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Journal articles on the topic 'Europe – 1815-1848'

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Published: 13 January 2024

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1

Tully, Carol, and Virgil Nemoianu. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848." Modern Language Review 102, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 826. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467451.

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2

Marshall, D. G. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848." Modern Language Quarterly 68, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-2007-008.

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3

Spariosu, Mihai. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 (review)." MLN 121, no. 5 (2006): 1272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2007.0015.

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4

Tully, Carol. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 by Virgil Nemoianu." Modern Language Review 102, no. 3 (2007): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2007.0015.

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5

Stykalin, Alexander. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849 in the historical retrospective after 170 years." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.1.02.

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The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.
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6

Šedivý, Miroslav. "The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War: The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.

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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.
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7

CHABAL, EMILE. "The Agonies of Liberalism." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (September 29, 2016): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000321.

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It is striking the extent to which many liberals have seen themselves as figures on the margins of politics. This is partly an ideological issue. Of all the great ‘isms’ of the modern age, liberalism has had neither the historical certainty of the two great totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century, nor the reassuring hierarchical logic of conservatism. Most liberals have agonised about how much humans can achieve and have repeatedly stressed the fallibility of rational or democratic solutions, at least in comparison with more revolutionary ideologies like communism. But liberals’ sense of living on the margins is also a consequence of the context in which liberalism was born. In Europe, the spectre of the French Revolution – and, later, the Bolshevik Revolution – gave liberalism a specific flavour. Liberals were often keen on reform, but they always feared social upheaval. Time and again, liberals found themselves in power only to lose control of the pace of social change. In the worst cases – 1815, 1848 or 1917 spring to mind – this put the liberal cause back by generations. For much of modern European history, to be a liberal was to be in a perpetual state of siege.
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8

Aaslestad, Katherine, and Karen Hagemann. "1806 and Its Aftermath: Revisiting the Period of the Napoleonic Wars in German Central European Historiography." Central European History 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 547–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000185.

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If the French faced the 200th anniversary of the Napoleonic Empire with some trepidation about how to commemorate the infamous Corsican, the British celebrated the Battle of Trafalgar as an enduring national victory. A grand exhibit in the National Maritime Museum in London, “Nelson and Napoleon,” observed this event in 2005. In contemporary Germany, however, the commemoration of 1806 has occurred mainly among small circles of specialists and remained largely absent from popular historical consciousness. In recent times, besides the exhibition on the Holy Roman Empire in the German Historical Museum in Berlin, only small local exhibits and substantial articles in magazines like Die Zeit and Der Spiegel recall 1806. Past momentous occasions such as 1848, 1914–1919, 1933–1945, and 1949 clearly overshadow in contemporary historical memory the tumultuous decades that surrounded the Napoleonic Wars. This tendency to overlook and underestimate the significance of the early nineteenth century also remains evident among scholars who work on later periods of German history. In the shadow of World Wars and the Holocaust, the period of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars between 1792 and 1815 seems distant to the contemporary audience. But why do historians also tend to disregard the importance of this era of warfare and domestic, social, and economic transformation—a period so rich in complexity—and its enduring consequences for nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe?
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9

Claudon, Francis. "Virgil NEMOIANU, The Triumph of Imperfection . The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 , Columbia (South Carolina), University of South Carolina Press, 2006, 258 pages." Revue de littérature comparée 324, no. 4 (April 29, 2008): X. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rlc.324.0489j.

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10

Ragozin, G. S. "Conservative approach towards the Austrian identity in works by Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf (1816-1832)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 480 (2023): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/480/15.

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The article deals with the issue of Austrian identity emergence and transformation in conservative intellectual discourse of 1816-1832, concentrating on the legacy of Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf. The author analyzed ideas presented in works by Friedrich von Gentz, e.g. Manifestos of Emperor Francis I he edited; his speculations on the political systems of Austria, Germany and Europe; his essays published in Osterreichischer Beobachter [Austrian Observer]. The author also analyzed works by Adam Muller von Nitterdorf, including his political essays, panegyric pamphlets addressed to Emperor Francis I and the didactic essay on school education based on dynastic patriotism. The correspondence of the two public figures was also studied. The research methodology is based on the history of concepts that deals with the emergence and evolution of a certain concept in its historical and political contexts. Besides, the author employed the terms and concepts “historical memory”, “historical discourse” and “identity”. The conservative political thought of the Austrian Empire was the main context for speculations on the Austrian identity and also referred to criticism against the French Revolution of the 18th century and to the revisiting of the Napoleonic Wars in the Vormarz period (1815-1848). The author came to the following conclusions. Both intellectuals had a similar approach towards the role of the monarch and loyalty towards him as a core self-identification element for the Austrian Empire's multiethnic population - a “family of peoples”, according to Gentz. This image was broadcast via periodicals monopolized by the officials after the Karlsbad decrees. The “organic constitution” concept played a vital role. According to both intellectuals, Francis I was also a formal symbol of Austrian leadership in German lands. At the same time, Gentz and Muller had a different understanding of an “Austrian”. Muller referred to universalist patterns from previous periods with his speculations on an “Austrian” as a sum of all communities living within the empire. On the contrary, Gentz referred to an “Austrian“ as a subject of the empire with German as a native language and belonging to German culture. Such contradictions were significant in distorting the identity policy of the Metternich government. At the same time, both intellectuals agreed that reinforcing this identity is possible only with the active support of the authorities. For the rest of the society it was to be implemented via school education. The Catholic church was also to play an important role in implementing the policy, with the Josephinism and neo-Josephinism approaches of active inclusion of the clergy into leading the public opinion in a required discourse. After the two intellectuals and the emperor passed away, the conservative doctrine failed to preserve its leadership in the Empire.
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11

Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.

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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyses remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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12

Vizentin, Marilena. "Por que os húngaros comemoram o dia 15 de Março?" Cadernos de Literatura em Tradução, no. 17 (May 5, 2017): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2359-5388.v0i17p13-21.

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A primeira metade do século XIX ficou marcada pelos ideais liberais epelos movimentos de renascimento nacional herdados da Revolução Francesa de 1789, tendo se espalhado rapidamente tanto pela Europa como pela América. Com o objetivo de conter esses ideais transformadores, as coroas russa, austríaca e prussiana reuniram-se em 1815 no Congresso de Viena e formaram uma espécie de coligação denominada Santa Aliança, cuja intenção era restaurar a ordem vigente anterior a 1789. Queriam, nesse sentido, restaurar o Antigo Regime, que por sua vez se caracterizava pelo absolutismo monárquico, pelo mercantilismo e pela interferência do Estado na economia. Nessa ocasião, comprometeram-se a auxiliar militarmente todas as monarquias que tivessem sua autoridade ameaçada de alguma forma. Esse projeto, todavia, não foi capaz de deter a onda revolucionária que tomaria conta da Europa em 1848.
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13

Cañas Díez, Sergio. "Iglesia y prensa española frente a la Unificación de Italia. Sagasta y el debate sobre el poder temporal del Papa." Brocar. Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica, no. 34 (June 24, 2010): 77–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/brocar.1647.

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La cuestión de la unificación de Italia, iniciada al calor de las revoluciones europeas de 1848, suscita un gran interés por cuanto transformó las bases geopolíticas de la Europa occidental y mediterránea nacidas en el Congreso de Viena de 1815, y porque este proceso unionista fue el germen así como la continuación y expansión de distintos enfrentamientos parlamentarios, periodísticos y sociopolíticos de la España decimonónica. Concretamente en este trabajo nos centraremos en la polémica que mantuvieron ultracatólicos, moderados y progresistas por la cuestión italiana, donde destaca el debate mantenido entre Práxedes Mateo-Sagasta y el cardenal arzobispo de Santiago sobre el poder temporal del pontificado, así como en las informaciones que llegaban a la opinión pública a través de la prensa afín a esas mismas posturas ideológicas.
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14

Stramaccioni, Alberto. "The Affairs of Italy. nei dibattiti parlamentari britannici (1848-1861)." IL RISORGIMENTO, no. 2 (November 2021): 79–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riso2021-002003.

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L'Autore ricostruisce il dibattito parlamentare tra whig e tory che si è sviluppato in Gran Bretagna nel corso delle vicende dell'unificazione italiana, tra il 1848 e il 1861. Attraverso i resoconti degli interventi, alla Camera dei Comuni e alla Camera dei Lord, di Palmerston, Russell, Gladstone e altri - secondo l'Autore - emergono le posizioni dei principali leader whig a sostegno della formazione di uno Stato nazionale unitario nella penisola, al centro del Mediterraneo e per questo obiettivo disposti anche a mettere in discussione gli equilibri europei stabiliti a Vienna nel 1815. Con gli interventi di Disraeli, Derby, Malmerbury e altri che condividono le posizioni della Corte vengono espresse le valutazioni dei tory, contrari al movimento patriottico italiano e attenti a mantenere, sia pure in funzione antifrancese, rapporti collaborativi con gli austriaci. Entrambi gli schieramenti, pur divisi in alcune fasi del percorso risorgimentale italiano, sembrano voler rappresentare due posizioni nettamente diverse ma finiscono invece con il perseguire una comune politica imperiale.
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15

Ghenghea, Mircea-Cristian. "About Pan-Scandinavianism. Reference points in the 19th century (1815-1864)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 6, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v16i2_10.

