Journal articles: 'Euro – Netherlands – Public opinion'

1

WOELINGA, DOUWE. "Probation Service and Public Opinion in The Netherlands." Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 29, no. 4 (November 1990): 246–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2311.1990.tb00686.x.

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in't Veld, Jan. "A Public Investment Stimulus in Surplus Countries and Its Spillovers in the EA." National Institute Economic Review 239 (February 2017): R53—R62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011723900113.

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The Euro Area recommendations endorsed by the European Council in 2016 called for a differentiation of the fiscal effort by individual Member States, taking into account spillovers across Euro Area countries. This article shows model-based simulations of an increase in public investment in Germany and the Netherlands and their spillovers to the rest of the Euro Area. While spillovers in a monetary union may be small when monetary policy reacts by raising interest rates, when rates are kept constant and the stimulus is accommodated, spillovers can be sizeable. An increase in (productive) spending in Germany and the Netherlands can boost GDP in these countries and also have significant positive spillovers on the rest of EA GDP, while the effects on current accounts are likely to be small. Effects can be even larger when investment is directed to the most productive projects. With low borrowing costs at present, the increase in government debt for surplus countries will be modest, while there could be an improvement in debt ratios in the rest of the Euro Area.

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Kleinnijenhuis, Jan. "Images of Cold War: Effects of Press Opinion on Public Opinion in the Netherlands." European Journal of Communication 2, no. 3 (September 1987): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323187002003004.

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Spek, Jan, Frans Penninx, and Rudy M. Lapré. "Cost-containment in the Netherlands: government policy versus public opinion." Health Policy 5, no. 1 (January 1985): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-8510(85)90066-1.

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Huart, Florence. "Is Fiscal Policy Procyclical in the Euro Area?" German Economic Review 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12000.

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Abstract We test the relationship between the cyclically adjusted primary balance and alternative indicators of cyclical conditions for the euro area and 18 OECD countries over the period 1970-2009. A countercyclical stance of discretionary fiscal policy is found during bad times after 1999 in the euro area as a whole and in a few member countries only (France, Ireland and The Netherlands). It is also associated with high public deficits or low public debts. There is no significant case of procyclical fiscal policy after 1999, neither in good times nor in bad times.

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Curtice, John. "It's Not Just the Economics, Stupid. UK Public Opinion and the Euro." New Economy 10, no. 2 (June 2003): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0041.00301.

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Hobolt, Sara B., and Christopher Wratil. "Public opinion and the crisis: the dynamics of support for the euro." Journal of European Public Policy 22, no. 2 (January 12, 2015): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.994022.

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Bolt, Gideon, and Eva Wetsteijn. "What drives the public opinion on asylum policy in the Netherlands?" Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 109, no. 4 (August 29, 2018): 513–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tesg.12320.

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Maassen, Gerard, and Martijn de Goede. "CHANGES IN PUBLIC OPINION ON THE UNEMPLOYED The Case of The Netherlands." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 3, no. 2 (1991): 182–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/3.2.182.

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Gutteling, Jan M. "Biotechnology in the Netherlands: controversy or consensus?" Public Understanding of Science 11, no. 2 (April 2002): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/11/2/303.

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This paper addresses the issue of public perception of modern biotechnology in the Netherlands. Contrary to expectations, data from the 1999 Eurobarometer on biotechnology indicate that the position of the Dutch public in general is rather ambiguous, which is in contrast to many of its neighboring countries. The issue is described in terms of differences between the Netherlands and other European countries on political-economic, social-cultural, or media coverage indicators. On many indicators, the Dutch population differs from that of other European countries, and the Dutch opinion-leading media present a rather balanced perspective on modern biotechnology.

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Rasmussen, Anne, Lars Kai Mäder, and Stefanie Reher. "With a Little Help From The People? The Role of Public Opinion in Advocacy Success." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695334.

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Recent years have witnessed an increased interest in research on advocacy success, but limited attention has been paid to the role of public opinion. We examine how support from the public affects advocacy success, relying on a new original data set containing information on public opinion, advocacy positions, and policy outcomes on 50 policy issues in Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Claims by advocates are measured through a news media content analysis of a sample of policy issues drawn from national and international public opinion surveys. Our multilevel regression analysis provides evidence that public support affects advocacy success. However, public opinion does not affect preference attainment for some of the lobbying advocates whose influence is feared the most, and the magnitude of its impact is conditional upon the number of advocates who lobby on the policy issue in question.

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De Vreese, Claes, Rachid Azrout, and Judith Moeller. "Cross Road Elections: Change in EU Performance Evaluations during the European Parliament Elections 2014." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.462.

