural integration, a perspective which frequently gets overlooked from a purely national perspective. Social works enmeshment with this nation state project is revealed in the current transformation of the welfare states in the light of neo-liberal principles and in the context of globalization. This perspective underlines the need for the development of intercultural communicative competences and in particular a consistent anti-racist approach in social work. At the same time the particular position in relation to social policy requires the development of research methods specific to the discipline in the light of its hermeneutic tasks.Die Arbeit behandelt die Beziehung zwischen Sozialer Arbeit und Sozialpolitik in Europa aus vergleichender historischer Perspektive. Untersucht wird die Dynamik des Nationalstaats und seine Konsolidierung als Wohlfahrtsstaat bis zur gegenwärtigen Krise des Wohlfahrtskonsenses. Dabei gewinnt die Rolle der Sozialen Arbeit in der Aufgabe kultureller Integration besondere Bedeutung, da dies aus rein nationaler Sicht oft nicht zu erkennen ist. Ihre Verkoppelung mit dem Nationalstaat wird besonders deutlich in der gegenwärtigen Transformation durch neo-liberale Prinzipien im Kontext der Globalisierung. Hieraus ergeben sich neue Aufgaben für die Soziale Arbeit, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Entwicklung interkultureller kommunikativer Kompetenzen und eines konsistenten antirassistischen Ansatzes. Gleichzeitig erfordert die besondere sozialpolitische Position die Entwicklung disziplinspezifischer Forschungsansätze im Lichte der hermeneutischen Bedeutung der Sozialen Arbeit.
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St, John Sarah K. "The struggle for power in education : the nation-state versus the supranational in the evolution of European Union education policy, 1945-1976." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30580/.
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European integration is a curious concept. There is stark disparity between some areas of policy that seemingly glide through the integration process, while others lag behind and despite decades of attempts, never reach the status of a fully-fledged area of European Union competence. Once such area is education. Through integration theories, political scientists have sought to explain how policies develop and are implemented at European level. This interdisciplinary study borrows the opposing theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism with the aim of identifying the influence of the supranational and the strength of the state in the evolution of a European Union education policy. It seeks to pinpoint how education can be placed within the construction of Europe and the process of early European integration to determine the feasibility of these integration theories in explaining the journey of education policy in the European context. Historical methodology is adopted, based on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union, using documentary analysis to trace the history of activities and initiatives relating to education between 1945-1976. Collective biography methodology is adopted to give space to the role of states in driving the scope, direction and extent of integration based on domestic interests, while a case study implements methodological triangulation to stress-test the case of education. The study proposes that education is a complex case that does not slot neatly into a theory of integration. Education is multifaceted, a cultural – while at the same time – economic component: it is woven into the fabric of nation-states, it contributes to increasing global competitiveness, it diversifies across borders, and its development is attached to temporality and context. Despite suggestions that the state is diminishing in power, education serves as an example to demonstrate that the state is very much alive and at the centre of certain areas of policy development at European level.
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Picardo, Edward Nicholas. "The war and siege : language policy and practice in Gibraltar, 1940-1985." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1500/.
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My thesis explores language policy and practice in the history of the people of Gibraltar between 1940 and 1985. This period covers the wartime Evacuation and the Spanish border restrictions and closure, and it is also fundamental in the emergence of Gibraltarian identity and democratic rights. My contention is that these developments were facilitated by growing accessibility to the English language. From being largely the preserve of the colonial establishment and the elite, it emerged as pre-eminent in official use, the media and culture, and higher oral registers. This change was hastened by the Evacuation, which increased awareness of the need for English. The Clifford Report of 1944 reformed the whole education system and gave a central role to English. Clifford, Gibraltar’s Colonial Secretary, and indeed educationalists at the Colonial Office, proved themselves far more enlightened than their governing counterparts in Gibraltar. Their reform greatly contributed to political development in the following decades. With the Spanish border closure, the English language and the sense of attachment to Britain gained further consolidation, co-existing with the move away from overt colonialism. In my examination of language behaviour in Gibraltar, including bilingualism and the use of Spanish, interview material supplements written sources.
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Görtemaker, Manfred. "Deutsche Außenpolitik vom Bismarck-Reich zur Berliner Republik." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3275/.
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Die deutsche Außenpolitik hat seit dem 19. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart viele Veränderungen erlebt. Lange stand Deutschland in einem angespannten Verhältnis zu den europäischen Ordnungen, doch nun ist es ein wichtiger Akteur der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Manfred Görtemaker, Professor für Neuere Geschichte aus Potsdam, zeichnet die wichtigsten Stationen dieser Entwicklung in seinem Beitrag nach.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.
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Chen, Maria X. "Wine in their veins : France and the European Community's common wine policy, 1967-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/933/.
