Relevant bibliographies by topics / Europe, Central – Economic policy

Academic literature on the topic 'Europe, Central – Economic policy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Feldmann, Magnus, and Mircea Popa. "Populism and economic policy: lessons from Central and Eastern Europe." Post-Communist Economies 34, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2022.2029253.

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Flek, Vladislav, Martin Hála, and Martina Mysíková. "Labour market response to economic crisis in Central Europe: is there room for common policy approach?" ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY 8, no. 2 (September 5, 2015): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2015/8-2/2.

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Horváth, Gy. "Regional Policy in Europe." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.6.

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Among European Union policies, regional policy has always been considered a key domain due to its considerable role in negotiation of interests between mem-ber countries and distribution of European Union funds. Its significance, however, is expected to increase further as soon as countries of the Central Eastern Euro-pean region join the European Union and start lobbying for the concentration of European Union resources in the area. The new member states of the EU will stand on the periphery – not only in the geographical sense, but also regarding their level of economic development.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.

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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Bruck, Peter A. "Introduction: Current media economic challenges and policy problems in Central Europe." Journal of Media Economics 6, no. 1 (March 1993): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08997769309358229.

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Bean, Charles R. "Economic and Monetary Union in Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no. 4 (November 1, 1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.4.31.

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The European Council's Maastricht Agreement maps out a precise route to monetary union and the eventual introduction of a common currency. My discussion begins with a look at the general arguments for and against monetary union. I shall then discuss the proposed constitution of the European Central Bank and whether it is likely to be conducive to monetary stability, together with some of the problems posed by the transition to the new regime. Finally, I will turn to the issue of rules for the conduct of fiscal policy and the question of “fiscal federalism.”
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Grabia, Tomasz. "Interest Rate Policy Of Selected Central Banks In Central And Eastern Europe." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 18, no. 1 (March 20, 2015): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2015-0002.

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The aim of this article is to present and evaluate interest rate policies of three selected central banks in Central and Eastern Europe (Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary) from 2001 to 2013. The study consists of an introduction (Section 1) and three main parts. The introduction contains a theoretical description of the role of interest rate policy, the dilemmas connected with it, as well as an analysis of the strategies and goals of monetary policies of the National Bank of Poland (NBP), the Czech National Bank (CzNB), and the National Bank of Hungary (NBH) in the context of existing legal and institutional conditions. In turn, the first empirical part (Section 2) examines how the analysed central banks responded to changes in inflation, unemployment, and economic growth rates. The tools of the analysis are the nominal and real interest rates of those banks. The subsequent research part (Section 3) attempts to evaluate the degree of the contractionary nature of interest rate policies in specific countries in the context of the Taylor rule. The text ends with a summary (Section 4) encompassing concise conclusions drawn from the earlier analyses.
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Dahl, Michał. "India’s foreign policy towards Central and Eastern Europe in 2014-2019." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6469.

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It has been said that Central and Eastern Europe can be seen as an interesting direction for Indian political and economic expansion. Both the data on diplomatic activity and India’s trade with the countries of CEE, however, prove that the region is not of key importance for New Delhi’s foreign policy. On the other hand, a steadily growing trade turnover allows assuming that the current situation will gradually change. The conclusions may be confirmed by the analysis of New Delhi’s diplomacy directions in the region. The Indian leaders (not the most important figures, taking into account symbolism and real significance) visited in the years 2014-2019 the CEE countries with the highest trade turnover with India, namely Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Romania. They also paid visits to Bulgaria, Croatia and Serbia, that is countries with which India’s trade turnover is relatively low, but steadily growing. It may indicate a desire to establish more active diplomatic and economic involvement in this region than previously.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "The Evolution of China’s Economic Engagement in Central and Eastern Europe." Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ers-2022-0007.