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The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections were held after a period where public opinion about the EU changed significantly. In this paper we investigate evaluations of the performance of the European Union, as this dimension of EU attitudes is particularly relevant ahead of elections. We look at public opinion developments since 2009 and then zoom in on the role played by the news media in shaping public opinion about EU performance by linking citizens’ evaluations across time to the news media content they were exposed to. The article relies on original multiple wave survey panel data and a systematic media content analysis in the Netherlands. It shows how public opinion has changed, how it changes around EP elections, and how exposure to media coverage can help improve citizens’ evaluations of EU performance.

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Callister, Graeme. "Public Opinion, National Character, and Britain’s Failed Defence of the Netherlands, 1793-1795." Diplomacy & Statecraft 32, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2021.1996706.

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van Gelder, Jean-Louis, Pauline Aarten, Willemijn Lamet, and Peter van der Laan. "Unknown, Unloved? Public Opinion on and Knowledge of Suspended Sentences in the Netherlands." Crime & Delinquency 61, no. 5 (December 13, 2011): 669–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128711426537.

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Dudzik, Iwona, and Irena Brukwicka. "Potential benefits and risks from Poland’s accession to the euro area." VUZF Review 7, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.22.1.17.

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This paper reviews the selected issues related to the potential benefits and risks of Poland’s accession to the euro area. Poland has joined the European Union in 2004. Being a member of the Economic and Monetary Union, Poland was obliged to adopt the euro as its currency, but the date of the above currency introduction was not specified. Poland’s joining the euro area is often discussed in political and economic debates. Such debates benefit primarily from politics and ideology, and the economic issues, associating possible benefits and risks resulting from Poland’s accession to the euro area. The opponents of the common currency deal with issues related to the financial crisis in the territory of the euro zone counties. According to the study conducted in 2010 by the Public Opinion Research Center, it was observed that the number of Poles supporting Poland’s accession to the euro area was decreasing. The survey conducted by CBOS in 2017 showed that the number of respondents who were against Poland’s accession to the euro area was 72%. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the basic benefits and costs that result from the adoption of the common currency by Poland.

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RAVEN, JUDITH, PETER ACHTERBERG, ROMKE VAN DER VEEN, and MARA YERKES. "An Institutional Embeddedness of Welfare Opinions? The Link between Public Opinion and Social Policy in the Netherlands (1970–2004)." Journal of Social Policy 40, no. 2 (July 21, 2010): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000577.

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AbstractA major shortcoming in the existing literature on welfare state legitimacy is that it cannot explain when social policy designs follow public preferences and when public opinion follows existing policy designs and why. Scholars examining the influence of public opinion on welfare policies, as well as scholars investigating institutional influences on individual welfare attitudes, find empirical evidence to support both relationships. While a relationship in both directions is plausible, scholars have yet to thoroughly investigate the mutual relationship between these two. Consequently, we still do not know under which circumstances welfare institutions invoke public approval of welfare policies and under which circumstances public opinion drives welfare policy. Taking a quantitative approach to public opinion and welfare state policies in the Netherlands, this paper addresses this issue in an attempt to increase our understanding of welfare state legitimacy. The results show that individual opinions influence relatively new policies, policies which are not yet fully established and where policy designs are still evolving and developing. Social policy, on the other hand, is found to influence individual opinions on established and highly institutionalised policies, but does not influence individual opinions in relatively new areas of social policy.

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Gabel, Matthew, and Simon Hix. "Understanding Public Support for British Membership of the Single Currency." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00517.x.

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There has been much public debate about whether a referendum on British membership of the European single currency could be won despite opinion polls showing a widening gap between those opposed to membership and those in favour. However, academic research provides little insight into why British attitudes towards the Euro vary at an individual level, and hence what factors might be crucial in a referendum campaign. Existing studies suggest, among other things, that British political parties can shape voters' preferences on important public policy issues. We explore this and other explanations using data from recent Eurobarometer and British Elections Study surveys. We find that general evaluations of the EU, British national identity and concerns over the democratic character of EU governance are stronger predictors of support for the single currency than which party a person supports. However, we also find that the influence of these factors varies with a citizen's level of information about the Euro, which suggests that the supply and use of information might be crucial in a referendum campaign.

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Brettschneider, Frank, Michaela Maier, and Jürgen Maier. "From D-Mark to Euro: the impact of mass media on public opinion in Germany." German Politics 12, no. 2 (August 2003): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000412331307584.