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This thesis analyses the impact that the European Community had on table wine growers in the Midi region of France in the 1970s. This work is divided into the following parts: the negotiations leading to the creation of the Common Wine Policy (CWP) in 1970, its operation in the early 1970s until its first major crisis in 1975-1976, its drastic transformation from liberal policy to one of restrictive control in the late 1970s, the reaction of table wine producers in Languedoc-Roussillon to these changes over the decade, and the change in political relationships and governance at three levels - Brussels, Paris, and Languedoc-Roussillon - as a result of this process. It argues that the first decade of the CWP changed relationships between different groups at the European, national, and local level in two major ways: first, national French government institutions voluntarily decreased their power over a key national industry – this was the most marked feature in the French wine industry of this time period. Second, the CWP helped facilitate the rise of sub-national and non-state actors in policy circles from which they were previously excluded. Empowered by the new responsibilities given to them by the French government, particularly via a newly-created national office of wine, French vignerons began attempting to bypass the national French bottleneck to the Community and directly lobby European-level institutions, either via their own organisations or as part of transnational endeavours. Given the French government’s particularly adamant control of who represented the country at the Brussels levels in the 1960s, this change in only a decade was a significant shift. In analysing this process, this thesis also makes broader comments on the integration process as a whole, adding particularly to the literature on the Community’s agricultural integration, and is the first comprehensive review of the history of the Common Wine Policy, and the first to make an extensive assessment of the impact on local farmers in the Midi during this time in relation to the European Community’s policies.
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Wilkoszewski, Harald. "Germany's social policy challenge : public integenerational transfers in light of demographic change." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/886/.
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This dissertation addresses the question of to what extent growing numbers of older people who might have similar preferences regarding public intergenerational transfers (family and pension policies) will limit the scope of future social policy reforms in Germany. We are interested in to what extent the shift in the country's demography will trigger a so-called "gerontocracy." As a theoretical framework, we combine Mannheim's concept of political generations with a demographic life-course approach. According to Mannheim, growing numbers of a societal group, combine with unified preferences within the group, enhance the group's political power. To empirically test this hypothesis, we use three analytical steps: First, we analyse the future age composition of the German population, including familial characteristics, using a micro-simulation approach. The results suggest that the number of older people will grow substantially over the coming decades, particularly the share of older people who will remain childless and who will not be married. Second, we analyse preferences regarding redistributive social policies according to age, parity, and marital status, based on recent survey data. Generalised Linear Models and Generalised Additive Models are applied to examine what the effects of fdemographic indicators are on these preferences. Results show that older people are less in favour of transfers ot the younger generation than their younger counterparts. This is particularly true of childless interviewees. Third, we explore the extent to which these developments are likely to have an impact on the political sphere. How do policy makers perceive ageing and the preferences structures found? How do elderly interest groups define their roles in light of these results? In-depth interviews with these stakeholders provide a mixed picture: whereas most interviewees are convinced that older people have gained more power due to their bigger population share, there is little awareness of differences in policy preferences between various demographic groups. The biggest challenge for social policy makers is, therefore, to find ways to mediate between these two interesrs. if they fail to do so, a conflict of generations might become a realistic scenario for Germany.
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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Barkley, David L., and Peter E. Helander. "The Role of Commercial Bank Loans in Nonmetropolitan Economic Development." College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/602137.
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Huempfer, Sebastian. "Burdens of a creditor nation : business elites and the transformation of US trade policy, 1917-62." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35788251-ff21-4421-af08-4998a7f11bde.
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My research seeks to explain the evolution of trade policy debates among American business leaders between World War I and the 1960s. The key finding is that a new framework for discussing trade policy was widely adopted after the United States became a creditor nation during World War I. This framework related tariffs and imports to exports, international lending and American foreign policy. High levels of imports ceased to be a threat and instead came to be seen as a pre-requisite for high levels of exports and a well-functioning global economy; raising the levels of imports, including through tariff cuts, became a strategy for providing American allies and debtors with dollar revenues. This new insight into the political economy of American foreign economic policy is based on new evidence from the archival records of business associations and a wide range of other primary and secondary sources. In addition to bringing to light new evidence, my research also addresses some of the gaps that still exist in the literature on the history of the foreign economic policy of the United States, the Cold War and transatlantic relations.
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Vasileiou, Ioannis. "The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.
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The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.
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Zanasi, Francesca. "Carers and Careers. Grandparental care investment and its labour market consequences in Europe." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/258594.
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As life expectancy increases, grandparents spend a longer part of their life with grandchildren, which opens opportunities for sharing time, resources, and affection. The present dissertation aims at investigating the content of the grandparent-grandchild relationship and, at the same time, the consequences that becoming a grandmother could have on mid-life women’s labour market participation. It revolves around three main contributions. First, it approaches grandparenting from a stratification perspective, putting forward that grandparents could perform different activities with grandchildren according to their educational levels. Second, it investigates grandmothers’ transition to retirement as driven by the institutional context, which shapes both the extent to which grandparental childcare is needed as support for the younger generations (measured through the availability of childcare services) and the extent to which it is easy and attractive to withdraw early from the labour force for old-age individuals (measured through the generosity of the pension system). Finally, it considers grandmothers’ labour market withdrawal as enabled, or constrained, by women’s previous work history, with two case-studies: England and Italy. In fact, decisions taken earlier in life on work-family reconciliation, on the one hand, could be reproduced in late-life upon the grandchild’s birth; on the other hand, years worked, and kind of job held open different routes for retirement. Taken together, the present dissertation unveils that grandparenthood is a multifaceted phenomenon, which must be studied in a multi-generational framework and by considering demographic, social, and institutional trends of current European societies.
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Nichter, Luke A. "Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.
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Farnworth, N. R. "Product liability in the vehicle manufacturing industry : The history and development of product liability in the USA, Europe and the UK and its effect in particular on a commercial vehicle manufacturer." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376680.
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Kostera, Thomas. "When Europa meets Bismarck: cross-border healthcare and usages of Europe in the Austrian healthcare system." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209268.
