Academic literature on the topic 'Europe – Commercial policy – History'

The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues that de Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the

Moravcsik's reply to the six commentaries deals with sources omitted from the original article, the use of evidence in his analysis of the Fouchet Plan and the “empty chair” crisis, and broader critiques of (and proposed alternatives to) the commercial interpretation of French policy on European integration during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. Moravcsik concedes some of the points raised by the critics and offers a more qualified and nuanced restatement of his argument, but he sticks to his basic contention that “commercial interests were a dominant and sufficient motivation for French policy in Europe.”

This article looks at television’s so far neglected contribution as a relay and interpretive framework at the intersection of postsocialist memory and history studies. It zooms in on postsocialist nostalgia as a relational expression of a heterogeneous set of desires that operate in an intercultural network. Televisual nostalgia also implicates Western Europe and makes explicit a Western European longing for the divided Europe of the Cold War. This longing, in turn, shores up Europe’s repressed imperial history. Television’s role at the pressure points of postsocialist institutional and economic policy, consumption and narrative concerns makes it an indispensable window into the intertwined workings of nostalgia and nationalism within a postcolonial Europe.

In The Choice for Europe Andrew Moravcsik develops a “commercial” interpretation of Charles de Gaulle's European policies. Moravcsik claims that his revisionist analysis succeeds because he, as opposed to almost all other students of European Community policymaking, has relied not on “soft” sources but on hard primary sources. An investigation of his claim shows that it cannot be substantiated. Both the quality of his sources and his handling of them are poor. His commercial interpretation of de Gaulle's policy is based on a serious misreading of the two sources on which his argument depends. Finally, his restatement in 2000 of his original argument a restatement intended to overcome the problem that, as his critics pointed out, he failed to produce any direct supporting evidence leads only to further problems.

The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.

This article attempts to account for the exceptional stability exhibited by the banking systems of Britain, Canada, and ten other countries during the Great Depression. It considers three possible explanations of stability—the structure of the commercial banking system, macroeconomic policy and performance, and lender of last resort behavior—employing data from 25 countries across Europe and North America. The results suggest that macroeconomic policy—especially exchange-rate policy—and banking structure, but not lenders of last resort, were systematically responsible for banking stability.

This article examines a familiar Cold War event, the Polish Crisis of the early 1980s, but from an unfamiliar perspective: international financial history. Historians have yet to examine how the growing international activity of Western commercial banks and the Eastern Bloc’s heavy borrowing on international capital markets during the 1970s influenced the course of the late Cold War. This article covers the history of the Eastern Bloc’s largest borrower—Poland—and its road to sovereign default in 1981. It examines how financial diplomacy among banks, communist countries, and the U.S. government catalyzed the formation of the labor union Solidarność (Solidarity). Ultimately, this article speaks to an important theme in the history of U.S. capitalism since World War II; namely, how the construction of global finance influenced U.S. foreign policy. The end of the Cold War in the fall of 1989 was the result not only of communism’s loss of legitimacy among the peoples of Eastern Europe, but also its loss of creditworthiness on global financial markets.

The successes and failures of British foreign policy from the end of the American war of independence until the outbreak of the conflict with revolutionary France will be familiar, at least in outline, to many students of late-eighteenth-century history. In 1783 Britain was widely regarded as having been reduced to the status of a second-rank power. British ministers, and especially Pitt the Younger and his first foreign secretary, the marquess of Carmarthen, sought a European alliance to end their country's isolation and vulnerability. The Anglo-French commercial treaty of 1786, the product of French rather than British pressure, was of little help in this respect, as it never developed beyond a limited trade agreement. Negotiations for similar reciprocal commercial concessions with other powers all proved fruitless. In 1787 and 1788, however, political and military arrangements were concluded with the Dutch and the Prussians after Prussian troops – with British encouragement and support – had intervened in the United Provinces to secure the position of the house of Orange and to crush the pro-French ‘Patriot’ party. Fortified by this new British – Prussian – Dutch connexion, or Triple Alliance as it was called, Pitt's government was able to exert considerable influence in Europe and farther afield. In 1788, when the Swedes attacked Russia, which was already at war with the Turks, Denmark, in accordance with its treaty obligations to Russia, invaded Sweden. The British and Prussians threatened the Danes and forced them to withdraw. A few months later, in April 1789, renewed Anglo-Prussian pressure compelled Denmark to maintain a strict neutrality in the continuing Russo-Swedish conflict. In 1790 the British were just as successful in a confrontation with Spain over the Nootka Sound in North America. Only when the government backed down during the dispute with Russia over possession of the Turkish fortress of Ochakov on the Black Sea coast, were the limits of British power fully exposed.