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Wonneberger, Anke, Marijn H. C. Meijers, and Andreas R. T. Schuck. "Shifting public engagement: How media coverage of climate change conferences affects climate change audience segments." Public Understanding of Science 29, no. 2 (November 11, 2019): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662519886474.

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While it is often assumed that media attention for events, such as international climate change conferences, can influence public opinion, research studying changes in public opinion concerning climate change is scarce. Research on climate change audience segments and the theory of motivated reasoning suggest that media effects depend on the level of audience engagement with climate change. We analyze how exposure to media coverage of the COP21 affected public opinion in the Netherlands. Based on a two-wave online panel survey ( N = 876), we identified five audience segments that varied in their degree of climate change beliefs, involvement, policy preferences, and behavioral intentions. Different media effects across segments were found indicating (dis)confirmation bias, specifically, for medium levels of positive and negative engagement. The findings indicate that important events may cause limited changes in public opinion and emphasize the importance of studying segment-specific and content-specific media effects.

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Joris, Willem, Leen d’Haenens, and Baldwin Van Gorp. "The effects of metaphorical frames on attitudes: The Euro crisis as war or disease?" Communications 44, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2018-2021.

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Abstract Previous research has identified the frames and metaphors used in the reporting on the Euro crisis. War and disease turned out to be the two most frequently used metaphorical frames. Since coverage of the current financial crisis may have a tangible effect on public opinion, research into the effects of metaphorical frames on attitudes is needed. By employing two survey experiments, a student sample (N = 259) and a nonstudent sample (N = 507), this article traces the effects of both metaphorical frames. Our results show that individuals take over the metaphorical frame elements in their evaluation of the Euro crisis. Participants in the war conditions significantly more often referred to war when answering the open questions. Alternatively, when the Euro crisis was framed as a disease, participants were more likely to use words and sentences containing disease frame elements.

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21

Mulder, Karel. "The dynamics of public opinion on nuclear power. Interpreting an experiment in the Netherlands." Technological Forecasting and Social Change 79, no. 8 (October 2012): 1513–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2012.04.018.

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22

Giubboni, Stefano. "European Citizenship and Social Rights in Times of Crisis." German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (August 1, 2014): 935–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019210.

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European citizenship celebrated its twentieth anniversary during the most difficult and uncertain moment of the Union's crisis. The real economy has now been fully saturated by the financial crisis far beyond the borders of the Euro-Mediterranean area, with devastating social effects in those countries most affected. The prolonged vertical drop of the gross domestic product in Greece—the epicenter of the crisis—has been intertwined with a dramatic and unprecedented growth of levels of unemployment and social suffering in a vortex destructive to the point of validating the perception, now widespread not only within the bewildered public opinion of that unfortunate country, that the “rescue” of the Union has been based on a cure that is worse than the disease. The recent general elections in Italy, a country key for the stability and indeed the survival of the Euro-zone, have produced a situation of fragmentation and political instability that is both unprecedented and disquieting. Among the few elements of certainty in Italy can be found a widespread Euro-skepticism, if not an openly anti-European mood, that is also unprecedented in the history of the country's public opinion, which historically is among the most favorable towards a strengthening of the integration process. With the worsening of the economic and social crisis, the very tenacious confidence in Europe as a positive “external constraint” which has supported Italy's efforts towards reforms, commencing with its admission into the Euro-zone in the latter 1990s until the most recent experience of the technocratic government headed by Mario Monti, seems to have declined. Everywhere in Europe, a sense of frustration and distrust in recent years has grown against the Union and its frantically sought capacity to respond to the crisis without finding truly effective outcomes.

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Campbell, Christopher M., David A. Makin, and Sanne AM Rijkhoff. "A rhetorical balancing act: Popular punitivism in the Netherlands." Punishment & Society 19, no. 5 (October 7, 2016): 543–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474516672882.

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The level of influence public discourse has on policy can vary widely. Research has noted that while it is largely dependent on the topic, frequency, and severity of the message, political rhetoric has the potential to sway public opinion and support. Particularly true for crime policy, rhetoric has historically been a strong factor for many countries such as the United States and England often understood as popular punitivism. However, popular punitivism has not been empirically characterized with specific focus given to political discourse, especially in international context. This paper attempts to capture the scope and relationship between rhetoric, political gain, crime policy, and public response in the Netherlands. Using the context of popular punitivism, we analyze rhetoric from three different political outlets (party platforms, coalition agreements, and statements of the throne) and triangulate the codes with passed policies, voter support, and systemic action. Findings suggest that recent rhetoric often exaggerates observed crime in society, consistent with expectations of popular punitivism perspectives. However, such exaggeration does not necessarily correlate with public support and system response patterns. Implications for discourse theory and popular punitivism are discussed.

