Relevant bibliographies by topics / Euro – Germany – Public opinion

Academic literature on the topic 'Euro – Germany – Public opinion'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Euro – Germany – Public opinion"

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Brettschneider, Frank, Michaela Maier, and Jürgen Maier. "From D-Mark to Euro: the impact of mass media on public opinion in Germany." German Politics 12, no. 2 (August 2003): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000412331307584.

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Curtis, K. Amber, and Julie Hassing Nielsen. "Personality’s cross-national impact across EU attitude dimensions." Research & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 2020): 205316802097281. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020972812.

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Studies increasingly suggest that personal predispositions affect political attitudes, including those towards the European Union (EU). Yet little is known about the extent to which personality effects on EU support generalize across European countries or attitude domains. We use original survey data from five EU member states (Denmark, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) to investigate how the Big Five (B5) traits affect four different facets of public opinion toward the EU (support for further EU unification, views on EU membership, trust in EU institutions and support for using the euro). While we find that each of the B5 matters in at least one place, we find little consistency in personality’s effects across countries. Neither does any pattern emerge across most dimensions of EU support. Our results underscore the importance of isolating the contextual factors that might condition personality’s impact. They further call for greater theoretical development regarding why and how only certain national environments appear to lend themselves to personality effects. At a minimum, they suggest scholars should be wary of drawing conclusions about the B5’s impact from single cases.
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Vidnianskyi, Stepan. "Stance of European Intellectuals on russia’s Aggression against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-31.

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The article analyses the stance of prominent European intellectuals on the brutal military aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign European country, unleashed by russia, a terrorist-state, which challenged all the democratic values of the Western civilisation and brought humanity to the brink of World War III. In their public appearances, publications and civil engagement, the most prominent representatives of European elites have influenced considerably the European public perception of putin’s war against Ukraine. To wit, Germans Jürgen Habermas and Martin Schulze Wessel, French Françoise Thom and Jonathan Littell, Belgian Bart De Baere, Czech Jan Rychlík, the world-renowned American historian Timothy Snider, and other intellectuals firmly believe that not just putin, but also all russians are responsible for the war, having supported his criminal aggression. Moreover, they believe that Europeans should show utmost support to Ukraine, which is not just fighting against the aggressor for the sake of its existence, freedom, democracy, and pro-European choice, but also against totalitarianism for the sake of the future of Europe. The author stresses that the Euro-Atlantic civilisation needs to unite in combating russia’s aggressive and insidious attempts at imposing on Europe, through its loyal foreign politicians, experts, and institutions, its desired perspective on the russian-Ukrainian war and, in general, Ukrainian history and culture. The author outlines three primary objectives of European intellectuals. The first lies in conveying the truth about the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22, its causes, and geopolitical implications, real and potential, to society. The second focuses on refuting russian deceitful propaganda. The third involves shedding light on the essence, components, and historical roots of ‘ruscism’, the dominant totalitarian ideology of contemporary russia, which poses a threat to the existence of the human civilisation and demands urgent attention and elimination. Keywords: russia, Ukraine, aggression, Europe, intellectuals, public opinion.
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Dalton, Russell J. "Germany Transformed: Public Opinion and German Studies." German Studies Review 13 (1990): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431048.

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in't Veld, Jan. "A Public Investment Stimulus in Surplus Countries and Its Spillovers in the EA." National Institute Economic Review 239 (February 2017): R53—R62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011723900113.

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The Euro Area recommendations endorsed by the European Council in 2016 called for a differentiation of the fiscal effort by individual Member States, taking into account spillovers across Euro Area countries. This article shows model-based simulations of an increase in public investment in Germany and the Netherlands and their spillovers to the rest of the Euro Area. While spillovers in a monetary union may be small when monetary policy reacts by raising interest rates, when rates are kept constant and the stimulus is accommodated, spillovers can be sizeable. An increase in (productive) spending in Germany and the Netherlands can boost GDP in these countries and also have significant positive spillovers on the rest of EA GDP, while the effects on current accounts are likely to be small. Effects can be even larger when investment is directed to the most productive projects. With low borrowing costs at present, the increase in government debt for surplus countries will be modest, while there could be an improvement in debt ratios in the rest of the Euro Area.
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Simpson, D. "Germany: bogus polls and the Euro-pain syndrome." Tobacco Control 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.11.2.90.