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In a series of landmark rulings on patient mobility and cross-border healthcare, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has made clear that Member States’ healthcare systems have to comply with the rules of the EU’s Internal Market when it comes to individual patient rights and the non-discrimination of healthcare providers. The rulings increased the possibilities for EU Member State citizens to get medical treatment in another Member State (“cross-border healthcare”), yet providing that under certain conditions the home Member State has to pay for these treatments in the other country. After a decade of negotiations, these rulings have been codified in a European Directive. Assuming that European integration has an impact on national welfare states and taking the example of European rules on access to cross-border healthcare, this thesis suggests analyzes the domestic impact of European integration in terms of Europeanization of the Austrian healthcare system within the context of the interplay between actors’ interests and practices on the one hand, and institutional effects on the other. European cross-border healthcare in forms of regional projects and privately or publicly organized healthcare arrangements has already become a reality in many European countries, especially in border regions. The main research questions which guides this thesis can be be put as follows: How does European integration in healthcare impact on the interests, practices and strategies of national actors that operate between national institutional constraints and European opportunities? And if national actors’ interests and strategies change, does this in turn have repercussions on the national institutional rules of healthcare governance? Given that European integration in healthcare delivery is a rather a “recent” phenomenon, and based on the assumption that actors’ strategies change more easily than national institutions, the following hypothesis is tested: Even if national healthcare actors use Europe – and hence their practices and strategies change – their interests remain largely determined by the national institutional set-up of the healthcare system. The institutional boundaries of the national healthcare system may have become porous, but for the time being they remain intact. The main findings of this study confirm the hypothesis and can be summarized as follows: Austrian actors responsible for the delivery of healthcare actively integrate various usages Europe into their existing practices of healthcare governance. These usages of Europe are more frequent at European level than at national level. Those actors who have important legal competencies, financial resources, and hence power in healthcare governance at national level, are also in a better position to use Europe effectively than those actors who lack such national resources. Limited usages of Europe at national level by corporate actors can best be accounted for by practices of consensually governing a typically Bismarckian healthcare system. None of the actors analysed, no matter how critical their stance vis-à-vis their own healthcare system might be, puts into question the legitimacy of the national healthcare system in the light of increased European competencies in regulating cross-border healthcare. Advancing European integration, mainly through the ECJ’s rulings on cross-border healthcare, might have rendered national institutional boundaries porous, but national institutions retain – at least for the time being – their power of channelling actors’ interests and of influencing corresponding practices of healthcare governance. These results invite us to further investigate which kind of healthcare governance structures are being developed at European level in parallel to those existing at national level, and to what extent Bismarckian welfare regimes might be showing resistance to institutional change induced by European integration.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Demirkaya, Ozmen Melike. "State Aids Policy In The Eu: With Specific Reference To The Banking Sector In The Post 2008 Crisis." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611977/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the state aids policy in EU especially by taking the post-2008 crisis implementations in the banking sector into consideration. The main goal of the thesis is to examine the questions about how the EU directs the considerably strict state aids policy in the crisis term and whether or not there has been a turn in state aids policy tradition during the crisis. For this purpose, the study, first, evaluates the competition policy as the umbrella title for state aids policy, the definition and components of state aids and international rapprochements to state aids policy. Then, the tradition of state aids policy in EU is explained by taking the history and sources of this policy into consideration. Under the light of this advance information, actions of the Union during the post-2008 financial crisis related to the banking sector are tried to be evaluated. State aids implementations in general, attitudes in crisis periods and recent efforts in legislation processes about state aids in Turkey as a candidate country make it worth to link the subject of state aids in Turkey with the study as a subordinate title.
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Riemann, Andreas. "Die Kirchenpolitik der SED gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg im Bezirk Potsdam 1961-1966." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6029/.
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Die Magisterarbeit untersucht die Kirchenpolitik der SED in der ersten Hälfte der sechziger Jahre auf regionaler Ebene. Sie fragt, wie die Staats- und Parteiorgane des Bezirkes Potsdam gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg agierten, wie die zentralen Beschlüsse vor Ort umgesetzt wurden und welche Probleme dabei auftraten.
Bei der Durchsetzung des Sozialismus in der DDR und der Sicherung der eigenen Herrschaft, stand der Staatspartei SED die evangelische Kirche als gesellschaftlicher Großverband im Weg. Nach einem harten Repressionskurs in den fünfziger Jahren, änderte die SED um 1960/61 ihre Strategie, um den Einfluss der Kirche auf die Gesellschaft auszuschalten. Die Christen sollten in die Gesellschaft integriert und vom Sozialismus überzeugt werden.
Nach der Darstellung der Grundlagen der Kirchenpolitik der SED sowie der Evangelischen Kirche, analysiert die Arbeit die Umsetzung der Überzeugungsstrategie des SED-Staates im Bezirk Potsdam. Kirchenpolitische Strukturen, Akteure sowie Methoden werden anhand von Unterlagen des Rates des Bezirkes Potsdam sowie der SED-Bezirksleitung untersucht. Die Kirchenpolitik in den Bezirken sollte zu Beginn der sechziger Jahre systematischer und kontinuierlicher durchgeführt werden als zuvor. In einem Betreuungssystem wurden alle Pfarrer, kirchliche Mitarbeiter und engagierte Laien erfasst, um sie in regelmäßigen Gesprächen vom Sozialismus zu überzeugen, notfalls mit finanziellen Anreizen.