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Parker, Charles H., Judith Pollmann, and Andrew Spicer. "Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands: Essays in Honour of Alastair Duke." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 785. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479024.

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Drees, Marijke Meijer. "Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands. Essays in Honour of Alastair Duke." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 402–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x463464.

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Aziza, Zahra Nur, and Daniel Yeri Kristiyanto. "Prediction of The Level of Public Trust in Government Policies in the 1^st Quarter of The Covid 19 Pandemic using Sentiment Analysis." E3S Web of Conferences 317 (2021): 05013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131705013.

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The covid-19 pandemic has made changes in society, including Government policy. The policy changes led to mixing responses from the public, namely netizens. Netizen shares their opinion in social media, including Twitter. Their opinion can represent the public’s trust in the Government. Sentiment analysis analyses others’ opinions and categorises them into positive opinions, negative opinions, or neutral opinions. Sentiment analysis can analyze large numbers of opinions so that public opinion can be analyzed quickly. This paper explains how to analyze public trust using sentiment analysis and to use Naïve Bayes classification method to analyze sentiment. The data research was taken from Twitter in the first quarter of the Covid-19 pandemic, with around 3000 tweets. The tweets were related to Covid-19 and the Government from several countries such as the United States, Australia, Ireland, Switzerland, Italy, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Canada, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany, and Lebanon. This study aims to determine the level of public trust in the Government in the first quarter of the Covid-19 pandemic. The research result is expected to be used as a reference for the public policy stakeholders to determine future policies.

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Berbers, Anna, Justus Uitermark, Vincent A. Traag, and Leen d'Haenens. "From the margin to the centre? A relational analysis of discursive contention in the minority integration debate in the Low Countries." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 8 (April 26, 2019): 705–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519842476.

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Minority integration is a highly contested topic in public debates, and assimilationist actors appear to have gained discursive ground. However, it remains difficult to accurately depict how power relations in debates change and evolve. In this study, the public debates on minority integration in Flanders and the Netherlands between 2006 and 2012 are studied to ascertain changing power relations. We use a relational method to identify clusters formed through discursive contention and study polarization in the debates as well as several aspects of discursive power between and within clusters. In the Netherlands, a pattern identified in earlier research is reproduced, whereby a unified but small cluster of assimilationists with strong discursive leaders is able to dominate the debate on integration. In Flanders, group consolidation is too low, so the clusters cannot be viewed as cohesive groups. Another difference to the Dutch debate is that the volume of opinion articles is much lower and the actors in the Flemish debate are more often foreign opinion leaders. We conclude that the assimilationists have increased their discursive power in the Dutch debate, while the anti-assimilationists have lost power. The stark contrast between the Dutch and Flemish discursive landscape highlights the need for more research on the causal mechanism behind discursive struggles.

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Toepfl, Florian, and Eunike Piwoni. "Targeting dominant publics: How counterpublic commenters align their efforts with mainstream news." New Media & Society 20, no. 5 (June 9, 2017): 2011–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817712085.

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This study illustrates how the emphasis structure of counterpublic discourses surfacing online can be predicted by that of the dominant publics that these counterpublics—at the argumentative level—so resolutely oppose. Deploying a single common case study design, the article scrutinizes a counterpublic discourse that surfaced in the comment sections of Germany’s opinion-leading news websites in the week after the surprising electoral success of a new anti-Euro party, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Quantitative content analysis identifies 75% of all comments posted ( N = 2955) to all articles about the AfD ( N = 19) as part of an anti-Euro counterpublic. While this counterpublic sharply opposed the editorial lines of Germany’s unanimously pro-common-currency media, it still aligned its efforts closely with this dominant public—albeit at a deeper level. As the findings demonstrate, the frequencies with which commenters adopted six emphasis frames were significantly predicted by the frequencies of these frames in mainstream news.

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Tsyganova, L. A., and L. Bieszke. "View of Polish and Russian Media on Euro 2012: Comparing and Contrasting." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-169-182.