AbstractThis essay underlines the essential role of Russo-Chinese border trade in the creation of the multiethnic identity of Siberian outposts such as Nerchinsk and Kiakhta. In the seventeenth/early eighteenth century-under Tsar Peter the Great-Siberia became a meeting place for Russian, Central Asian and Chinese cultures. Furthermore, the Russo-Chinese trade was an important parameter of European economic expansion. Europe and the Far East met territorially only along the Eurasian frontier between Siberia and the Manchu Empire. Profitable trade, however, experienced a severe decline in the 1720s. Peter I's rigid fiscal policy choked off private initiative and prevented Siberia from becoming a major commercial entrepot between the West and East.

The responses to Andrew Moravcsik's article discuss the main substantive and methodological points raised in it. Although most of the respondents agree that Moravcsik has properly highlighted the importance of commercial concerns for de Gaulle's policy on European integration, they question the validity of his sharp separation between de Gaulle's political and economic goals for France. Several commentators argue that political and commercial concerns (including agricultural concerns) were closely intertwined in de Gaulle's vision of French grandeur. John Keeler brings up another crucial question: Was French agriculture really an obstacle to France's position in Europe? He argues thatde Gaulle successfully supported and modernized French agriculture because he was convinced that this would contribute to France's geopolitical position in Europe and the Western world. In two longer commentaries, Jeffrey Vanke and Marc Trachtenberg raise questions about Moravcsik's methodology and use of sources. Both agree that Moravcsik draws on an impressive array of available materials concerning de Gaulle. But they both wonder whether a definitive account of de Gaulle's policies can be written when the documentary record is still incomplete, a point raised by the

Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.
This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.

As a contribution to the continuing debate among trade and development economists as to the role of industrial strategies in the pattern of economic development, this study analyses the experience of one developing country, Nigeria, with an import substitution strategy. The performance of the industrial sector is critically assessed and related to the trade policy adopted. Using published data, the study covers 24 industries and a period of 16 years, beginning 1963 and extending to 1978. An analysis of the structure of protection reveals a considerably high and wide ranging levels of effective protection, in favour of consumer-goods oriented sectors. The relationship between these rates of effective protection on the one hand and import substitution and sectoral growth on the other was examined using various parametric and non-parametric tests of association. The evidence, which is only suggestive in nature, indicates that the structure of protection does play a role, albeit a minimal one, in stimulating industrial growth. Using Input-Output techniques, the employment, foreign exchange and output implications of the present strategy of Import- Substitution and of a hypothetical strategy of export promotion are analysed. There is a general absence of 'key' employment sectors and, paradoxically, an export promotion strategy is found to be less employment generating and more capital using but less foreign exchangeusing than the existing strategy. Although there is a considerable scope for capital-labour substitution in many industries, it was found that the often recommended policy of getting prices 'right' will not be sufficient to bring about an appreciable improvement in the employment situation. The development of factor productivity between 1963 and 1978 for each of the 24 industries was analysed; and three possible determinants of productivity are investigated: capital intensity and technical progress, output growth (the Verdoorn's Law) and trade policy. With regards to the latter, it was found that periods of especially slack productivity growth roughly correspond to those in which there was especially restrictive trade policy as quantified by high erps. The economic efficiency of the manufacturing sector was appraised using the criteria of net social profitability, social rate of return and Domestic Resources Costs (DRCs). Evidence was found in support of the hypothesis that the resource pull of protection to the protected industries is accompanied by higher rates of private, but lower rates of social profitability for the more heavily protected sectors. The overall conclusion of the thesis is that the policies of protection should have been more rationally applied and the IS strategy more rationally executed in line with the country's enunciated objectives.