Bei der Umsetzung klafften Anspruch und Realität weit auseinander. Personalmangel, Qualifizierung und mangelnde Bereitschaft der Mitarbeiter, aber auch die Resistenz der Pfarrerschaft ließen den Bezirksorganen meist nur die Beobachtung und Verwaltung kirchlicher Angelegenheiten. Als die Kirche in Berlin-Brandenburg Anfang 1966 den EKD-Ratsvorsitzenden Kurt Scharf zu ihrem Bischof wählte, war offensichtlich, dass die Überzeugungsstrategie erhebliche Mängel aufwies.The M.A. thesis analyses the church policy of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany on a regional level in the first half of the 1960s. The paper investigates how the administrative body of the state and the party in the Bezirk (district) Potsdam dealt with the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg, how they implemented central decisions and which problems occurred. With implementation of socialism in the GDR and securing their own power the Socialist Unity Party had its adversary in the Protestant church as one of the biggest social organizations. After hard repressions in the 1950s the Socialist Unity Party changed its strategy around 1960/61 to eliminate the influence of the protestant church on society. Christians from now on were supposed to be integrated in society and to be convinced of socialism. The paper focuses on the principles of church policy of the Socialist Unity Party and the Protestant Church, and investigates the implementation of the new persuasion strategy in the Bezirk Potsdam. Structures of church policy, protagonists and methods will be analysed on basis of documents from the Rat des Bezirkes (council) and the party leadership of the Bezirk. At the beginning of the 1960s the church policy of the regional districts in the GDR was meant to be more systematic and continuous as before. In a “mentoring” system all pastors, church staff and committed laypersons were registered in order to convince them of socialism in regular talks, in case of need with financial incentives. However, concerning implementation demands and reality diverged immensely. Staff shortage, lacking willingness and qualification of the staff, but also due to the pastors’ resistance the administrative body of state and party in the Bezirk Potsdam could only deal with administration and the observation of church matters. That the persuasion system had enormous obstacles became obvious when in 1966 the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg elected the leader of the EKD, Kurt Scharf, as their bishop.
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Stridsman, Jacob. "Sverige och Koreakriget : en studie av Sveriges hållning till Koreakonflikten 1947-1953 /." Umeå : Umeå University. Department of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:142016/FULLTEXT01.
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Hebel, Kai. "Britain's contribution to détente : the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1972-1975." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa245538-86bd-4942-a842-4eaeaae93a5f.
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This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.
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Potschka, Christian. "Towards a market in broadcasting : a comparative analysis of British and German communications policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6324.
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Political structures and the evolution of late capitalism in liberal Western democracies lend a common frame to the development of national media systems. However, whereas media policy from the post-war period to the mid-1980s was largely driven by socio-political concerns and coextensive with policy for public service television, this model has been vehemently challenged. Key factors were the convergence of erstwhile-separated industries and infrastructures, as well as the ambitions of the corporate sector and governments alike, to benefit from the economic opportunities offered by the communications revolution. By assessing the changing relationship between the role of the state, economic structures and technological innovation, this research investigates these processes in the UK and Germany. Both countries have the two key public service systems but also feature striking differences such as the antithetic political systems and democratic processes (majoritarian vs. consensus democracy). The basic assumption suggests that a genuine understanding of contemporary developments is only possible if political/economic as well as historic/sociological perspectives are incorporated into the holistic approach applied. Thereby this study gives consideration to key processes and events which have determined transitions between communications policy paradigms and regulatory regimes. Given the Anglo-Saxon tradition of regulating, key processes and events in the UK are often indicated by the appointment and report of a committee of enquiry. For the purpose of this study the most crucial of these is the Committee on Financing the BBC (1986), which first applied market-driven politics onto British broadcasting, and whose recommendations still serve as a blueprint for current communications policy-making. In Germany the KtK Report (1974) formed the basis for decisive reforms in broadcasting and communications. Apart from that, however, Germany features the characteristic of administering state interventions in as detailed a manner as possible through legislation. Of central importance are, therefore, the rulings of the Federal Constitutional Court, which continuously set decisive parameters for the development of the broadcasting system. The thesis follows two driving themes which have been identified as crucial in terms of the comparative dimension and are elaborated continuously in more detail. First, the focus is on the interdependencies between public and private sector. Second, implications and responses of the central vis-à-vis federal characteristic of state formation are investigated. In doing so, the thesis draws on vast sources of archival documents as well as exclusive material from a series of elite interviews with a purposively-selected sample of very high-level sources, including Chairmen, Director-Generals, ministers, very senior civil servants and so on. The thesis demonstrates how communications policy-making is carried out in both countries and how these processes are determined by national regulatory frameworks which are rooted within the borders of the nation state. As such the research findings have broader implications for commercial and public sector regulation.
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Thompson, Kenneth Parker. "A Political History of U.S. Commercial Remote Sensing, 1984-2007: Conflict, Collaboration, and the Role of Knowledge in the High-Tech World of Earth Observation Satellites." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30235.