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Considering the role of the media in modern society, we need to understand that public opinion about football fans in general is formed out of the information transmitted by the media. The objective of the study is to analyze the different views and aspects of the Euro 2012: its influence on countries development; its profitability but also the behavior of fans – their cooperation and rivalry. However, contemporary scholarship on sports sociology and football fandom subcultures does not recognize class impact on the near-football movement. European Football Championship 2012 showed problems of development and regulation of football fanaticism. It is essential to see how events on Euro 2012 in Poland, collision and confrontation Polish and Russian fans were reflected in Russian, Polish and UK press “Sport-Express”, “Soviet Sport”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta”, “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Gazeta Polska”, “The Independent” and “The Guardian”. Football fans’, organization, and culture require precise studies, not only for understanding of current situation, but, perhaps, also for the development of an adequate strategy of interaction with them in the run-up to the World Cup in 2018. It is also necessary to identify not only the relationship of this movement to the different sectors of society, but also a subculture itself and its image in public opinion shaped by the media. In the era of globalization, understanding of youth subcultures is complicated and leads to a paradox. At the moment, there is a modification of the fan movement. On the one hand, we see the transition from bullying to the cultural «fanatism»; on the other hand, the question arises, if the bullies were an integral part of this culture, do we talk about the death or rebirth of culture? Youth subcultures in the era of postmodernism and globalization are transformed, into the phenomenon of «postsubculture», and may enhance the destructive tendencies in the spiritual life of the young generation, increasing the level of nihilistic attitudes. It should also be noted that the movement of football fans is becoming mainstream. There has been an increase in the popularity of fandom in society. This is due to the attention to this phenomenon in the media, in the cinema and fiction.

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BONGERS, I. M. B., I. A. M. VAN DE GOOR, and H. F. L. GARRETSEN. "SOCIAL CLIMATE ON ALCOHOL IN ROTTERDAM, THE NETHERLANDS: PUBLIC OPINION ON DRINKING BEHAVIOUR AND ALCOHOL CONTROL MEASURES." Alcohol and Alcoholism 33, no. 2 (March 1, 1998): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.alcalc.a008370.

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van Bruinessen, Martin. "The Netherlands and the Gülen movement." Sociology of Islam 1, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00104004.

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The Gülen movement has been active among immigrant workers from Turkey in the Netherlands since the 1980s. Its first institutions—educational centers, boarding houses, schools, business associations—were established when a (partly) Dutch-educated second generation came to adulthood in the mid-1990s. Ağabeyler (“older brothers”) dispatched from Turkey remained in the background, while students and graduates of Dutch universities and colleges built up support networks in Dutch civil society and municipal administrations, finding official endorsement as well as subsidies for some of their initiatives. They encountered increasing opposition from a coalition of Kemalist and former leftist Turks and anti-Muslim Dutch politicians and journalists, reflecting changing attitudes towards Islam in Dutch popular discourse as well as power struggles in Turkey. Activities that had previously been praised and supported by Dutch counterparts, such as homework assistance centers, dormitories, and (secular) schools came under suspicion when public opinion was alerted that these were the initiatives of a non-transparent Muslim piety movement. In response to negative publicity that accused these schools of brainwashing and Islamic indoctrination, and to prove that it made positive contributions to social integration, the movement closed its dormitories for secondary school students. This was followed by intensified efforts to show success in secular ventures. The result turned the Gülen movement into arguably the most successfully integrated immigrant-based organization in the country.

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Dewachter, Wilfried. "De Europese eenmaking in de Vlaamse publieke opinie : onbekendheid, onverschilligheid, gelatenheid of machteloosheid." Res Publica 45, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2003): 481–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v45i2-3.18487.

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Unlike France, Denmark, Sweden, Austria and other E.U. countries Belgium has not yet organised a referendum on European policy matters, however important these may be. So one is constrained to opinion polls and survey data to grasp the attitude of the Flemish community towards European integration. Five important policy matters are examined: the introduction of the euro, the involvement in E.U. countries, the enlargement of the E.U. , the institutional design and the position ofthe Flemish community in the E.U. At the end, with about 20 % of the electorale trying to follow the intricate European polities, on the whole public opinion on Europe in Flanders seem to be a mixture of unfamiliarity, indifference, resignation and acceptance of the policy advocated by the elitist consensus in Belgium on these matters. The missing impetus is the incentives provided by a referendum to become concerned with the complex policy-making and policies in Europe.

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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. "The Dynamics of Public Support for Coalition Governments." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 3 (October 1995): 350–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003002.

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This article investigates the relationship between economic conditions and party support for coalition parties in Denmark and the Netherlands. The article argues that the simple reward-punishment model cannot fully account for changes in citizens' support for parties, given variable economic performance. Using aggregate public support data for political parties, the article shows that citizens differentiate between coalition partners depending on the parties' issue priorities. Instead of blaming or rewarding all coalition parties in a uniform fashion, citizens shift support from one coalition party to another, depending on the perceived competence of a party to deal with particular economic problems. The article finds that the structure of responsibility in parliamentary democracies ruled by coalition governments is more complex than is often assumed. Therefore, it is argued that students of economics and public opinion should pay particular attention to the institutional context in which citizens make choices.