In many European countries, despite decades of learning about the risks of discrimination and the conflicts associated with it, discrimination against minorities persists. Many have criticized European governments for not doing enough to challenge the negative stereotypes and prejudices against minority groups, especially in education and employment. In this thesis, Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria, France, and the Netherlands will be used as case studies to explore the varying dynamics underlying this discrimination and strategies that can be implemented to overcome discrimination. This thesis will recommend a series of policy approaches in areas such as civic integration, education reform, anti-discrimination law, and monitoring and evaluation to help reduce minority discrimination European countries.

The study investigates the importance of the policy of reciprocal navigation within U.S. domestic politics and commercial diplomacy in the late Jacksonian era. Addressing the neglect by historians of the development of the policy after 1829, the study examines the basis of a strong minority in opposition to the existing equality in commercial exactions granted to the shipping of foreign countries which reciprocated with like terms. This opposition, located chiefly in the maritime centres of New England and Baltimore, and reaching its climax in the harsh economic climate of the early 1840s, made use of pressure group tactics in an attempt to persuade American policy-makers to suspend the policy, or to abandon it altogether. They also drew attention to similar problems in the related matter of trade with Britain's colonies in the western hemisphere. Their efforts met with varied results: the gradual improvement of the colonial trade problem until its final resolution with the reform of the British Navigation acts in 1849; short-term legislative attention to the issue of reciprocal navigation, but with no positive outcome; temporary suspension of the policy by diplomatic officers of the Tyler administration; and finally the further extension of reciprocity, and the exploitation by the Polk administration of the opposition to it as a negotiating tool to win commercial concessions from European states. The study concludes that reciprocal navigation, while not a party issue as such, did evoke responses which reflected prevailing partisan and sectional attitudes. At a time of growing sectional tension the issue tended to divide northern and southern Whigs, for and against sympathy for the critics of reciprocity respectively; while Democrats managed to maintain party unity on this issue, despite the apparent southern priorities of the Polk administration, as revealed by their manipulation of shippers' discontent.

