Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Euro – Germany – Public opinion'
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1
Donnelly, Jared. "Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.
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In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.
2
Casey, S. "Franklin D Roosevelt, American public opinion and Nazi Germany 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508844.
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Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.
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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
5
Gurdag, Hande. "The Public Opinion In The Eu On Turkey'." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610233/index.pdf.
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The main aim of this thesis is to examine the perspectives of the European public opinion on the issue of Turkish membership to the EU. That way the question whether Turkish accession can be managed in a similar way to that of other enlargements will be better enlightened.
This thesis will examine how the general public perspective is shaped or changed in the post Helsinki era. In order to determine the general tendencies of public opinion of EU, on Turkey&rsquos accession
three approaches on the issue, British, French and German perspectives, as sample cases will be studied. In order to fully comprehend the subject, arguments and reasons cited against or for Turkish membership in various political parties/campaigns&rsquo
and non-governmental organizations, their reflections in written and visual media and recent opinion polls will be elaborated and compared as well as the official point of view on the matter.
6
Bennet, Victor Kenneth. "Public opinion and propaganda in national socialist Germany during the war against the Soviet Union /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10371.
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Glant, Tibor. "Through the prism of the Habsburg monarchy : Hungary in American diplomacy and public opinion during the First World War." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/74531/.
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This is a study of American attitudes towards Hungary during the First World War. The focus is on the American images of Hungary and of key Hungarian politicians, such as Tisza, Apponyi, Andrassy and Karolyi. The opinions of President Wilson are given special attention both before and during the war. Other prominent Americans discussed include Theodore Roosevelt, various members of Wilson's cabinet (Lansing, Baker, Daniels) as well as his private advisors (Colonel House, Creel, the Inquiry), his Ambassadors (Penfield, Gerard, Stovall) and American intelligence agents. A second set of opinions has been obtained from dismemberment propaganda in America and from the survey of various American daily and weekly newspapers and the Hungarian·American press. Another major theme is the re·evaluation of Wilson's Habsburg diplomacy, which was prompted by new developments in Wilson research on the one hand and by many observations during my studies on the other. It is argued that claims that lansing, dismemberment propaganda and separatist politicians from the Habsburg Monarchy decided Wilson's actions do not hold water: the President made his decisions alone in the Habsburg case in response. to a series of events between April and June 1918. It is also pointed out that despite the growing American involvement in the war the prewar lack of interest in· Hungary was maintained, although the romanticized concept based upon the Kossuth· myth was replaced by another extreme interpretation based upon dismemberment propaganda. The fact that no, American authority decided to obtain a genuine picture of early twentieth century Hungary meant that American policies were based upon cliches and misconceptions, which were also carried into the Peace Conference period. Another thing to remember is the fact that Hungary was part of the Austro·Hungarian Empire during the First World War, which ruled out a separate Hungarian policy on the part of the Wilson administration. To get around this awkward situation the focus of the thesis is constantly shifted between Hungary and the Monarchy, with concentrating on Hungary when and where possible.
8
Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.
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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
9
Gewecke, Hanne. "Rage Against the System or its Measures? : Polity and Policy related Euroscepticism in Times of Economic Crisis." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-422937.
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This master’s thesis offers a descriptive investigation of how public Euroscepticism has changed during the economic crisis. By regarding Eurosceptic opinions as positions on a scale as well as differentiating between opposition towards policy (concrete decisions and measures) and polity (the EU as a political system), the results show that overall, European citizens have not only become negative towards how the EU handled the crisis in terms of policy output. Policy opposition also tends to spill over into the polity area, entailing increasing preferences for reducing EU competences and for leaving the union all together. The policy-polity distinction is a perspective on Euroscepticism as opposition, that has largely been set aside in previous research. Furthermore, the paper describes how support for the EU polity and its policies has changed in different member states through a cross country analysis. The results show that there is great and unexpected variation between countries that would be assumed to display a similar development in the light of previous research. In addition, there are similarities between countries that were expected to develop differently. This indicates a limited understanding in this research field of how national factors influence public attitudes towards the European Union. A topic that needs to be investigated further.
10
Lingnau, Alina. "Public Service Television and Young Audiences in Germany and Sweden : An Explorative Study About Young Audiences’ Opinion about and Use of Television and Public Service Broadcasting." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77674.