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Abstract Subject and purpose of work: The purpose of this study is to assess the economic partnership between China and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It evaluates the economic policy since the cooperation in the region began, as the 17+1 process. The study evaluates the success and failure of China’s economic engagement in the 17 CEE countries and the Balkan region. This article explores how the relationship was made stronger in CEE countries for economic development. It looks at diplomatic ties, trade knot and economic initiatives, and it examines China’s relations with other CEE countries. The article aims to examine the geographical distribution of China’s economic influence on the CEE countries. Materials and methods: Content analysis is widely used as a comparative technique by the press, media, think tanks and communication. There are official statistics from a wide range of institutions (The China Observers in Central and Eastern Europe (CHOICE), the IMF, the OECD, the European Commission, the European Union, Statistics CEE countries and the European External Action Service). Results: The latest result indicates that Chinese economic policy is not achieving more success than the expected objectives in CEE countries. Conclusions: China’s economic impact on CEE countries is relatively small. Central and Eastern European countries are highly dependent on trade and investment relations with developed states, mainly EU members, while China accounts for a minor share.
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Horváthová, Brigitte, Michael Dobbins, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 347–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00138-9.

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AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Fink, Gerhard, and Alexander Petsche. "Central European Economic Policy Issues." Europainstitut, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 1994. http://epub.wu.ac.at/3595/1/IEF_WP_5.pdf.

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Careja, Romana. "Policy coherence and economic reforms in Central and Eastern Europe the great transformation." Hamburg Kovač, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000907651/04.

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Careja, Romana. "Policy Coherence and Economic Reforms in Central and Eastern Europe : The Great Transformation /." Hamburg : Kovac, J, 2010. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-5054-4.htm.

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Taksz, Ildiko. "Economic policy implementation in East-Central Europe : industrial privatization in Hungary in the early 1990s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389764.

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Dabu, Adina. "Theoretical Frameworks and Conceptual Approaches to Economic Development in East and Central Europe. Romania-Case Study." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44619.

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The development literature considers Romania from both the sociological and economic standpoints as a developing country with a large agricultural sector. Due to the specific nature of the structure of its economy and society Romania encountered a series of specific problems in its process of social and economic development, a process that began in the mid 19th century. A constant problem for the Romanian policy makers over the last century has been how to shrink the country's agricultural sector and develop the industry and service sectors to reach a level comparable to that of more advanced economies. Romania tried to solve this problem with various policies based on and inspired by a set of sociological and economic views, theories and models. Those policies were only partially successful and today the problem of underdevelopment and unsatisfactory economic performance is still largely unsolved. In the hypothesis of a rational policy making process (defined as conscientious relationship with past experiences based on a rational learning process) the post 1989 agricultural reforms should have been informed by the lessons provided by both the pre-communist and communist periods. Taking as a starting point this premise my study is constructed around the following hypothesis: If the policy process was a rational decision-making process, we would expect that the ideas, concepts, and theories that led to policy failure and mixed results in the past be rejected or correspondingly adjusted to the new context. In order to test this hypothesis the study develops a twofold approach: First, it identifies the main sequences of ideas - policies - results - lessons that characterized each of the pre-communist, communist, and post-communist periods. Second, it compares the ideas, policies, and lessons that could have been drawn from past experiences in regard to agricultural development with the actual ideas and agricultural policies that have been implemented in the post-communist period. The comparison reveals the extent to which the rational decision making model was displayed. In order to make this comparison operational the research design proceeds along the following lines: The key post-communist legislation regarding agriculture that was passed after 1989 is identified. By the detailed analysis of this body of legislation and of one of the most comprehensive reports on agriculture issued by the Ministry of Agriculture and Food in Romania in 1999-2000, the dominant agricultural policy paradigm of the period, the key ideas that were behind it, and the main consequences that followed for agriculture are distinguished. The major agricultural reform policies in the pre-communist and communist periods (1864-1948 and 1948-1989) and the basic concepts and theories that informed each of them are documented. Thereafter, an overview of the economic, sociological and structural consequences of these ideas and policies is provided and pinpoints the main lessons that could be eventually derived by looking in retrospect to each of the periods. In accordance with these objectives the study is structured as follows: Chapter 1 outlines the Romanian reform legislation between 1989-2000 and, in line with point one above, uses this legislation as a vehicle to reveal the key ideas, policies and consequences for agricultural development in the last, post-communist decade. Chapter 2 and 3 fulfill the objectives stated in point two above. More precisely, chapter 2 starts by looking at the policy reforms in the pre-communist period, while in parallel outlining the main ideas, policies, consequences, and lessons of the period. Similarly, chapter 3 describes the main policy reforms of the communist period and pays special attention to the lessons that could have been drawn from this period's policies and their consequences. The conclusions wrap up the analysis and discuss the extent to which the study's main hypothesis has been supported or infirmed.
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Quaglia, Lucia. "Italy and economic and monetary union : domestic politics and European union policy-making." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390828.