The following study investigates the British government�s response to maritime predation in the period 1810-1830 and evaluates the effectiveness of the measures implemented to protect British trade and shipping. A necessary prerequisite for this task is to establish the impact of commerce raiding activity on the British mercantile marine, which has thus far eluded historians. Chapters one and two of the following study are dedicated to this purpose. In chapter one, the key findings of previous works with regard to the organizational and operational features of commerce-raiding activity are synthesised and the extent and nature of the threat posed to British trade and shipping is established. The ways in which this threat became a reality for British merchants is the subject of chapter two. The impact of predation on the British mercantile marine is identified through the use of quantitative and qualitative data. A database of prize actions, which can be defined as encounters between British merchant vessels and maritime predators, has been constructed for this study from the intelligence contained in contemporary newspapers and government correspondence. The database provides statistics on the number of British vessels affected by maritime predators, the annual frequency of prize actions, and the perpetrators responsible for their initiation. Adding depth to these statistics are the letters, petitions, memorials and claims certificates received by the British government, which give detailed breakdowns of the losses incurred by merchants in individual prize cases. In chapter three the wider political context within which the British government received merchant appeals for assistance is established, providing a framework with which to identify and explain the measures implemented to tackle the problems being experienced at sea and to evaluate their effectiveness. Chapters four through to seven thematically analyse the British government�s response to maritime predation. British countermeasures against the depredations of independent Spanish American commerce-raiders are addressed in chapter four. The British government�s response to Spanish predation is the subject of chapters five and six, while chapter seven provides an analysis of British policy towards Cuban-based piracy. These four chapters draw heavily upon government correspondence when identifying the measures implemented by British statesmen to counter the threat of maritime predation, while the public debates and the proceedings of the Anglo-Spanish claims commission underpin appraisals of the effectiveness of these measures. Given that commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence has never been examined from a British perspective, this study will add a new dimension to the existing literature. In doing so, this study will provide a platform from which to reassess the arguments of previous works with regard to the character of predation in the early nineteenth century, the motivation of those individuals who participated in the activity, and the contribution of commerce-raiding to the outcome of the independence conflict. However, the following study also has the potential to raise points of wider significance and make contributions to knowledge and understanding of other aspects of history. The focus of the current study on the effectiveness of British policy in protecting the interests of British merchants from the threat of predation therefore to shed light on wider social, political and economic changes occurring within Britain during the early nineteenth century The upsurge in commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence occurred at a time of profound change in the direction of British economic policy. Cain and Hopkins have outlined the nature of this change and explained the rationale with which it was underpinned. They argue that between 1688 and 1850 Britain was ruled by a gentlemanly elite made up of an alliance between the landed aristocracy and financiers in the City of London. This alliance sought to service the national debt, fund patronage and manage the political system in ways that preserved privilege, civil peace and the constitution. In the period prior to 1815 the pursuit of these objectives saw the British government play a protectionist role in the economy. However, following the Napoleonic Wars it became clear that fundamental changes were needed to restore the health of the economy, maintain civil order and deflect growing criticism of the patronage system that had begun to circulate in the late eighteenth century. Consequently, the ruling class embarked on a process of redefining its role and purpose and gradually began to introduce reforms of the constitution, of the patronage system, of social legislation, and of economic policy. In the economic realm following the Napoleonic Wars, forward-looking members of the Tory government, who were inspired by Adam Smith�s attack on mercantilism in the Wealth of Nations, adopted a laissez-faire outlook and began to progressively withdraw the government from direct participation in the economic process.57 By 1850 the transition was effectively complete and mercantilism had given way to an era of free trade. As D.C.M. Platt has demonstrated, for the remainder of the nineteenth century the British government maintained an urgent official interest in the general welfare of British commerce overseas but exhibited a distinct prejudice against promoting individual financial and trading interests. This study promises to shed further light on early nineteenth-century British economic policy by providing a case-study with which to view this transition in action and with which to assess its significance to the lives of British subjects.

This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.

AbstractThe dominance of deposit money means commercial banks play a leading role in money creation. This chapter puts this situation in a historical context. The functioning of our financial monetary system and the role of banks have changed fundamentally over time. The chapter reveals that what we take for granted today was often far from self-evident yesterday. We focus on the Netherlands and discuss four periods in turn: (1) the ‘long nineteenth century’ up to the First World War, with an emphasis on the 1870−1914 period, (2) the interwar period (1918−1939), (3) the Bretton Woods period (1944−1973) and (4) the decades leading up to the latest financial crisis (1973−2008).

Abstract The UK was the first major industrialised nation to commit to a Net Zero target by 2050, and Scotland has an even more ambitious target to reach Net Zero by 2045. To realise these targets, hydrogen will play a leading role in the decarbonisation of multiple sectors including industry, transport, heat and power. Offshore wind can be a core component of our future energy infrastructure, and the scale of its potential role in hydrogen production has recently drawn wider attention from policy makers, developers and potential users across a range of sectors. Hydrogen as a route to market for offshore wind therefore presents a transformative opportunity for the North Sea oil and gas sector and the associated UK supply chain. Existing skills and infrastructure in this region can be leveraged to achieve a leading position in this emerging clean fuel source. This opportunity is particularly relevant for sites in the North Sea which are further from shore with good wind resource, where power transmission costs and/or losses would be prohibitive. Additionally, hydrogen offers an interesting route to market for projects unable to obtain firm grid connection, for sites in regions with high grid charges, or where sufficient government revenue support for conventional power generation is not available for all good quality sites.