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The political history of U.S. commercial remote sensing began in 1984 when the U.S. government first attempted to commercialize its civil earth observation satellite system " Landsat. Since then, the high technology of earth imaging satellite systems has generated intense debates and policy conflicts, primarily centered on U.S. government concerns over the national security and foreign policy implications of high-resolution commercial satellite systems. Conversely, proponents of commercial observation satellites have urged U.S. policymakers to recognize the scientific and socio-economic utility of commercial remote sensing and thus craft and implement regulatory regimes that allow for a greater degree of information openness and transparency in using earth observation satellite imagery. This dissertation traces and analyzes that tumultuous political history and examines the policy issues and social construction of commercial remote sensing to determine the role of knowledge in the effective crafting and execution of commercial remote sensing laws and policies.
Although individual and organizational perspectives, interests, missions, and cultures play a significant role in the social construction of commercial observation satellite systems and programs, the problem of insufficient knowledge of the myriad dimensions and complex nature of commercial remote sensing is a little studied but important component of this social construction process. Knowledge gaps concerning commercial remote sensing extend to various dimensions of the subject matter, such as the global, economic, technical, and legal/policy aspects.
Numerous examples of knowledge voids are examined to suggest a connection between deficient knowledge and divergent policy perceptions as they relate to commercial remote sensing. Relevant knowledge voids are then structurally categorized to demonstrate the vastness and complexity of commercial remote sensing policy issues and to offer recommendations on how to fill such knowledge gaps to effect increased collaboration between the US government and the U.S. commercial remote sensing industry. Finally, the dissertation offers suggestions for future STS studies on policy issues, particularly those that focus on the global dimensions of commercial remote sensing or on applying the knowledge gap concept advanced by this dissertation to other areas of science and technology policymaking.Ph. D.
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Vickers, Matthew. "Civic image and civic patriotism in Liverpool 1880-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2896eed-ee1d-4a58-8c52-10e80ebe6219.
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The late Victorian and Edwardian period saw ritual become increasingly important in political life. Towns and cities were involved in conscious efforts to construct and project attractive images of themselves. These images were intended to encourage a sense of civic patriotism. Ceremonies, honorific titles, public events and civic architecture were essays in the invention of tradition. However, historians have applied the concept of the invention of tradition unevenly. Previous research has dwelt on the construction of images. Perceptions of official images and responses to them have been overlooked. This thesis employs a model which recognises images as processes with foundaitons in human relationships. It evaluates images in terms of intentionality, power, context and participation. The participative dimension is of particular importance, because images aimed to instil a sense of civic patriotism which would encourage citizens to make emotional and financial investments in their communities. Liverpool attained the status of a city in 1880. The civic ideology of the city was dominated by images of commerce and by notions of Imperial duty and public service which celebrated commercial virtues. Many aspects of urban life were shaped by civic image. This study does not confine itself to public events and pageantry, instead it explores such spheres as municipal art policy, Liverpool's public health record, the attempts to extend the city boundaries, civic hagiography, the foundation of the University, women and the ideal of citizenship and the influence of football on civic identity to demonstrate the importance of images in the city's social, political and institutional history. The purpose of the thesis is three-fold: to suggest that civic image opens new perspectives on Liverpudlian history, to discover why there were more conscious attempts to construct civic image and to restore participation to the study of civic image by unravelling the connections between image and patriotism.
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Åberg, Anna. "A Gap in the Grid : Attempts to introduce natural gas in Sweden 1967-1991." Doctoral thesis, KTH, Teknik- och vetenskapshistoria, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-121546.
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This thesis follows the process of introducing natural gas in Sweden and the construction of a Northern European gas grid from 1967 to 1991. Natural gas is a relatively unnoticed fuel in Sweden today, but this relative anonymity stands in contrast to an extensive historical activity that has taken place behind the scenes of Swedish energy policy. The single pipeline constructed between Denmark and Sweden in the early 1980s was both preceded and followed by many other attempts to construct a larger natural gas pipeline in the region made in the last 50 years. Åberg traces these attempts while discussing the complex and messy process of constructing and managing a transnational energy infrastructure.Åberg follows actors in Sweden and other countries in their attempts to negotiate and construct a natural gas infrastructure, and puts this process into a national as well as transnational context. The perceived risks and opportunities surrounding natural gas are examined, together with factors that have influenced the development of natural gas in a broader sense. By seeing the changing and messy natural gas projects as arenas where different actors construct and negotiate risks and opportunities, as well as contexualize the projects, Åberg shows how the natural gas sector in Sweden has evolved and taken shape.The study shows that natural gas in Sweden has suffered from unstable actor coalitions on different levels, a difficult market situation, and a changeful political context, especially with regard to energy policy. The import status of the fuel and the consequential transnationality of the natural gas infrastructure have also made the process of constructing a pipeline more complex. However, natural gas was introduced in Sweden, showing that when a strong enough actor coalition agreed that there was enough reason to warrant a natural gas introduction and was ready to join this endeavor, a connection could be achieved. This puts into question to what degree general explanations in terms of finance and policy drive energy decisions, and makes a case for showing how these explanations are adapted into their social and historical contexts in sometimes surprising ways.QC 20130507
The integration of energy markets across system and nation boundaries
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Liberato, Ana Rodrigues. "Como um banco escapa à crise e sobrevive para contar a história : O caso do Banco Santander Totta." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3748.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusA crise financeira do início do século XXI atingiu proporções de enorme dimensão no que respeita ao sistema bancário. Mas nem todas as instituições bancárias sofreram da mesma maneira o impacto da crise. O objectivo do meu trabalho é o de encontrar algumas explicações para o facto de o Banco Santander Totta, banco onde sou colaboradora, ter resistido melhor à crise do que os outros bancos portugueses. Numa primeira parte abordo a questão de saber o que têm sido as crises ao longo da História. Muitas das crises a que a Humanidade assistiu têm pontos de contacto com a realidade que vivemos agora. Desde que há economia há crises. Mas a de 1929 ficou na memória colectiva como uma das mais graves. Procuro sistematizar os vários tipos de crises. E concluir que a actual crise se caracteriza exactamente por acumular factores de várias crises anteriores, cada um potenciando os factores negativos dos outros. O caso específico de Portugal é objecto de atenção especial. Descrevo a seguir a cultura institucional do Banco Santander que se caracteriza por privilegiar o aspecto prudencial do seu desenvolvimento e por uma estabilidade accionista muito significativa. Utilizando alguns dos rácios mais importantes para avaliar o desempenho dos bancos, comparo o Banco Santander Totta com os seus principais competidores. A comparação é-lhe francamente favorável. Concluo com a minha apreciação das razões que mais contribuem para aquele resultado. A diluição de custos e o acesso a fontes de financiamento permitida pela participação num grupo internacional com a projecção do Grupo Santander, a prudência do banco na gestão da sua política de crédito, a relativamente menor exposição a dívidas soberanas, uma política comercial que permite angariação de liquidez, são algumas das razões que identifico nas conclusões do meu trabalho.