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In the Swedish and German media landscapes public service broadcasters are well-established. Young people however prefer private channels which leads to a legitimization problem for the public service broadcasters because they do not reach the whole population. When airing popular programmes on the other hand, they are criticized for not being distinguishable from commercial competitors. This problem is intensifying by current technological developments and the need to redefine public service broadcasting. This study investigates the young audiences’ use of and opinion about public service broadcasters against the social and technological background of their media use. Therefore semi-structured interviews were carrying out with Swedish and German adolescents. The findings suggest that even though differences in the two countries’ public service channels are obvious, the young people’s opinion about them are quite similar; they appreciate the high quality news and information programmes but hardly connect the public service channels to entertainment which is the kind of programming they are most interested in and therefore they do not necessarily belong to the young people’s media repertoires. The study illustrates the public service broadcasters’ need to adjust their content more to the audiences’ desires and to more explicitly take young people into account while at the same time sticking to their core competences of high quality informative programmes.
11
Schneider, Christoph. "Der Warschauer Kniefall : Ritual, Ereignis und Erzählung /." Konstanz : UVK, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2755735&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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Cowling, Daniel Luke. "Britain and the Occupation of Germany, 1945-49." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288547.
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The Allied Occupation of Germany, 1945-49, was intended to transform the war-torn Third Reich into a peaceable nation through a series of far-reaching political, economic, and social reforms. But amid the growing tensions between East and West these radical plans would be significantly altered, culminating in the formation of two German states in 1949. Historians have tended to view the occupation as a backdrop to the nascent Cold War or a transitional period in the history of modern Germany. Yet this thesis suggests that British participation in the Allied occupation was, in fact, much more than simply an exercise in political pragmatism or a contribution to the rebuilding of war-torn Europe. Rather, this undertaking catalysed Britain's political and public confrontation with Nazism, laying some of the most significant and durable foundations of the postwar Anglo-German relationship. This research utilises contemporary mass media sources and official records to explore British images and perceptions of Germany under occupation, scrutinising the interactions of decision-makers, the media, and the public. It begins with an examination of the pervasive culture war that emerged in wartime Britain over the precise interpretation and resolution of the so-called 'German problem'. The thesis then goes on to consider public portrayals of the occupation vis-à-vis the evolution of official policy, beginning in the summer of 1945 when British policymakers responded to popular demands for a 'hard peace' and approved a rigorous programme of denazification, re-education, and demilitarisation. In the coming years, scandals engulfed the public image of the British occupiers, threatening to undermine Britain's claims on 'winning the peace' and even prompting an official public relations campaign. The mass market press led calls for an abrupt end to the occupation, fearing it was undermining the nation's prestige while failing to adequately address the threat still posed by Germany. At around the same time, Britain's political and military leaders reassessed their position in the face of the Cold War, turning towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of western Germany. By 1949, a clear dichotomy had emerged, with implications reaching far beyond the immediate postwar period: while anxieties over the 'German problem' remained largely intact amongst substantial sections of the British press and public, with many regarding the occupation as an abject failure, policymakers were firmly set on the path towards Anglo-German reconciliation and alliance.
13
Welch, David. "The Third Reich politics and propaganda /." London : Routledge, 2002. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10205184.
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Elfe, Constantin. "Die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen die Entstehung des Antiamerikanismus durch Aufhebung der eigenen Probleme /." Berlin : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37445131.html.
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15
Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
16
Cavaille, Charlotte. "Demand for Redistribution in the Age of Inequality." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065021.
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This dissertation investigates the dynamics of mass attitudes toward redistributive social policies in post-industrial democracies: How have these attitudes changed over time? What factors and mechanisms drive these changes?
According to workhorse models in political economy, as inequality increases, support for redistributive social policies should also increase, especially among those most likely to benefit from them. Yet, despite a sharp growth in income inequality in the United States and the United Kingdom since the 1970's, there is no evidence that attitudinal trends match these predictions.
Drawing from findings in the behavioral sciences on mental processes of attitude formation and on the role of other-oriented concerns, I argue that political economy's workhorse models perform well only under specific scope conditions. Once these conditions are accounted for, observed trends become less puzzling.
First, workhorse models only capture one component of demand for redistribution, namely support for redistribution conceived as taking from the "rich" (redistribution from), and ignore a separate component, support for redistribution conceived as giving to the "poor" (redistribution to). These two facets of redistribution, I argue, prime different individual motives: self-interested income maximization on the one hand, and other-oriented social affinity with welfare beneficiaries on the other, which is shaped by social ranking and non-economic moral dispositions.
Second, attitudinal change that matches these models' predictions is conditional on whether elites politicize redistributive issues. The nature and structure of the options available in one's political environment impact the kind of choices citizens make, i.e. the motives that guide attitude formation. I show how elite competition over distinct redistributive agendas increases the likelihood that individuals will translate their economic circumstances into support for, or opposition to, redistribution.