Abstract The offshore segments of the Pre-Dobrogea foredeep is absolutely unexplored, there is no a single well penetrated Paleozoic units within offshore areas. This study, a deep dive into petroleum system evolution of similar foredeep basin based on a 3D basin modeling was performed in order to get understanding of petroleum systems and geology of offshore segment of Pre-Dobrogea. Western edge of East European craton is about 1450 km takes from Western Black sea shore to Southern shore of Baltic sea. This area within Ukraine includes Pre-Dobrogea foredeep basin, Pre-Carpathian foredeep basin (Bylche-Volytsa foredeep), Lviv Paleozoic basin and extensive Paleozoic margin called Volyno-Podillia area (Figure 1). All mentioned basins have similar sedimentary history, similar dynamics of tectonic evolution, proven petroleum systems of almost the same age, discovered commercial and sub-commercial accumulations and are heavily underexplored and undervalued. 3D basin modeling as a primary exploration technique was applied to mentioned basins in order to identify common features in tectonic development, in sedimentation and evolution of petroleum systems. Identified basins’ similar features now could be extrapolated to underexplored formations and areas within the study area. Figure 1 Western margin of East European Craton with marked areas of study (edited after Mikołajczak, 2016)

Orkney Islands Council is the Statutory Harbour Authority for Scapa Flow – a 324.5km2 area of deep water and sheltered anchorage in the Orkney Islands, north of mainland Scotland, with a long history and present use by all types of shipping. This paper will provide a short introduction to the development of the IMO and EU Directive compliant Ballast Water Management Policy for Scapa Flow which was approved by the competent planning authority in December 2013. Scapa Flow is in an environmentally sensitive area, this along with best practice was taken into account when developing the Policy – which includes strict and enforceable requirements on vessels and the Harbour Authority with regards to operations, monitoring and reporting. Since its approval there have been thirty-three occasions where ballast water discharge into Scapa Flow (by various types of vessels) has been requested. The Policy requires that vessels requesting to discharge ballast water into Scapa Flow must exchange and treat (where a treatment system is fitted) on every visit to Scapa Flow (no exceptions or exemptions allowed). To date thirty-one vessels have carried out exchange and two have carried out exchange and treat – all as per the Policy. This paper will deal with the setting of an IMO compliant Ballast Water Policy through to practical application by a Statutory Harbour Authority for a period of three years from 2013 to present day – with examples of ship types, amounts, any restrictions imposed, checks and reports made. It will include – with input from the Harbour Authority’s Marine Environment Unit lead by Jenni Kakkonen –a review of the positive actions, problems, solutions and overall results obtained so far regarding taking ballast water samples from these vessels, analysing the same and recording of details. There is a continual review and reporting process with regards to the effectiveness of the Policy to the Orkney Marine Environment Protection Committee (comprising of all the relevant statutory advisors and interested groups). The paper will contain the Harbour Authority’s way ahead in order to remain compliant, maintain its knowledge base of new technologies and environmental reports – all with the continued aim of maintaining the environment and commercial sustainability of Scapa Flow as a leading port and harbour.

Abstract Most of the discovered oil fields in Ukraine entering a declining production stage. Many of these assets have good potential for production increasing and require investments. The risks of such investments are related to the uncertainty of geological information, production data, and the total amount of reserves and resources. This paper describes the study of the joint use of 3D hydrodynamic modeling and reserves estimation according to the SPE-PRMS classification, which together allowed to assess and significantly reduce investment risks for oil production enhancement projects. The use of 3D modeling is one of the key elements during field exploration and production, because of coordination of all available geological and field data it is often possible to discover new, previously unknown features of the geological structure and identify high potential areas to increase production. In this paper petrophysical, geological and hydrodynamic modeling tools and material balance method have been used to consolidate existing geological and field data and create 3D model of the field in Western oil and gas bearing region of Ukraine. Also, for uncertainty analysis of the initial hydrocarbons in-place and IOR project investment presentation the SPE-PRMS classification was used. Comprehensive usage of material balance tools, field development history analysis, well performance changes, and fluid properties behavior revealed inconsistencies in the geological data and hypothesized the existence of a gas cap in the oil deposit and identify a faults system through the reservoir. After well logging these hypotheses has been confirmed, which allowed achieving a good history match of the model for the entire field and each well. Based on the matched model, a comprehensive field development strategy was proposed, which also considered all existing limitations related to production and infrastructure issues. The best scenario of field development was selected, according to the results of the economic assessment in terms of investment attractiveness. Based on the created 3D geological model, hydrocarbons reserves and resources were estimated using deterministic and stochastic methods and have been classified according to the SPE-PRMS. Reserves categories were assessed by the degree of commercial maturity of the project based on ten possible field development scenarios and high potential zones for infill drilling, plays exploration, and IOR project implementation was selected. The integrated approach to the field development strategy assessment and the input data uncertainties allowed to consider all available geological information and field data to create a comprehensive pilot investment IOR project. The proposed approach allows to solve complex problems of potential investments risks assessment and reduction in IOR projects and discover new assets' potential on the example of a complex field in the inner zone of the Pre-Carpathian Depression.