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Eliseeva, Anna. "Lost in transition : how can emerging economies leverage gender equality for economic transition ?" Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01E019.

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La thèse explore les liens entre l'autonomisation des femmes et la transition économique. Elle examine la manière dont l'augmentation du nombre de femmes travaillant dans le secteur public ou privé peut contribuer à résoudre certains problèmes persistants de transition dans les pays émergents, comme un faible niveau de productivité, d'innovation et de développement humain. La thèse est composée de trois chapitres qui s'appuient sur les modèles économiques de l'égalité entre les sexes et de la transition. Le premier chapitre explore la relation entre la composition hommes-­femmes des entreprises et l'implication des entreprises en question dans des activités d'innovation en Europe de l'Est et en Asie centrale. Le deuxième chapitre établit l'analyse des performances des entreprises, et cherche à déterminer si les PME dirigées par des femmes se comportent différemment de celles dirigées par des hommes dans les pays de l'Europe de l'Est, d'Asie centrale et Russie. Ce chapitre examine en particulier les activités qui permettent d'améliorer la compétitivité des entreprises: l'acquisition de services de développement commercial et l'investissement dans la formation sur le terrain. Enfin, dans le dernier chapitre, j'examine les liens entre le nombre de femmes dans les assemblées législatives des États de l'Inde et l'amélioration de la condition des femmes dans leur famille, mesurée par leur âge lors de leur premier mariage et de leur première maternité. Dans ces trois chapitres, je conclus que l'augmentation de la participation des femmes à tous les niveaux des secteurs public et privé a un effet positif sur les résultats obtenus au niveau de l'entreprise et des personnes
The thesis addresses the links between women's empowerment and economic transition. It examines the ways in which more women working in the public and private sectors could address the persistent problems of transition and emerging economies, such as poor human capital base and low levels of productivity and innovation. The thesis has three chapters which build on the economic models of gender equality and transition. The first chapter explores the relationship between the gender composition of a firm and the firm's involvement in innovation activities in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The second chapter extends the analysis of firm performance, and investigates whether SMEs owned by women perform differently from SMEs owned by men in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and Russia. In particular, the chapter examines activities which enhance firm competitiveness: acquisition of business development services and investment in on-the-job training. Finally, in the last chapter, I examine the relationship between the number of women in state legislative assemblies in lndia and better family outcomes for women as measured by age at first marriage and childbearing. Throughout the three chapters, I conclude that an increasing participation of women at all levels in the private and public sectors is positively associated with better firm-level and individual outcomes
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Šerić, Adnan. "Three empirical essays on determinants of industry and investment location patterns in the context of economic transition and regional integration : the evidence from Central and Eastern European countries." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2098.