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van Spanje, Joost, and Till Weber. "Does ostracism affect party support? Comparative lessons and experimental evidence." Party Politics 25, no. 6 (September 12, 2017): 745–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817730722.

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The success of anti-immigration parties (AIPs) in many European democracies poses a strategic problem for established actors: Immediate policy impact of AIPs can be averted by ostracizing them (i.e. refusing any cooperation), but this strategy may sway public opinion further in their favour. A comparative review shows large variation in the electoral trajectories of ostracized parties. We therefore propose a model of the context conditions that shape the repercussions of ostracism in public opinion. Under conditions that suggest substantial policy impact of an AIP were it to join a coalition government, ostracism should decrease the party’s electoral support. Vice versa, if context suggests strong “signaling” potential of an AIP if in opposition, ostracism should increase its support. To avoid apparent endogeneity of political context and party competition, the model is tested with a survey-embedded experiment on a representative sample from the Netherlands. Results confirm that ostracism is a double-edged strategy.

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Boer, Theo A., and A. Stef Groenewoud. "Dutch Reformed support for Assisted Dying in the Netherlands 1969–2019." Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 41, no. 1 (2021): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jsce202161143.

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In the opinion of many, medical assistance in dying is advocated primarily by secular thinkers whereas Christians seem to be more skeptical. However, we conclude that Dutch euthanasia practice, the most liberal in the world, would not have been possible without the support of the Protestant Church in the Netherlands. We examine four sources that illustrate the nature and extent of that support: national surveys from 1970–2018, official church reports from 1972–2003, contributions to the public debate in the formative 1970s and 1980s made by protestant theologians and physicians, and a recent survey amongst Reformed pastors regarding their experiences with a parishioner’s euthanasia request. In the form of seven characteristics of Dutch Calvinism we explore the reasons for this early advocacy and try to understand why this support seems to be fading since the turn of the century.

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de Vreese, Claes H. "Primed by the Euro: The Impact of a Referendum Campaign on Public Opinion and Evaluations of Government and Political Leaders." Scandinavian Political Studies 27, no. 1 (March 2004): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0080-6757.2004.099_1.x.

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Houben, Vincent J. H. "The unmastered past: decolonization and Dutch collective memory." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004579.

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The decolonization of Indonesia is far from being a peripheral issue for Dutch national identity. Since the 1970s, but especially in 1995, public debate has erupted in an attempt to come to terms with this part of national history. The protestant ethic is still so strong that discussions revolve in particular around morality and a final verdict. Opinion leaders and historians have, however, not been able to solve the issue, so that the way in which the Netherlands lost their Southeast-Asian colony continues to trouble the Dutch self-image.

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Miškinis, Algirdas, and Ilma Juozėnaitė. "A comparative analysis of foreign direct investment factors." Ekonomika 94, no. 2 (January 1, 2015): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/ekon.2015.2.8230.

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The paper identifies factors affecting the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow. It analyzes the determinants of FDI in recent empirical evidence as well as determines differences among FDI factors in Greece, Ireland, and the Netherlands. The determinants being examined are the gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, exchange rate, unit labor costs, trade openness as well as inflation. The analyzed period is 1974–2012. Data were collected from the World Bank and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) databases. With the help of the VAR model it was determined that only the exchange rate had a significant impact on FDI in Greece. Exchange rate, trade openness and inflation had a slight impact on FDI in Ireland. GDP per capita, unit labor costs and inflation had a slight impact on FDI in the Netherlands. The introduction of euro and the financial crisis had a significant impact on FDI only in Greece. Furthermore, after comparison of public debt, the ease of doing business ranking, budget deficit and the corruption index among the countries, it was determined that the low level of FDI in Greece was caused by the unfavorable investment climate.

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Brigevich, Anna. "Regional identity and support for integration: An EU-wide comparison of parochialists, inclusive regionalist, and pseudo-exclusivists." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 28, 2018): 639–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518793708.

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The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

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Suijkerbuijk, Anita, Corien Swaan, Marie-Josee J. Mangen, Johan Polder, Aura Timen, and Helma Ruijs. "PP006 Ebola In The Netherlands: Costs Of Preparedness And Response." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, S1 (2017): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462317002008.