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Munzert, Simon, and Paul C. Bauer. "Political Depolarization in German Public Opinion, 1980–2010." Political Science Research and Methods 1, no. 1 (June 2013): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.7.

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Little is known about political polarization in German public opinion. This article offers an issue-based perspective and explores trends of opinion polarization in Germany. Public opinion polarization is conceptualized and measured as alignment of attitudes. Data from the German General Social Survey (1980 to 2010) comprise attitudes towards manifold issues, which are classified into several dimensions. This study estimates multilevel models that reveal general and issue- as well as dimension-specific levels and trends in attitude alignment for both the whole German population and sub-groups. It finds that public opinion polarization has decreased over the last three decades in Germany. In particular, highly educated and more politically interested people have become less polarized over time. However, polarization seems to have increased in attitudes regarding gender issues. These findings provide interesting contrasts to existing research on the American public.
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Curtice, John. "It's Not Just the Economics, Stupid. UK Public Opinion and the Euro." New Economy 10, no. 2 (June 2003): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0041.00301.

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Hobolt, Sara B., and Christopher Wratil. "Public opinion and the crisis: the dynamics of support for the euro." Journal of European Public Policy 22, no. 2 (January 12, 2015): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.994022.

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Krushinsky, V., and B. Pryimak. "GERMANY’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS OF UKRAINE." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 131 (2017): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.22-33.

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Despite the long history of relations Ukraine had a sidetrack in the German Eastern European politics. Ukrainian-German relations were in the shadow of German-Russian. This led to inconsistencies in the development of the German strategy for Ukraine and its European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Another cause is a dualism of German foreign policy – as a nation-state on the one hand and on the other – as the informal leader of the EU, the most influential country in the union, whose foreign policy to some extent affects Europe overall. As the informal leader of the EU, Germany wants to strengthen the organization, including by means of the expansion and attraction of the new member-states. At the same time, Germany cannot let the entry of economically weak and politically unstable states that will dilute the strength of the organization. This opinion is shared by the German foreign policy, since the increased number of weak economies in the EU will increase the burden on the economy of Germany. On the one hand this will prorogue considerably Ukraine’s entry to the EU and NATO, but at the same time the situation may change for the better in the event that positive changes take place in Ukraine. The breakdown of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is characterized by significant changes in the format of relations between countries, including the Eastern region, in particular the relations between Ukraine and Germany changed significantly. There is an abandonment of the fixed spheres of influence concept and political supremacy of some states over others. Germany and many of countries in the region are united in the European Union and NATO. There are new mighty centers of power, especially Poland, which is trying to play an independent role. This dictates the need for Germany to take into account the position of the Polish foreign policy strategies under development in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Euro – Germany – Public opinion"

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Donnelly, Jared. "Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.

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In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.
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Casey, S. "Franklin D Roosevelt, American public opinion and Nazi Germany 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508844.

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Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Gurdag, Hande. "The Public Opinion In The Eu On Turkey&#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610233/index.pdf.

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The main aim of this thesis is to examine the perspectives of the European public opinion on the issue of Turkish membership to the EU. That way the question whether Turkish accession can be managed in a similar way to that of other enlargements will be better enlightened. This thesis will examine how the general public perspective is shaped or changed in the post Helsinki era. In order to determine the general tendencies of public opinion of EU, on Turkey&rsquo
s accession
three approaches on the issue, British, French and German perspectives, as sample cases will be studied. In order to fully comprehend the subject, arguments and reasons cited against or for Turkish membership in various political parties/campaigns&rsquo
and non-governmental organizations, their reflections in written and visual media and recent opinion polls will be elaborated and compared as well as the official point of view on the matter.
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Bennet, Victor Kenneth. "Public opinion and propaganda in national socialist Germany during the war against the Soviet Union /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10371.