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The factor determinants of industry and investment location patterns in transition economies can be expected to differ from those frequently observed in developed countries. Historically, centrally planned economies have suffered from inefficient industrial policies that are generally assumed to have had distortive effects on spatial location of industry. The process of economic transition and regional integration that followed the demise of socialist structures is assumed to have subsequently affected the geographical distribution of economic activities within and between countries of the region. Given the above this thesis capitalises on the quasi-natural experiment setting to further explore industry and investment location decisions in transition economies. In particular, the research presented here follows three main objectives. First, it intends to provide a comprehensive picture of changes in industry location patterns over time. Second, it aims to contribute to the debate on factor determinants of industry location at various levels of spatial aggregation. Third, it seeks to explore location determinants of foreign direct investors in particular, given their pivotal role for economic development of transition economies. In all instances, the research is geared towards a better understanding of the role of institutional factors, such as reforms and policies, in affecting distribution of economic activity across space. Thus, the work conducted qualifies as a further contribution to the analysis of structural changes that have affected the economies under examination. In broad terms, the findings presented here point towards significant changes in spatial location patterns of industry and investments that are leading to increased polarisation of economic landscape over time. Nonetheless, we find evidence that certain institutional factors qualify as viable policy levers, thereby providing ample scope for policy makers to impact existing location patterns of economic activity.
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Trejbal, Václav. "Vztahy Ruska se zeměmi V4: Komparativní studie." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264274.

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The aim of the dissertation thesis is to compare the political relations of the Russian Federation and four Visegrad countries and to identify various aspects which contribute most to the differences in the form, content and closeness of the relations. The core of the thesis is a comparative case study focused on the comparison of context of individual bilateral relations. These will be viewed as a clash of two foreign policies. Neoclassical realism will serve as the theoretical background for the analysis of Russian and Visegrad countries´ foreign policies. The methodological apparatus of international political economy will be used as well.
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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. "The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.
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Books on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Saul, Estrin, ed. Privatization in central and eastern Europe. London: Longman, 1994.

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Institute, European Trade Union, ed. Economic reforms in Central and Eastern Europe. Brussels: European Trade Union Institute, 1990.

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Multilateralism, German foreign policy, and Central Europe. Routledge: New York, 2005.

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Hofhansel, Claus. Multilateralism, German foreign policy, and Central Europe. London: Routledge, 2005.

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Jean-Paul, Larçon, ed. Entrepreneurship and economic transition in Central Europe. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998.

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Češka, Roman. Small privatization in Central & Eastern Europe. Ljubljana, Slovenia: Central and Eastern European Privatization Network, 1993.

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Mayhew, Alan. Recreating Europe: The European Union's policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Česko-polské fórum, and Visegrad Fund, eds. Impact of EU cohesion policy in Central Europe. Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2010.

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Booth, Simon. Institutions, competitiveness and economic adjustment in Eastern Europe. Reading, England: University of Reading, Dept. of Economics, 1994.

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Booth, Simon. Institutions, competitiveness and economic adjustment in Eastern Europe. Reading: University of Reading, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Bachtler, John, and Martin Ferry. "Cohesion Policy in Central and Eastern Europe." In Social and Economic Development in Central and Eastern Europe, 313–44. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Regions and cities ; 137: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429450969-14.

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Adam, Jan. "Economic Policy." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 39–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_3.

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Papadia, Francesco, and Ciro Schioppa. "Economic Convergence and Monetary Union." In Foundations of European Central Bank Policy, 79–102. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-50302-3_6.

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Munta, Mario. "Employment policy in the European Semester." In EU Socio-Economic Governance in Central and Eastern Europe, 1–26. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies on government and the European Union: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003143116-1.

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Collignon, Stefan. "Economic Transformation and the Integration of Central and Eastern Europe in the European Community." In Foundations of European Central Bank Policy, 209–23. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-50302-3_12.

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Koteva, Maya. "Trade Policy Reform in Central and Eastern Europe: Early Experience and Lessons." In Economic and Political Reform in Developing Countries, 39–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13460-1_3.

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Székely, István P., and Max Watson. "Growth and Economic Policy: Are There Speed Limits to Real Convergence?" In Real Convergence in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, 98–123. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230235434_6.