The article presents the materials of the study of organizational behavior, which the authors conducted from the mid-90s of the XX century to 2019. The authors of the article believe that the professional behavior of the personnel of commercial enterprises is largely determined by the organizational culture that has developed there and, above all, the value orientations of employees. The article presents the author’s view of Russian and foreign literature. The history of the development of views on organizational culture is touched upon. In addition to fairly well-known authors, Edgar Schein, Gerd Hofstede, the authors cite ideas of less well-known in Russia, Trompenaars F., Hampden-Turner C. Singer M.R, Hall E.T., M. Polanyi, revealing the internal contradictions of the paradigm that has developed in foreign historiography. Contradictions in the Russian historiography of organizational culture are revealed based on the analysis of supporters of classical foreign views, Blagov Yu.E., Katkalo V.S., Savchenko L.S., those who rely on traditional Russian concepts, Yadov, V.A., Avdoshina, N. V., Vaskina, Y. V. Gostev A. A. Huseynov A.A., Kagan M.S., and those who try to combine all the diversity of approaches and concepts in their research, Marshev V.I., Shklyaeva N.A., Salikhova E.R., Zakharova L.N. Based on this, the authors propose their own version of the model of organizational culture and methods for studying its dynamics, substantiate the advantages of using their model and methodology in the analysis of organizational processes in commercial enterprises. Based on the processing of some research results, certain assessments are proposed that relate to changes in value orientations in organizations of various types. The authors draw conclusions about the causes and nature of the changes that have occurred. Measures to improve public policy are proposed.

Turkey, which is the connection point between Asia and Europe and is in a strategically important position, needs new markets where it can implement an effective commercial policy. According to the data of the Asian Devel-opment Bank, Asian countries, which are expected to meet more than half of the world production in 2050 with their rapid growth, and African countries, which are seen as a virgin market and advantageous in terms of cheap raw mate-rial import, offer Turkey a good market opportunity as an alternative to European region trade. On the other hand, it is expected that the agreements made by Turkey will increase the commercial potential of the country. The aim of this study is to show the cooperation with different international economic integrations, that is, the change in Turkey’s direction in trade, by reducing the risks and disadvantages of being tied to a certain region in terms of trade. The study deals with the Turkish foreign trade policy, competitiveness and trade data from the period of open-ing up after 1980 to the present, in certain periods. At the same time, it is stated in the study that with the change of Turkey’s trade policy, the share of EU countries in total foreign trade has decreased in the last twenty years, and the di-rection of Turkey’s European-intensive foreign trade has expanded to the whole world, especially to Asia. It is predicted that Turkey’s economic and political efficiency will increase with its new policies and strong commercial connections.

Th e corona pandemic is incredible and, allegedly, a new phenomenon for many Europeans. Th at is why few people know the history of European pandemics. Th e lack of interest (disinterest) in historical development is due to the misconception of many experts. Preventive care and advances in medicine and technology always require only “looking ahead”. Th is (future-oriented) advanced way of thinking and acting meant that any disease that has epidemic proportions can, in the shortest possible time, be “defeated”. However, history shows that in Europe, from the Middle Ages until today, not a century has passed without epidemics or pandemics, and that signifi cant lessons and conclusions for the future could be drawn from any such crisis. Since the 18th century, development has tended more and more towards an insurance-oriented health and social policy, which in the 19th century was called insurance policy. By combining traditional experience with new or modifi ed concepts based on the principle of “preserving tradition, shaping the future”, the insurance industry can adapt to the new requirements of health and social policy, even in a crisis caused by the coronavirus. In this case, there is digitization, with the help of which it is possible to network with new studies and data, in order to improve quality.