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At the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th a sense of solidarity shared by the people of the Northern Europe appeared: Pan-Scandinavianism. First it had a certain impact at cultural and spiritual levels. In a narrower sense the term was used when referring to the possibility of creating a political union between the Nordic kingdoms during the middle decades of the 19th century. Although it seemed that the political side of Pan-Scandianvianism had a good chance of accomplishing itself, especially after the Three Years War (1848-1851), the international context from the period that followed did not favour that plan. The collapse of the political Pan-Scandinavianism was in 1864 – the Second Schleswig-Holstein War. Sweden-Norway failed in helping Denmark against Prussia and Austria, despite the fact that King Karl XV was an advocate of Pan-Scandinavianism. Leaving this aspect aside, there were other internal difficulties of the Nordic states that Pan-Scandinavianism had to face, including the emerging nationalism. On a broader view, Pan-Scandinavianism appeared as an opponent of Panslavism and Pangermanism. Thus the dream of a unified Scandinavia was abandoned in the 19th century and Pan-Scandinavianism focused on cultural, scientific and economic cooperation.
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16

Queipo Gutiérrez, Carolina. "La música insonora del fondo Adalid o la invisibilidad de la práctica musical doméstica masculina de la élite durante la restauración." Brocar. Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica, no. 37 (December 20, 2013): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/brocar.2538.

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Durante la época de la Restauración europea (ca.1815-1848), los Adalid y los Torres, familias de comerciantes alto-burgueses emparentadas entre sí y residentes en la ciudad de A Coruña, invirtieron gran parte de la fortuna familiar en la adquisición de una educación correspondiente a su estatus social, en dónde la música ocupaba un puesto principal. Dos grandes colecciones de partituras documentan esa inversión cultural junto con otras fuentes como cuadros, cartas, documentos notariales, libros de comercio, facturas, etc. Partiendo de la discusión sobre si puede considerarse música un fondo de partituras como el de la familia Adalid, caracterizado por la escasa presencia de marcas visibles que denoten la existencia de una práctica musical, con el presente ensayo demostraremos por un lado que en este tipo de colecciones las marcas de ejecución no son ni mucho menos objeto definitorio de su sonoridad. Por otro lado probaremos que colecciones como esta ofrecen lecturas diferentes sobre la cuestión “qué es música” relacionadas con la representatividad social, cultural y económica de la música, en este caso de un grupo de varones ricos y poderosos de la España de la Restauración absolutista.
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17

Schroeder, Paul W. "Old Wine in Old Bottles: Recent Contributions to British Foreign Policy and European International Politics, 1789–1848." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 1 (January 1987): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385877.

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This review article has a conventional purpose, namely, to assess the contributions made by thirteen recent books, most by British historians, to the history of British foreign policy and the European states system during the revolutionary, Napoleonic, and post-Napoleonic eras. There is, however, a problem. None of the books is conventional diplomatic history. Almost half relate only indirectly to foreign policy, while for the remainder foreign policy constitutes only part of their subject matter. The review therefore consciously runs two risks: that of judging the books by inappropriate standards and that of drawing conclusions about current historiography in this field and period from an inappropriate sample. The reader will have to judge whether the results justify the procedure.Geoffrey Best's War and Society in Revolutionary Europe illustrates the problem. Best clearly succeeds in his goal of going beyond the study of military organizations to the study of war itself as a “unique human interest and activity.” The book is far-ranging, delightfully written, based on wide reading, and packed with insights. It also contributes substantially to the history of international politics, mainly by demonstrating how powerful an impact armies and combat had. Yet from the political historian's standpoint there is ground for some frustration as well as for pleasure. Best's descriptions of how armies developed from the Old Regime into the nineteenth century and his analyses of the impact of war in 1792–1815 are excellent for France and Britain and adequate for Prussia and Spain.
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18

"The triumph of imperfection: the silver age of sociocultural moderation in Europe, 1815-1848." Choice Reviews Online 44, no. 02 (October 1, 2006): 44–0775. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-0775.

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19

Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich's League to Preserve Peace and the Conservative Elites’ Doubts about the Functionality of the Post-Napoleonic Order." Austrian History Yearbook, November 10, 2023, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237823000620.

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Abstract Before 1848 not merely democrats and liberals criticized the post-Napoleonic order for their growing mistrust of its ability to protect the sovereignty of smaller countries and preserve the general peace. The predominantly conservative ruling elite, namely rulers, statesmen, and diplomats, raised the same criticism when the law-breaking and abuse of power made them similarly mistrustful of the state of European politics during the 1830s and 1840s. This became true even for some of the order's authors like Austrian chancellor Metternich who serves as a prominent example of this mistrust with his project of a league to preserve peace in Europe in August 1840. Metternich, who helped to create this order in 1815, found it defective and in need of improvement only a quarter of a century later. He certainly did not want to create a completely new international order and law of nations as some liberals and democrats desired at that time, but his idea was still, in a certain sense, revolutionary since its realization would have fundamentally modified the pillars on which the order had been founded at the end of the Napoleonic Wars.
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