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Klarer, Jürg. "Economic Instruments and Environmental Funds for Environmental Policy in Central and Eastern Europe." In Green Budget Reform in Europe, 201–58. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-58637-8_14.

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Cernat, Lucian. "External Policy Transfer and Economic Growth: Reconceptualizing External Influences." In Europeanization, Varieties of Capitalism and Economic Performance in Central and Eastern Europe, 105–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230501683_5.

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Blommestein, Hans J. "Financial sector reform and monetary policy in Central and Eastern Europe." In The New Europe: Evolving Economic and Financial Systems in East and West, 145–67. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1741-8_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Hlupić Radić, Dario. "UNCONVENTIONAL MONETARY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK." In EU AND MEMBER STATES – LEGAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/9045.

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Mojsoska, Snezhana, and Nikola Dujovski. "Economic security and Economic Security Index as a Measure of Economic Security." In Twelfth Biennial International Conference Criminal Justice and Security in Central and Eastern Europe: From Common Sense to Evidence-based Policy–making. University of Maribor Pres, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-174-2.22.

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Forgacs, Csaba. "In what direction is agricultural specialization headed in Central and Eastern Europe? (2005-2016)." In 21st International Scientific Conference "Economic Science for Rural Development 2020". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2020.53.005.

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The paper deals with the main directions of specialization in Central and Eastern European Countries’ (CEECs, EU10) agriculture after the EU’s Eastward Enlargement. We analyse and compare growth and productivity advantages of specialized farm types by physical size (in hectare) in EU10 member-states to the EU10/27/15 average based on EUROSTAT data in the period of 2005-2016. We focus on exploring the main directions of specialization using such indicators as the number of specialized farms, land (Utilized Agricultural Area, UAA) and labour (Agricultural Working Unit, AWU) use on the input side, average farm size by land and labour use as well as area-, labour-, and total productivity on the output side. We conclude that the directions of specialization in farming in EU10 were based on the traditional farm production structure making the latter better able to adjust and take advantages of Common Agricultural Policy. Concerning production growth rate, the three leading specialization types of CEECs’ farms were: (i) cattle rearing and fattening, (ii) cereals, oilseed and protein crops and (iii) fruits and citrus fruits. These three specialization types of farms – in the same ranking order - also increased land (UAA) and labour (AWU) use well above the average. Specialized cereals farms and cattle rearing and fattening farms were also ranked in top three by number. Both cereals and fruits specialized farms have leading position in growth rate of land and labour use and also are in top three in growth rate of land area and total farm productivity. Cereals and fruits specialized farms also more than doubled labour productivity during the first decade after the EU’s Eastward enlargement but did not rank in the top three in this category.
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Ružeková, Viera, and Ján Hrinko. "The Impact of Economic Diplomacy on the Fulfilment of the Slovak Pro-export Policy Goals." In 21st International Joint Conference Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment : Proceedings. University of Economics in Bratislava, Vydavateľstvo EKONÓM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2021.krn.4816.17.

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Tyniewicki, Marcin. "The Eu Economic Policy Coordination in the Context of Mitigating the Effects of Covid-19 Pandemic." In The XX International Scientific Conference "Functioning of Investments Financed from State Resources and from Other Sources in The Countries of Central And Eastern Europe". Temida 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/ipf.2022.20.

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Economic policy of the European Union demonstrates significant specificity in relation to the classic understanding of economic policy implemented by a state. It results from the fact that in the EU economic policy participate states which at the same time retained competences to implement their own policies, however in specific areas these competences are limited, sometimes significantly. This complex structure means that the EU policy requires coordination. EU economic policy coordination was significant during the fight against COVID-19 pandemic and mitigating its effects. In this scope, the European Commission suggested several solutions (financial instruments).The subject of this paper is, on the one hand, the analysis of a theoretical model of the EU economic policy coordination resulting from the Treaty provisions, and on the other hand, legal evaluation of financial actions proposed by the EU and aimed at combating the effects of COVID-19 pandemic. This assessment is not unequivocally positive, because the Author has made a thesis that a part of the initiatives raises doubt regarding their compliance with the provisions of the Treaties.
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Olejnik, Łukasz. "ECONOMIC GROWTH AND MILITARY EXPENDITURES FROM A FISCAL POLICY PERSPECTIVE. EVIDENCE FROM CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0003.