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INTRODUCTION:Between December 2013 and April 2016, an unprecedented epidemic of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) took place. This epidemic urged countries all over the world to be prepared for the possibility of having an EVD patient (1). Besides morbidity and mortality of the disease, containment efforts also have economic consequences for society. In this study, costs of preparedness for and response to EVD made by the Dutch health system were estimated.METHODS:We used an activity-based costing method in which cost of personnel time targeted at preparedness, and response activities was based on a time recording system and interviews with key professionals of the organizations involved. In addition, patient days of hospitalizations, laboratory tests, personal protective equipment (PPE), as well as costs for additional cleaning and disinfection were acquired via the organizations. All costs are expressed at the 2015-euro price level.RESULTS:The estimated total costs of EVD preparedness and response in the Netherlands were averaged at EUR14.1 million, ranging from EUR7.6 to EUR24.9 million. There were thirteen possible cases clinically evaluated and one confirmed case, admitted through an international evacuation request, corresponding to approximately EUR1 million per case (2). Preparedness activities of personnel, especially of all ambulance care services and hospitals that could possibly receive a case, and expenditures on PPE, were the main cost drivers.CONCLUSIONS:The estimated total cost of EVD preparedness and response in the Netherlands was substantial. Costs made by healthcare organizations were higher than among public health organizations (3). Designating one ambulance care service and fewer hospitals for the assessment of possible patients with viral hemorrhagic fever or other highly infectious disease of high consequence might improve efficiency and reduce future costs. The experiences and collaboration of healthcare organizations that managed patients with possible EVD can serve as a valuable resource for future outbreaks of other highly infectious diseases.

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van Laere, I. R. A. L. "Continuous Morbidity Registration sentinel stations. The Netherlands 2000: Edited by A I M Bartelds. (Pp 162; € 15.) Utrecht: NIVEL, Netherlands Institute for health services research, 2002. ISBN 90-6905-555-4." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 57, no. 5 (May 1, 2003): 392—b—392. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.57.5.392-b.

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Chari, Raj S., Suvi Iltanen, and Sylvia Kritzinger. "Examining and Explaining the Northern League's ‘U-Turn’ from Europe." Government and Opposition 39, no. 3 (2004): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.000129.x.

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AbstractSet in the context of the larger literature on regionalist parties and specifically on the Italian Northern League, this paper examines and explains why the party moved from Euro-positivism to Euroscepticism. Drawing on concepts raised in the larger comparative politics literature, five explanations of this U-turn towards Europe are evaluated. It is argued that, despite the strength of explanations that focus on the desires of party supporters, the role of public opinion, the potential influence of economic investors or the role of EU-level institutions in shaping party preferences, a more cogent explanation focuses on domestic-level developments. The conclusions will underscore the general implications of this research for the study of parties, particularly regionalist ones in the EU, highlighting that a party's changing stance towards supranational integrationist polices can be best understood as a consequence of its experience in a political system's electoral system.

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Klijn, Albert, and Marnix Croes. "Public opinion on lay participation in the criminal justice system of the Netherlands Some tentative findings from a panel survey." Utrecht Law Review 3, no. 2 (December 20, 2007): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/ulr.52.

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de Best-Waldhober, Marjolein, Dancker Daamen, Andrea Ramirez Ramirez, André Faaij, Chris Hendriks, and Erika de Visser. "Informed public opinion in the Netherlands: Evaluation of CO2 capture and storage technologies in comparison with other CO2 mitigation options." International Journal of Greenhouse Gas Control 10 (September 2012): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijggc.2012.05.023.

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Nugteren, Tineke. "Vuur, as en water:." Religie & Samenleving 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.12983.

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There are groups that prefer to keep themselves below the radar screen of politics and public opinion. This may be indicative of their preferred acculturation strategy as well as of their inability to come forward with a collectively supported representation. In the Netherlands Hindustanis – a group consisting of around 100,000 people with a background of labour migration from India to Surinam, a Dutch colony at that time – may well be in such a situation. By looking more closely at the various processes of loss, maintenance and proliferation regarding the current state of their death rituals I illustrate how below-radar styles of negotiation may work to their advantage.

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de Oliveira, Jonathan Rocha, Maria Thereza de Oliveira Souza, and André Mendes Capraro. "Media coverage and public opinion of hosting a women’s football mega-event: the English bid for UEFA Women’s Euro 2022." Sport in Society 25, no. 4 (January 11, 2022): 799–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2022.2025778.

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Ingenhoff, Diana, Giada Calamai, and Efe Sevin. "Key Influencers in Public Diplomacy 2.0: A Country-Based Social Network Analysis." Social Media + Society 7, no. 1 (January 2021): 205630512098105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120981053.