The financial crisis of the beginning of the 21st century has reached proportions of a great dimension in what respects the banking system. The aim of my work is to find some explanations for the fact that Banco Santander Totta, where I am currently working, managed to resist the crisis in a better way than the other Portuguese Banks. In a first part, I address the issue of knowing what crisis have been throughout History. Many of the crisis that Humanity has seen, have similarities with the reality we live in. Since economy exists, crisis exists as well. But the one of 1929, stayed in the collective memory as one of the worst. I try to systematize the different types of crisis. And conclude that the current crisis, can be characterized by the accumulation of some of the factors of the previous different crisis, each one aggravating the negative factors of the others. The specific case of Portugal is discussed with special attention. In the following part, I describe the institutional culture of Banco Santander whose highlights are the importance of the prudential aspects of its development and its remarkable shareholder stability. Using some of the most important ratios to evaluate the performance of banks, I compare Banco Santander Totta with its main competitors. The comparison is rather favorable to the bank I am studying. I conclude with my appreciation of the reasons that most contribute to that result. The dilution of costs and the access to funding sources allowed by the bank’s participation in an international group with the importance of Santander Group, the bank’s prudence in its credit policy management, its minor exposition to sovereign debts, its commercial policy that results in increasing liquidity, these are some of the reasons that I mention in the conclusions of my work.
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Davies, Aled Rhys. "The city of London and British social democracy, c. 1959-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d45f1e5b-ca50-403d-a3d9-e802c78de9ba.
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This thesis considers the position of the British financial sector in the economic strategy of social democracy during the 1960s and 1970s. In doing so it attempts to shed light on a broader question – what caused the collapse of the postwar social democratic project in Britain during the final quarter of the twentieth century? It contends that the social democratic project faced a variety of challenges to its principles, assumptions, and practices in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher as a result of changes to the financial system. These challenges offered opportunities for the advance of social democracy beyond the norms established following the Second World War, but the capacity to pursue these was constrained in a number of ways. The emergence of institutional investment, and the breakdown of the postwar banking settlement, undermined the social democratic methods for managing and controlling credit and investment, yet also offered the opportunity to advance the State’s capacity to intervene in the economy. However the ability of the left to renew and rebuild the social democratic economic project along more advanced, interventionist lines was limited by new material constraints which made extensive reform of the financial system and the domestic economy extremely difficult. Structural changes to the international financial system following the breakdown of the Bretton Woods settlement, combined with the severe economic crisis of the 1970s, imposed new limits on the freedom of governments to engage in domestic-focused macroeconomic management. As the methods and techniques of social democratic economic strategy became less effective, the ideal of developing an advanced industrial economy through State coordination faded. In its place a new conception of the British economy was promoted which sought to revive its historic liberal and internationalist role in which the City of London was at its heart.
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Walker, Gareth. "An uncooperative community : revisiting water privatisation and commoditisation in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:97e3c382-5475-4926-903f-0df327ebf720.
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Since its inception in 1989, the private water sector of England and Wales has been enlisted as a centrepiece in debates concerning the merits of privatisation. Advocates point to increased environmental performance and increased investment. Critics note a significant retraction of the early free market aspirations and increasingly prescriptive regulation. However, market mechanisms and liberalisation are once again being emphasised in policy, reigniting the debate surrounding the commoditisation of water. This thesis engages directly and critically with Karen Bakker's 'Uncooperative Commodity' approach to the 'reregulation' of the industry, arguing its tenants must be adapted to accommodate these recent developments. While Bakker's earlier accounts of the reregulation of the water industry placed a great emphasis on the geography and biophysical properties of water, later work by both her and her contemporaries have developed more refined and socialised models of how water and society interact to produce temporary regularities in the material world. This thesis argues that an appropriate means of developing Bakker's original thesis would be a greater focus on socio-historical context when exploring the materiality of water, and hence the degree to which water may be transformed into a private commodity. Bob Jessop's Strategic Relational Approach (Jessop 2008) is deployed as a means of describing and relating: (1) the degree to which research can identify underlying mechanisms which govern the outcomes of attempts to commoditise water under capitalist modes of production, (2) the role of the state and politics in flanking or supporting the commoditisation of water and (3) the role of existing discursive-institutional structures in introducing path-dependencies and uneven power geometries which in turn effect the outcomes of collective action towards the commoditisation of water. The thesis documents historical developments in English and Welsh resource planning, regulation, and policy from 1945 to 2012 in order to explain the current structure of the industry, its response to water scarcity, and the origins of the current reform programme. It then focuses on the conflicts and tensions between actors in the industry generated by the current reform programme and their role in affecting the degree of success of the programme itself.