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Using a newly created dataset of detailed and disaggregated military expenditures, this paper studies the impact of military expenditures on economic growth in nine Central and Eastern European countries in 1999-2021. The results of the estimation of a Barro-type endogenous growth model with military expenditures confirm a negative and significant influence of different kinds of military expenditures on economic growth in the long run, and identify personnel expenditures and labour market adjustments as one of the most important channels of influence. To measure the impact of the short-run effect, fiscal multipliers of military expenditures were estimated using SVAR model and significantly negative values were obtained for aggregated and disaggregated military expenditures. Military expenditures tend to crowd-out non-military government expenditures in some cases.
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Domachowski, Zygfryd, and Marek Dzida. "Combined Cycle and Cogeneration Prospects in Former Centrally Planned Economies." In ASME Turbo Expo 2001: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2001-gt-0502.

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An important restructuring of Polish electric power system is required. It should result in electric power capacity development, thermodynamic and economic efficiency increase, environment pollution reduction. These are two low investment ways of performing those goals: combined cycle and cogeneration. The problem is similar in most of former centrally planned economies (Central and Eastern Europe).
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Bal, Harun, Shahanara Basher, and Abdulla Hil Mamun. "The Aftermath of Quantitative Easing in Advanced Economies: The Empirical Evidences." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02279.

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Quantitative easing (QE), as a measure of unconventional monetary policy (UMP), has been followed by many of the central banks of advanced economies to boost the economy by stimulating investment and consumption. The study identifies the most recent QE programs undertaken by central banks of four major advanced economies, namely, Federal Reserve (Fed), Bank of England (BOE), Bank of Japan (BOJ) and European Central Bank (ECB), and examines its impact on major macroeconomic indicators, namely output growth, inflation, exchange rate indices and stock market indices, employing vector autoregressive (VAR) models. Findings of the study suggest that QE was only favorable for real GDP growth of USA and the development of stock market of euro area. However, such an UMP failed to bring about changes in appropriate directions among the other economic indicators of these advanced economies. QE at an adequate scale to offset the recessionary forces could help achieve the expected results of the policy action. At the same time, policy makers should think over other supplementary measures that can support and expedite the impact of QE in favourable directions to achieve the desired goals of such UMP.
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Bubić, Jasenka, and Luka Bašić. "IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: IS FEAR OF AN INFLATION PANDEMIC JUSTIFIED?" In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/20.

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International economies are fragile and vulnerable to the various volatilities that occur, due to classic economic imbalances caused by financial meltdowns, inflated balloons, or other internal and external macroeconomic shocks, due to unforeseen phenomena in the form of the economic term "black swan". The first focus of the paper was placed on examining the real impact of the virus on key macroeconomic indicators of the global economy and what is the attitude of international politics when it comes to creating a crisis structure. The implementation of the policy seen since the beginning of the 2020 crisis has led to the strengthening of an economic doctrine that is mitigating and out of mind, which has again shown that the world of central banks is easy on the "monetary trigger". The second focus of the work is singled out as a subtheme, where the current situation with China's Evergrande is to be addressed and how much impact the ultimate negative outcome can leave on the current recovery of the world economy. For the past twenty or thirty years, China's economic picture has led it to the world's second strongest economy, thanks precisely to the strong implementation of China's development policy. But rightly the world wonders what the real growth of the Chinese economy is. Labour's third focus has been placed on the issue of inflation as a potentially long-term problem. The implementation of the agreed policy over the last year and a half is a realistic reflection of the current situation with inflation. It is crucial to process whether its sudden jump can be a long-term problem for the entire economic structure of the European and global economies. Whether inflation can be corrected in the long run through the law of supply and demand, as has always been shown so far, needs to be seen.
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Öztürk, Serdar, Ali Sözdemir, and Özlem Ülger. "The Global Economic Crisis and its Effects on the Monetary Policy of Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00536.