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This article presents a study of Twitter-based communication in order to identify key influencers and to assess the role of their communication in shaping country images. The analysis is based on a 2-month dataset comprised of all tweets including hashtags of the three countries selected for this study: Austria, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. Following a two-step flow model of communication, we initially identified the influential Twitter users in all three countries based on their centrality measures. Subsequently, we carried out a qualitative content analysis of tweets posted by these influential users. Finally, we assessed the similarities and differences across the three country cases. This article offers new insights into public diplomacy 2.0 activities by discussing influence within the context of country images and demonstrating how opinion leaders can play a more dominant role than states or other political actors in creating and disseminating content related to country image. The findings also provide practical insights in the production of a country’s image and its representation on new media platforms.

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Goyvaerts, Samuel, and Fokke Wouda. "Dutch Responses to Lockdown Liturgies. Analysis of the Public Debate on Sacraments During the COVID-19 Pandemic." Yearbook for Ritual and Liturgical Studies 36 (December 31, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/yrls.36.3-17.

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Analyzing the discourse around sacraments – most notably the Eucharist – in Dutch newspapers in the first months of restrictions issued to combat the coronavirus pandemic, this article categorizes the various manifestations of liturgical life encountered and presents the main theological interests at stake. The article is structured according to the four types of adaptations to liturgical life displayed in the sample of articles, readers’ letters, and opinion pieces included in this study: abstinence, spectator liturgy, private domestic liturgy, and embedded domestic liturgy. This categorization helps to track the theological presuppositions involved, some of which have been explicitly articulated in the sample. These arguments are then collected and discussed. In doing so, this article lists significant responses to the liturgical practices that emerged during the first lockdown of 2020 in the Netherlands and analyses the most important themes involved, formulating some of the implications for the future of liturgical practice and thought.

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Peters, Susan, Leonard van den Berg, Jan Veldink, and Roel Vermeulen. "O6E.6 Occupational exposures and ALS: international collaborations and new ways to identify risk factors." Occupational and Environmental Medicine 76, Suppl 1 (April 2019): A61.1—A61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oem-2019-epi.163.

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BackgroundAssociations between occupational exposures and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) have been suggested, but results are inconsistent. Case-control studies are best suited for inclusion of clinically confirmed incident cases, but prone to recall bias. Cohort studies are free from recall bias and may have pre-symptomatic blood stored, to inform about exposures (e.g. lead) well before disease onset.MethodsAn ongoing nation-wide ALS case-control study has been conducted in the Netherlands since 2006 (currently over 3000 cases and 4500 controls) to study risk factors and possible gene-environment interactions. Part of this study has been pooled with case-control studies from Ireland and Italy (Euro-MOTOR), where the same questionnaire was administered.ResultsWithin the Euro-MOTOR study, ∼1300 cases and ∼2600 controls had full job histories available. Occupational exposures to a range of agents were assessed using job-exposure matrices. Analyses were adjusted for age, sex, centre, education, smoking and alcohol. We found significant associations between ALS and exposure to silica (OR 1.73, 95% CI 1.28–2.33), extremely low-frequency magnetic fields (OR 1.16, 95% CI 1.01–1.33) and electric shocks (OR 1.23, 95% CI 1.05–1.43), independent of the other occupational exposures studied.Future perspectivesA nested ALS case-control study was conducted within the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition (EPIC) cohort. 219 people who died from ALS have been identified, and pre-symptomatic blood samples from 168 of these cases are available for analyses. Three controls per case were selected by incidence density sampling matched by age at recruitment, sex and study centre. Metal concentrations will be analysed in the erythrocytes. This would be the first prospective study on the association between exposure to metals and ALS.ConclusionEach study design has its strengths and weaknesses, and ALS should be investigated in a range of (occupational) studies to gain better understanding of its aetiology.

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SNIDERMAN, PAUL M., LOUK HAGENDOORN, and MARKUS PRIOR. "Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities." American Political Science Review 98, no. 1 (February 2004): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540400098x.

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This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories—realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of identity based on group membership. The larger aim of this study is to investigate the interplay of predisposing factors and situational triggers in evoking political responses. The analysis is based on a series of three experiments embedded in a public opinion survey carried out in The Netherlands (n=2007) in 1997–98. The experiments, combined with parallel individual-level measures, allow measurement of the comparative impact of both dispositionally based and situationally triggered threats to economic well-being and to national identity at work. The results show, first, that considerations of national identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities and, second, that the effect of situational triggers is to mobilize support for exclusionary policies above and beyond the core constituency already predisposed to support them.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Euro – Netherlands – Public opinion'

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