Through a context-sensitive analysis of longitudinal survey data, I show how most of the action in the UK and the US has happened through other-oriented motives. The decline in the predictive power of income in these countries, has been mirrored in both countries by an increase in the predictive power of moral values. Differences in the choice sets provided by elite-level electoral competition help explain how this plays out differently on each side of the Atlantic.
17
Krumland, Daniela. "Beitrag der Medien zum politischen Erfolg : Forstwirtschaft und Naturschutz im Politikfeld Wald /." Frankfurt a.M. [u.a.] : Lang, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/goettingen/381908437.pdf.
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Heine, Sophie. "Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne: une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.
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Cette thèse constitue une analyse de contenu des critiques contre l'Union européenne exprimées par plusieurs acteurs politiques et sociaux de gauche en France et en Allemagne, au cours des débats sur le projet de Constitution européenne. Elle s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux idéologies sous-jacentes à ces critiques. Pour comprendre le sens de ces arguments, les comparer entre eux et les classer, certains idéaux-types ont été élaborés sur quatre dimensions (politique, socio-économique, identitaire et stratégique). Cette recherche a permis de combler une lacune importante dans l'analyse des acteurs dits "eurosceptiques", à savoir, l'étude des idéologies animant ces courants. L'essentiel de la littérature se concentre en effet surtout sur l'explication de l'euroscepticisme et, lorsqu'elle aborde leur idéologie, c'est pour construire des taxinomies excessivement globales. La thèse explore aussi en conclusion certaines pistes d'explications de ces résistances à l'UE en essayant d'aller au-delà des visions stratégiques, culturalistes et institutionnalistes, dominantes dans ce domaine, et en insistant davantage sur les dimensions idéelles et structurelles.//
This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
19
Baur, Tobias. "Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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O'Gorman, Aoife Siobhán. "Wissenschaft at war : British and German academic propaganda and the Great War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0fd95e59-568d-48e4-8b72-302757436f84.
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This thesis explores academic propaganda in the first two years of the First World War, examining the activity of the university men in Britain and Germany who were left behind when their students went to the Front. Using pamphlets and manifestoes, it seeks to highlight the way the War split the international academic community and the creation of a debate which examined not only the causes of the War, but the reasons for which the nations were fighting. By exploring the propaganda organisations of both countries, as well as the academic milieu in which the subjects of this thesis worked, it hopes to provide the context within which this propaganda was created, before turning to an examination of the content of the propaganda - an aspect which has often been overlooked in propaganda studies. The investigation of the content looks first at the outbreak of war and the reaction of the academic community to a shock which shook their community. It then turns to the arguments expounded on culpability for the War, and the ideals for which each side felt they were fighting, illustrating the shift in emphasis from a political war to an ideological conflict between two opposing world views. Finally, the thesis considers perceptions of the War in the early years of the conflict, and the way in which it was seen both as a panacea to overcome social divisions and a catharsis which would lead the way to a new world - ideas which would provide the foundation for later war aims. In taking this comparative approach, the aim is to provide new insights into a fascinating and relatively little-known aspect of the history of the First World War.
21
Bonte, Achim. "Werbung für Weimar?" Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-105392.
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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel "Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik" eingereicht wurde.
Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.
22
Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Bonte, Achim. "Werbung für Weimar?: Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik." Palatium-Verlag, 1997. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A2837.
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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel 'Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik' eingereicht wurde.
Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.:Vorwort S. 7
I Einleitung S. 9
II Die Aufgaben und Ausgangsbedingungen großstädtischer Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in der Weimarer Republik S. 23
III Zeitgenössische Entwürfe und Erscheinungsformen kommunaler Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 41
1 Die Entwicklung der materiellen Voraussetzungen S. 41
1.1 Die Institutionen S. 41
1.1.1 Die städtischen Pressestellen (1906-1933) S. 41
1.1.2 Die 'Arbeitsgemeinschaft städtischer Nachrichten und Presseämter' (1921-1932) S. 50
1.1.3 Das Engagement des Deutschen Städtetages (1928-1933) S. 56
1.2 Das Fachpersonal S. 62
1.3 Die Medien S. 67
1.3.1 Wegbereiter und Widerpart: Die Privatpresse S. 67
1.3.2 Bewährungs- und Schlüsselstunden: Öffentliche Rede S. 71
1.3.3 Wirksame 'Sprachrohre'? Kommunale Zeitschriften S. 77
1.3.4 Die neuen Medien als Königsweg? Filme und Hörfunksendungen S. 87
1.3.5 Multimediale Verdichtungen: Städtische Ausstellungen, Fest- und Gedenktage S. 95
2 Die Bewertung der Aufgaben S. 10
2.1 Der Grundkonflikt: 'reine Information' versus politische Meinungsbildung S. 103
2.2 Die Inhalte der Meinungsbildung S. 111
3 Kennzeichen der Kommunikationswege S. 118
3.1 Sprachliche Kommunikation S. 118
3.2 Politische Symbolik und symbolische Politik S. 127
4 Zusammenfassung S. 138
IV Lokale Gesamtansichten - Kommunale Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in Düsseldorf und Mannheim S. 143
1 Die Städteprofile S. 143
2 Die Oberbürgermeister und ihre Mitarbeiter S. 161
3 Organisation, Stellenwert und Zielkonzepte von Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 179
4 Grundsignaturen der praktizierten Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 201
4.1 'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln!': Durchhalteappelle und politische Verwirrung in der Amtszeit Köttgens 1919-1923 S. 201
4.2 Wer bürgt für die Zukunft? Mutlosigkeit und politischer Stillstand in der Ära Kutzer 1918-1928 S. 206
4.3 „Düsseldorf wieder dem Licht entgegen!': Zivilisatorischer Fortschritt und politischer Rückmarsch bei Robert Lehr 1924-1929 S. 219
4.4 Unterwegs zur 'lebendigen Stadt': Aufbruchsstimmung und politischer Neuansatz bei Hermann Heimerich 1928/29 S. 234
4.5 Bankrott der neuen Zeiten: Heimerich und Lehr in der Wirtschafts- und Staatskrise 1930-1933 S. 245
5 Indikatoren und Elemente von Politischer Kultur S. 267
5.1 Die politischen Sprachen und Symbole S. 267
5.2 Alte und neue Kräfte oder die Spannung zwischen Ordnung und Freiheit S. 272
5.2.1 Elite und 'Masse' S. 274
5.2.2 Stadtverwaltung, Parteien und Parteienparlament S. 280
5.3 Geschichtsdeutungen und Zukunftsvisionen S. 283
5.3.1 Der Weltkrieg S. 283
5.3.2 Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen S. 288
V Schluss S. 295
Abkürzungsverzeichnis S. 301
Verzeichnis der Tabellen und Abbildungen S. 303
Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis S. 305
Personen- und Ortsregister S. 327
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Soro, Pamatchin Sylvia-Ghislaine. "L'exigence de conciliation de la liberté d'opinion avec l'ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin-Côte d'Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0026/document.
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Le renouveau du constitutionnalisme amorcé dans les années 1990 en Afrique subsaharienne francophone et la menace sécuritaire grandissante à travers le monde réorientent la problématique des rapports qu’entretient la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire. La reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la liberté d’opinion exige que l’exercice de cette liberté se fasse dans le respect de l’ordre public matériel, avec au coeur de cet ordre juridicisé, la sécurité des personnes, des biens et du territoire national par extension. Cette reconnaissance impose de s’interroger sur la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin- Côte d’Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière de l’expérience des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France). Dans la présente recherche, l’exigence de conciliation s’appuie sur des fondements constitutionnels et son respect doit être assuré par un ensemble de garanties juridiques. Cependant, la conciliation trouve ses limites dans les contingences politiques, économiques et sociales propres aux États de l’Afrique subsaharienne francophone. En effet, dans des pays où l’État de droit est en gestation,la conciliation de deux normes de valeur constitutionnelle est incertaine, surtout lorsque l’une d’entre elle, la liberté d’opinion, peut être mise en oeuvre contre le pouvoir politique tandis que l’autre, l’ordre public sécuritaire, peut lui servir de prétexte pour limiter l’exercice de cette liberté. La réflexion invite in fine à repenser la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire comme un nouveau principe constitutionnel en Afrique subsaharienne francophoneThe renewal of constitutionalism, initiated in the 1990’s in francophone sub-Saharan Africa,and the worldwide growing security threat reorient the issue of the relationships between freedom of opinion and public security order. The constitutional recognition of freedom of opinion requires that the exercise of this freedom be done according to substantive public policy, with, at the heart of this legalised policy, the safety of people, property and, by extension, national territory. This recognition demands that we question the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order in francophone sub-Saharan Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal) in the light of the experience of great contemporary democracies (Germany, France). In this research, constitutional grounds support the conciliation requirement and its respect must be ensured by legal guarantees. However, conciliation finds its limits in the political, economic and social contingencies specific to the francophone sub-Saharan States of Africa. Indeed, in these countries where the rule of law is building up, the conciliation of two constitutional standards is uncertain, especially when one of them, freedom of opinion, can threaten political power whereas the other one, public security order, can become an excuse to limit the exercise of this freedom. The essay invites in fine to reconsider the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order as a new constitutional principle in francophone sub-Saharan Africa
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MAK, Jeannette. "Selling Europe: communicating symbols or symbolic communication? The role of the European Commission and the Dutch and German national governments in achieving public acceptance of the Euro." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5296.