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Capitalism has faced the most severe and the longest crisis since 1929. Resource of the emerging financial crisis in the second half of 2007 was mortgage crisis that experienced in the United States. The collapse of housing market has caused great instability in the financial markets and then turned into the strong liquidity crisis and spread all over the world. The impact of global economic crisis on the world economies in the last quarter of 2008 was very fast and it occured in a devastating way. In this process, the asset prices declined, capital of financial institutions seriously damaged and this caused bankruptcy of many large financial organizations such as Lehman Brothers. In this context, the growth rates in the world fell down quickly, external demand contraction and global export decreased. At this point, developed countries applied large scale financial incentive packages. Especially, the Central Banks of developed countries have provided exceptional levels of liquidity that is used as a monetary policy tool by taking the risk of deterioration of their balance sheets. During this period, as a result of these policies followed by money and finance authorities have changed only the shape of global crisis and as a result the financial crisis has turned into a debt crisis. The effects of Global Economic Crisis on the Turkish economy emerged prominently in the last quarter of 2008. However, in comparison with many European countries, it is clear that all dynamics have became more favourable for Turkey after 2010.
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Reports on the topic "Europe, Central – Economic policy"

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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.
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Crafts, Nicholas, Emma Duchini, Roland Rathelot, Giulia Vattuone, David Chambers, Andrew Oswald, Max Nathan, and Carmen Villa Llera. Economic challenges and success in the post-COVID era: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Mirko Draca. CAGE Research Centre, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-01-3.

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In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.

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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Potts, David E. Rethinking U.S. Security Policy in Central Europe: Keeping the Quills on the Polish Porcupine. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada249451.

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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.
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Pastorelli1, Gianluca, Anastasia Costantini, and Samuel Barco Serrano. Social and green economies in the Mena region. Liège: CIRIEC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25518/ciriec.wp202203.

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This working paper is based both on literature review and interviews to key informants and stakeholders from or active in the region conducted in the framework of various initiatives: research projects, peer-learning activities, support to networks, policy makers and entrepreneurs. These initiatives have been leading us to connect with the SSE ecosystems in the area called “Southern Neighbourhood” in a European (centric?) perspective. The rationale behind this exercise is an attempt to share a light on the state of play of the public policies and international initiatives bound to support the social and green economies showcasing some examples we consider particularly relevant.
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Felipe, Jesus, Scott Fullwiler, Donna Faye Bajaro, Al-Habbyel Yusoph, Simon Alec Askin, and Martin Alexander Cruz. An Analysis of the Worldwide Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: What and How Much? Asian Development Bank, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps200353-2.

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This paper analyzes the packages implemented by the 68 members of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), plus the European Central Bank and the European Union, to combat the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. Using the ADB COVID-19 Policy Database, the paper (i) provides a detailed account of the measures taken and the amounts announced between 20 April and 15 June; (ii) discusses the specifics of five Asian economies by comparing their financial packages qualitatively and quantitatively; and (iii) includes a statistical analysis to understand what determines the size of a package, which allows comparison between actual and estimated packages, given the correlates.
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Gaddi, Matteo, and Nadia Garbellini. Automotive Global Value Chains in Europe. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp160.

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In this paper we examine the main transformations that are affecting European automotive industry and which challenges, in particular due to the transition to new forms of propulsion, the industry is going to face. The automotive industry is central to the European economy and the nature of the Global Value Chains are rapidly shifting. While individual countries have developed economic plans to address this, a broader EU wide plan is critically important to addressing the employment and environmental effects of these shifts.
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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.
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