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Glant, Tibor. "Through the prism of the Habsburg monarchy : Hungary in American diplomacy and public opinion during the First World War." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/74531/.

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This is a study of American attitudes towards Hungary during the First World War. The focus is on the American images of Hungary and of key Hungarian politicians, such as Tisza, Apponyi, Andrassy and Karolyi. The opinions of President Wilson are given special attention both before and during the war. Other prominent Americans discussed include Theodore Roosevelt, various members of Wilson's cabinet (Lansing, Baker, Daniels) as well as his private advisors (Colonel House, Creel, the Inquiry), his Ambassadors (Penfield, Gerard, Stovall) and American intelligence agents. A second set of opinions has been obtained from dismemberment propaganda in America and from the survey of various American daily and weekly newspapers and the Hungarian·American press. Another major theme is the re·evaluation of Wilson's Habsburg diplomacy, which was prompted by new developments in Wilson research on the one hand and by many observations during my studies on the other. It is argued that claims that lansing, dismemberment propaganda and separatist politicians from the Habsburg Monarchy decided Wilson's actions do not hold water: the President made his decisions alone in the Habsburg case in response. to a series of events between April and June 1918. It is also pointed out that despite the growing American involvement in the war the prewar lack of interest in· Hungary was maintained, although the romanticized concept based upon the Kossuth· myth was replaced by another extreme interpretation based upon dismemberment propaganda. The fact that no, American authority decided to obtain a genuine picture of early twentieth century Hungary meant that American policies were based upon cliches and misconceptions, which were also carried into the Peace Conference period. Another thing to remember is the fact that Hungary was part of the Austro·Hungarian Empire during the First World War, which ruled out a separate Hungarian policy on the part of the Wilson administration. To get around this awkward situation the focus of the thesis is constantly shifted between Hungary and the Monarchy, with concentrating on Hungary when and where possible.
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Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.

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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
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Gewecke, Hanne. "Rage Against the System or its Measures? : Polity and Policy related Euroscepticism in Times of Economic Crisis." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-422937.

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This master’s thesis offers a descriptive investigation of how public Euroscepticism has changed during the economic crisis. By regarding Eurosceptic opinions as positions on a scale as well as differentiating between opposition towards policy (concrete decisions and measures) and polity (the EU as a political system), the results show that overall, European citizens have not only become negative towards how the EU handled the crisis in terms of policy output. Policy opposition also tends to spill over into the polity area, entailing increasing preferences for reducing EU competences and for leaving the union all together. The policy-polity distinction is a perspective on Euroscepticism as opposition, that has largely been set aside in previous research. Furthermore, the paper describes how support for the EU polity and its policies has changed in different member states through a cross country analysis. The results show that there is great and unexpected variation between countries that would be assumed to display a similar development in the light of previous research. In addition, there are similarities between countries that were expected to develop differently. This indicates a limited understanding in this research field of how national factors influence public attitudes towards the European Union. A topic that needs to be investigated further.
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Lingnau, Alina. "Public Service Television and Young Audiences in Germany and Sweden : An Explorative Study About Young Audiences’ Opinion about and Use of Television and Public Service Broadcasting." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77674.

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In the Swedish and German media landscapes public service broadcasters are well-established. Young people however prefer private channels which leads to a legitimization problem for the public service broadcasters because they do not reach the whole population. When airing popular programmes on the other hand, they are criticized for not being distinguishable from commercial competitors. This problem is intensifying by current technological developments and the need to redefine public service broadcasting. This study investigates the young audiences’ use of and opinion about public service broadcasters against the social and technological background of their media use. Therefore semi-structured interviews were carrying out with Swedish and German adolescents. The findings suggest that even though differences in the two countries’ public service channels are obvious, the young people’s opinion about them are quite similar; they appreciate the high quality news and information programmes but hardly connect the public service channels to entertainment which is the kind of programming they are most interested in and therefore they do not necessarily belong to the young people’s media repertoires. The study illustrates the public service broadcasters’ need to adjust their content more to the audiences’ desires and to more explicitly take young people into account while at the same time sticking to their core competences of high quality informative programmes.
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Books on the topic "Euro – Germany – Public opinion"

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1930-, Saña Heleno, ed. Wenn die Euro-Deutschen kommen: Streitgespräche mit Heleno Saña. Kehl: Morstadt, 1991.