Why research Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Scotland? Palaeolithic and Mesolithic archaeology sheds light on the first colonisation and subsequent early inhabitation of Scotland. It is a growing and exciting field where increasing Scottish evidence has been given wider significance in the context of European prehistory. It extends over a long period, which saw great changes, including substantial environmental transformations, and the impact of, and societal response to, climate change. The period as a whole provides the foundation for the human occupation of Scotland and is crucial for understanding prehistoric society, both for Scotland and across North-West Europe. Within the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods there are considerable opportunities for pioneering research. Individual projects can still have a substantial impact and there remain opportunities for pioneering discoveries including cemeteries, domestic and other structures, stratified sites, and for exploring the huge evidential potential of water-logged and underwater sites. Palaeolithic and Mesolithic archaeology also stimulates and draws upon exciting multi-disciplinary collaborations. Panel Task and Remit The panel remit was to review critically the current state of knowledge and consider promising areas of future research into the earliest prehistory of Scotland. This was undertaken with a view to improved understanding of all aspects of the colonization and inhabitation of the country by peoples practising a wholly hunter-fisher-gatherer way of life prior to the advent of farming. In so doing, it was recognised as particularly important that both environmental data (including vegetation, fauna, sea level, and landscape work) and cultural change during this period be evaluated. The resultant report, outlines the different areas of research in which archaeologists interested in early prehistory work, and highlights the research topics to which they aspire. The report is structured by theme: history of investigation; reconstruction of the environment; the nature of the archaeological record; methodologies for recreating the past; and finally, the lifestyles of past people – the latter representing both a statement of current knowledge and the ultimate aim for archaeologists; the goal of all the former sections. The document is reinforced by material on-line which provides further detail and resources. The Palaeolithic and Mesolithic panel report of ScARF is intended as a resource to be utilised, built upon, and kept updated, hopefully by those it has helped inspire and inform as well as those who follow in their footsteps. Future Research The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarized under four key headings:  Visibility: Due to the considerable length of time over which sites were formed, and the predominant mobility of the population, early prehistoric remains are to be found right across the landscape, although they often survive as ephemeral traces and in low densities. Therefore, all archaeological work should take into account the expectation of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic ScARF Panel Report iv encountering early prehistoric remains. This applies equally to both commercial and research archaeology, and to amateur activity which often makes the initial discovery. This should not be seen as an obstacle, but as a benefit, and not finding such remains should be cause for question. There is no doubt that important evidence of these periods remains unrecognised in private, public, and commercial collections and there is a strong need for backlog evaluation, proper curation and analysis. The inadequate representation of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic information in existing national and local databases must be addressed.  Collaboration: Multi-disciplinary, collaborative, and cross- sector approaches must be encouraged – site prospection, prediction, recognition, and contextualisation are key areas to this end. Reconstructing past environments and their chronological frameworks, and exploring submerged and buried landscapes offer existing examples of fruitful, cross-disciplinary work. Palaeolithic and Mesolithic archaeology has an important place within Quaternary science and the potential for deeply buried remains means that geoarchaeology should have a prominent role.  Innovation: Research-led projects are currently making a substantial impact across all aspects of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic archaeology; a funding policy that acknowledges risk and promotes the innovation that these periods demand should be encouraged. The exploration of lesser known areas, work on different types of site, new approaches to artefacts, and the application of novel methodologies should all be promoted when engaging with the challenges of early prehistory.  Tackling the ‘big questions’: Archaeologists should engage with the big questions of earliest prehistory in Scotland, including the colonisation of new land, how lifestyles in past societies were organized, the effects of and the responses to environmental change, and the transitions to new modes of life. This should be done through a holistic view of the available data, encompassing all the complexities of interpretation and developing competing and testable models. Scottish data can be used to address many of the currently topical research topics in archaeology, and will provide a springboard to a better understanding of early prehistoric life in Scotland and beyond.

The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.