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Defence date: 15 April 2002Examining board: Prof. Michelle Cini, University of Bristol, United Kingdom ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy ; Prof. Brigid Laffan, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland ; Prof. Thomas Risse, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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VERDUN, Amy. "Europe's struggle with the global political economy : a study of how EMU is perceived by actors in the policy-making process in Britain, France and Germany." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5419.
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Defence date: 8 December 1995Examining board: Prof. Gerd Junne (University of Amsterdam) ; Prof. Roger Morgan, supervisor (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (Stanford University) ; Prof. Susan Strange, co-supervisor (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Niels Thygesen (University of Copenhagen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Shields, Alexander Gordon. "Public attitudes towards European integration in Germany and Britain, 1973-1995 /." 2001. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009684838&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Racine, Rosalie. "Confronter les crimes nazis : les procès militaires alliés et l'opinion publique en Allemagne occupée." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25462.
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Ce mémoire de maîtrise analyse les liens entre les premiers procès militaires alliés en Allemagne occupée et l’opinion publique allemande dans l’après-guerre immédiat. Notre mémoire de maîtrise, à travers la présentation de l’analyse du procès de Belsen, organisé par les forces d’occupation britanniques de septembre à novembre 1945, et du procès de Dachau, tenu par le gouvernement militaire américain entre novembre et décembre 1945, cherche à mettre en lumière l’importance que ces derniers revêtaient dans l’établissement de relations cordiales entre occupants et occupés. Ce mémoire démontre donc, par les exemples de Belsen et Dachau, que les procès se situaient à la croisée entre le besoin des Alliés d’établir des relations positives avec les Allemands et leurs programmes de dénazification et de rééducation. Nous remarquons ainsi que, des premières étapes dans l’organisation de ces tribunaux jusqu’à leur achèvement, les Alliés ont pris en considération les différentes réactions des Allemands face aux procédures judiciaires : d’abord, avec l’ancrage des accusations et des procédures judiciaires dans une législation internationale qui précédait le début de la guerre, puis avec l’autorisation d’une défense pour les accusés qui permettait aux Alliés de revendiquer une autorité morale sur leur zone d’occupation. Ce mémoire de maîtrise, en plus d’examiner les procès d’après-guerre et leurs objectifs, propose également une analyse de la couverture journalistique de ces tribunaux et des sondages d’opinion publique menés après les procédures judiciaires. Notre étude établit ainsi que la couverture journalistique des procès était, souvent, une des premières fois où les Allemands se trouvaient confrontés aux atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis. Finalement, avec l’analyse des sondages d’opinion publique, nous argumentons que les procès, en tant qu’outil politique, ont eu un succès mitigé dans l’établissement de relations positives entre les forces d’occupation britanniques et américaines et les Allemands.This masters’ thesis analyses the connections between the first allied military trials held in postwar Germany and German public opinion toward the British and American occupation forces. Focused on the Belsen trial, held in the British occupation zone from September to November 1945, and the Dachau trial, held by the American military government in the U.S. occupation zone between November and December 1945, this study seeks to highlight the importance both trials held for the British and the Americans in establishing positive relations with the Germans. Using Belsen and Dachau as case studies, it argues that, while they were essential to British and American denazification and re-education programs, they also had to be conducted in a manner that ensured the best possible relationship the German public and the occupation forces in both the American and British occupation zones. I demonstrate that, from the initial steps implemented to set up the trials through their conclusion, both powers took German concerns and reactions to the judiciary procedures into account: first by anchoring the charges and the trials themselves in international law preceding the Second World War; then by providing the right to a defense to the accused. Both factors, the Allies believed, allowed them to claim a moral authority over their occupation zone. The memoir’s examination of the trials and their purpose is complimented by an analysis of the press coverage of the trials and public opinion surveys taken after the trials. This study states that the press coverage was oftentimes one the first instances in which Germans were confronted to the atrocities committed in the concentration camps. Finally, this study argues that, as a part of larger programs, the trials had a limited success as a tool to implement positive relations between the British and American occupation forces and the German population.