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China: Uma percepção Euro-portuguesa. Macau: Instituto Internacional de Macau, 2001.

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Für eure und unsere Freiheit?: Der Polnische Oktober und die Solidarność-Revolution in der Wahrnehmung von Schriftstellern aus der DDR. Berlin: Weidler Buchverlag, 2002.

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Rabier, Jacques-René. Euro-barometer 26: Energy problems, November, 1986. Ann Arbor, Mich: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research, 1989.

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Madrid (Spain : Region). Dirección General de Comercio y Consumo., ed. Informe sobre el conocimiento del euro en la Comunidad de Madrid. Madrid: Dirección General de Comercio y Consumo, Consejo de Consumo, Consejería de Economía y Empleo, Comunidad de Madrid, 1997.

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Prat, C. R. Aguilera de. Euro-escepticismo, Euro-fobia y Euro-criticismo: Los partidos radicales de la derecha y la izquierda ante la Unión Europea. Barcelona: Huygens Editorial, 2012.

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Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth. The spiral of silence: Public opinion, our social skin. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

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Laqueur, Walter. Russia and Germany: A century of conflict. New Brunswick, N.J., U.S.A: Transaction Publishers, 1990.

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M, Daly Peter, ed. Images of Germany. New York: P. Lang, 2000.

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Round Table on the Euro: the Communications Challenge (1996 Brussels, Belgium). Round Table on the Euro: The communications challenge : Brussels, 22 to 24.1.1996. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Euro – Germany – Public opinion"

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Anderson, Christopher J. "Public Opinion and European Integration." In The Federal Republic of Germany at Fifty, 313–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27488-8_24.

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Nathans, Eli. "American Public Opinion: Optimistic but Often Ignorant." In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 197–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_8.

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Dörmann, U. "Public Opinion Relating to Crime and Police Action." In Police Research in the Federal Republic of Germany, 77–88. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-74176-0_7.

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Mustafa-Awad, Zahra, and Monika Kirner-Ludwig. "Digital News and Public Opinion: the Case of Syrian Refugees in Germany." In Reconciliation and Refugees, 225–38. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666568565.225.

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Lorenz, Reilly, Jacob Beck, Sophie Horneber, Florian Keusch, and Christopher Antoun. "Google Trends as a Tool for Public Opinion Research: An Illustration of the Perceived Threats of Immigration." In IMISCOE Research Series, 193–206. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01319-5_10.

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AbstractTo gather public opinion data on sensitive topics in real-time, researchers are exploring the use of Internet search data such as Google Trends (GT). First, this chapter describes the characteristics and nature of GT data, and then provides a case study that examines the salience of perceived threats related to immigration in Germany based on the share of Google search queries that include language about these threats. Last, we discuss the advantages and possible challenges of utilizing GT data in social scientific research. We used the national polling results for the German right-wing party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)—which runs on a largely anti-immigrant platform—as a criterion measure. GT data did not consistently predict polling data in the expected direction in real-time, but it was consistently predictive of future polling trends (35–104 weeks later) at a moderate level (r = .25–.50), although the size of the correlations varied across time periods and groups of keywords. Our mixed results highlight the low reliability of GT data, but also its largely untapped potential as a leading indicator of public opinion, especially on sensitive topics such as the perceived threats of immigration.
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Schäfer, Constantin, and Martin Gross. "Euroscepticism in Times of Crisis: A Macro-Level Analysis of the Euro Crisis’ Effects on Public Opinion and Party Competition on European Integration." In Anti-Europeanism, 31–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24428-6_3.

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Temizisler, Sevgi. "The Mediatisation of Migration Issues During the ‘Refugee Crisis’: A Comparative Case-Study of the UK, Denmark and Germany." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23996-0_12.