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BHOLA, GAURAV. "INDIA AND CHINA SPACE PROGRAMS: FROM GENESIS OF SPACE TECHNOLOGIES TO MAJOR SPACE PROGRAMS AND WHAT THAT MEANS FOR THE INTERNATI." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3276.
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The Indian and Chinese space programs have evolved into technologically advanced vehicles of national prestige and international competition for developed nations. The programs continue to evolve with impetus that India and China will have the same space capabilities as the United States with in the coming years. This will present new challenges to the international community in spheres civilian, to space and military applications and their residual benefits.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Lorenz, Walter. "Towards a European Paradigm of Social Work." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2005. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:swb:14-1128344938240-55903.
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This dissertation analyses the relationship between social work and social policy in Europe from a comparative historical perspective. Central to this analysis is the dynamic interplay of forces which led to the consolidation of the European nation state as a welfare state, including the current crisis of the welfare consensus. The role of social work emerges as central to the project of national cultural integration, a perspective which frequently gets overlooked from a purely national perspective. Social works enmeshment with this nation state project is revealed in the current transformation of the welfare states in the light of neo-liberal principles and in the context of globalization. This perspective underlines the need for the development of intercultural communicative competences and in particular a consistent anti-racist approach in social work. At the same time the particular position in relation to social policy requires the development of research methods specific to the discipline in the light of its hermeneutic tasksDie Arbeit behandelt die Beziehung zwischen Sozialer Arbeit und Sozialpolitik in Europa aus vergleichender historischer Perspektive. Untersucht wird die Dynamik des Nationalstaats und seine Konsolidierung als Wohlfahrtsstaat bis zur gegenwärtigen Krise des Wohlfahrtskonsenses. Dabei gewinnt die Rolle der Sozialen Arbeit in der Aufgabe kultureller Integration besondere Bedeutung, da dies aus rein nationaler Sicht oft nicht zu erkennen ist. Ihre Verkoppelung mit dem Nationalstaat wird besonders deutlich in der gegenwärtigen Transformation durch neo-liberale Prinzipien im Kontext der Globalisierung. Hieraus ergeben sich neue Aufgaben für die Soziale Arbeit, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Entwicklung interkultureller kommunikativer Kompetenzen und eines konsistenten antirassistischen Ansatzes. Gleichzeitig erfordert die besondere sozialpolitische Position die Entwicklung disziplinspezifischer Forschungsansätze im Lichte der hermeneutischen Bedeutung der Sozialen Arbeit
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Curto, Millet Fabien. "Inflation expectations, labour markets and EMU." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9187d2eb-2f93-4a5a-a7d6-0fb6556079bb.
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This thesis examines the measurement, applications and properties of consumer inflation expectations in the context of eight European Union countries: France, Germany, the UK, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden. The data proceed mainly from the European Commission's Consumer Survey and are qualitative in nature, therefore requiring quantification prior to use. This study first seeks to determine the optimal quantification methodology among a set of approaches spanning three traditions, associated with Carlson-Parkin (1975), Pesaran (1984) and Seitz (1988). The success of a quantification methodology is assessed on the basis of its ability to match quantitative expectations data and on its behaviour in an important economic application, namely the modelling of wages for our sample countries. The wage equation developed here draws on the theoretical background of the staggered contracts and the wage bargaining literature, and controls carefully for inflation expectations and institutional variables. The Carlson-Parkin variation proposed in Curto Millet (2004) was found to be the most satisfactory. This being established, the wage equations are used to test the hypothesis that the advent of EMU generated an increase in labour market flexibility, which would be reflected in structural breaks. The hypothesis is essentially rejected. Finally, the properties of inflation expectations and perceptions themselves are examined, especially in the context of EMU. Both the rational expectations and rational perceptions hypotheses are rejected. Popular expectations mechanisms, such as the "rule-of-thumb" model or Akerlof et al.'s (2000) "near-rationality hypothesis" are similarly unsupported. On the other hand, evidence is found for the transmission of expert forecasts to consumer expectations in the case of the UK, as in Carroll's (2003) model. The distribution of consumer expectations and perceptions is also considered, showing a tendency for gradual (as in Mankiw and Reis, 2002) but non-rational adjustment. Expectations formation is further shown to have important qualitative features.
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Horbyk, Roman. "Mediated Europes : Discourse and Power in Ukraine, Russia and Poland During Euromaidan." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33726.
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This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice.Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt.
Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.
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Kulczyk, Marcin. "La naissance d'une diplomatie européenne : vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure : le regard polonais." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG026/document.
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La présente étude est consacrée à la naissance d'une diplomatie européenne sous le regard polonais. À travers l'histoire de la construction européenne, il s'agit d'analyser la marche vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure (SEAE). Lancé en 2010 sous l'autorité du Haut Représentant de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, il devait réformer en profondeur les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne et lui permettre de s'affirmer en tant qu'acteur sur la scène internationale. Le regard de la Pologne permet de saisir plus concrètement les enjeux politiques et stratégiques liés à la création d'une diplomatie commune de l'UE. Deux aspects de cette diplomatie européenne sont étudiés : son visage et son appareil. Cette étude s'intéresse aux développements successifs de la représentation extérieure de l'UE dans la perspective de l'émergence d'une diplomatie européenne de réseaux. Elle démontre que la création du SEAE a provoqué des mouvements tectoniques dans l'architecture institutionnelle européenne et à l'intérieur des appareils diplomatiques nationauxThe present study deals with the birth of a European diplomacy from the Polish point of view. Throughout the history of the European construction, the aim is to analyze the progress towards the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Launched in 2010 under the authority of the High Représentative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and the Security Policy, it had to reform in depth the external relations of the European Union (EU) and allow it to assert itself as an actor on the international stage. The Polish approach enables to grasp more concretely the political and stratégie issues related to the création of a common EU diplomacy. Two aspects of this European diplomacy are studied : its face and its apparatus. This study examines the successive developments of the EU external représentation in the context of the emergence of European diplomacy networks. It demonstrates that the EEAS has caused tectonic movements in the European institutional architecture and within national diplomatie services
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ROMEI, Valentina. "Competitive strategies, commercial organization and the growth of marketing services : Europe : 19th and 20th centuries." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6586.
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Defence date: 4 December 2006Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (EUI) supervisor ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (EUI) ; Prof. Marc Casson (University of Reading) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (Pompeu Fabra University)
First made available online on 14 May 2018
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ASBEEK, BRUSSE Wendy. "West European tariff plans, 1947-1957 : from study group to Common Market." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5708.
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Defence date: 23 May 1991Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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DÜR, Andreas. "Protecting Exporters: discrimination and liberalization in transatlantic trade relations, 1932-2003." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5258.
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Defence date: 7 July 2004Examining board: Prof. Walter Mattli (St. John's College, Oxford) ; Prof. Gerard Schneider (University Konstanz) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (Ohio State University, supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The liberalization of transatlantic trade relations since the Great Depression is one of the key developments in the global political economy of the last hundred years. This period has seen the negotiated reduction of both tariffs and nontariff barriers among developed countries, which allowed for the rapid expansion of trade flows, a driving force of economic globalization. In Protection for Exporters, Andreas Dür provides a novel explanation for this phenomenon that stresses the role of societal interests in shaping trade politics. He argues that exporters lobby more in reaction to losses of foreign market access than in pursuit of opportunities, thus providing a rationale for periods of acceleration and slowdown in the pace of liberalization. Dür also presents hypotheses about the form in which protection for exporters is provided (preferential or nonpreferential) and the balance of concessions that is exchanged in trade negotiations. Protection for Exporters includes case studies of major developments in international trade relations, such as the passage of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in the 1930s, the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the 1940s, the Kennedy Round in the 1960s, the debate over Fortress Europe in the 1980s, and U.S.-European competition over access to emerging markets in the early 2000s. Dür's rigorous argument and systematic empirical analyses not only explain transatlantic trade relations but also allow for a better understanding of the dynamics of international economic relations.
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FAURI, Francesca. "Negotiating for industrialization : Italy's commercial strategy and industrial expansion in the context of the attempts to further European integration." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5755.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 14 December 1994Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. V. Zamagni, Università di Bologna (second supervisor) ; Prof. A. Carerras (EUI) ; Prof. M.L. Cavalcanti, Università di Napoli ; Prof. D.W. Ellwood, Università di Bologna
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
49
NOONAN, Eamonn M. "Choosing confrontation : commercial policy in Britain and Germany,1929-1936." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5917.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 3 February 1995Examining board: Prof. Albert Carreras, European University Institute (chairman) ; Prof. John Joseph Lee, University College Cork ; Prof. Peter Hertner, European University Institute (supervisor) ; Prof. Alan Milward, London School of Economics (supervisor) ; Prof. Clemens Wurm, Humboldt-Universität, Berlin
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
50
Kerley, Margot. "Commercial television in Australia: government policy and regulation, 1953 to 1963." Phd thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13892.
Full textAbstract:
Television came relatively late to Australia, but by 1950 the overriding issue
of whether to allow commercial as well as national television stations had
been settled in favour of a 'dual system', with reference to the examples of
Britain, Canada and the United States.
The Royal Commission on Television was set up in 1953 to determine the
residual details. It decided that television could be successfully regulated by
the Broadcasting Control Board which had proved itself a capable regulator
of radio broadcasting, and that television transmission channels would be
licensed to private individuals or companies selected by means of public
hearings. Television 'services' would, it was hoped, gradually be extended to
all major urban and regional centres in an equitable and orderly manner.
The weaknesses of the Broadcasting and Television Act 1956, began to be
manifest from the first round of licence hearings. The Control Board were
placed in an increasingly invidious position, caught between the market
imperatives which were driving the commercial television industry, and
the demands of a bevy of reformers who sought to change programme
outcomes to reflect a variety of minority interests.
Despite the existence of an avowed policy of 'localism', commercial
licensees were quick to form networks based initially on programme sharing
arrangements, but later extended by means of a web of minority
shareholdings in regional subsidiary companies.