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AbstractSpurred on by civil war in Iraq, Libya and Syria and by instability in several African countries, more than 1.8 million migrants/refugees arrived in the EU in 2015. This massive pressure from immigrants and refugees led to a humanitarian crisis on a global scale while threatening the key instruments of border control in the EU and, at the same time, increasing uncertainty about the political, economic and societal implications for member states. The ‘crisis’ was highly politicised in domestic politics owing to the heightened salience in media coverage, the mobilisation of citizens holding exclusive nationalist identities by mostly right-wing populist parties and exacerbated polarisation in public debates. In such circumstances, popular disapproval of the EU’s management of the crisis grew and provided a suitable platform for the growth of anti-EU and anti-refugee/immigrant discourses, in which the domestic mass media played a major role by reflecting these tendencies and shaping public opinion concerning the ‘crisis’. Employing a comparativist methodology, this chapter investigates how migration issues were mediatised during the ‘refugee crisis’ in three different countries – the UK, Denmark and Germany – and the consequent implications.
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Careja, Romana. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Danish Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 143–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_8.

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Abstract This chapter provides an overview of the policy infrastructure and key policies in place concerning the social rights of Danish citizens residing abroad. It builds on evidence from legal and administrative documents, on communications with key informants, as well as on existing studies and reports concerning the Danish Government’s approach to emigration and diaspora policies. Concrete cases for this study are five countries where the largest Danish diaspora concentrate: Sweden, Norway, Germany, the United States of America and the United Kingdom. It argues that reliance on supra-national agreements, previous rather negative public opinion about emigrants as well as the residence principle embedded in the qualifying conditions for social benefits are three main factors which explain the limited attention currently given by the Danish Government to diaspora policies, in particular the social protection of Danish citizens residing abroad.
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"War and Public Opinion, Propaganda, and Culture." In Culture in Nazi Germany, 172–247. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfc542q.9.

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Wood, Steve. "Political Elites, Public Opinion and Democratic Processes*." In Germany and East-Central Europe, 153–70. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351157445-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Euro – Germany – Public opinion"

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MARKS-BIELSKA, Renata, and Agata ZIELIŃSKA,. "FARMLAND ACQUISITION BY FOREIGNERS IN POLAND IN YEARS 2000–2013." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.100.

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The present study aimed at identification and evaluation the issue of agricultural land acquisition by foreigners in Poland in the years 2000–2013. The authors have used secondary data from: the Ministry of Interior, the Agricultural Property Agency (APA) and the Institute of Agricultural Economics and Food Economy. The issue of farmland acquisition regulation in UE countries was also mentioned. The area of agriculture land acquired in the analyzed time is 5 0833, 98 hectare. The phenomenon most intensively affects legal persons (with permission of Minister of Interior) who purchase 68.7 % of it. Having considered the analyzed issue from the perspective of the country of origin, Germany and Austria dominate in natural persons (49.04 %) and in the case of legal entities leaders are: Germany and the Netherlands (58.27 %).Significant for interest of polish agricultural land by foreigners was Poland’s accession to the European Community, when in the real estate market a recovery from the foreigners side happened. The future situation in the agricultural land market in Poland is determined by the political decisions and public opinion pressure, especially before 1 May 2016. Present prepositions of changes in the regulation will rather do not limit requirements in land acquisition by foreigners like in Hungary, Slovakia, Lithuania or Bulgaria.
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2

SAKLAURS, Mārcis. "THE USE AND EVALUATION OF RIPARIAN FOREST ECOSYSTEM SERVICES IN LATVIA." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.054.

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The use and evaluation of riparian forest ecosystem services is a topical issue in Latvia involving interests of different target groups. Research work on proper management methods, their impact on biological values and production function has been started in 2014, while information on social values was missing. Particular methodology was designed and three different approaches of opinion polls were used to obtain information on use of riparian forest services and their evaluation by public in spring, 2015. In total there were 1024 questionnaires distributed out of which 418 were analysed for the research purposes along with 224 filled on the Internet. Different services of riparian forest ecosystems were used by 88 % of respondents, mostly walking along rivers and swimming were mentioned. Respondents evaluated three different scenarios of forest management and 96% of them gave preference to the scenario which required implementation of sustainability criteria resulted in high diversity of species and an increase of esthetical values. Large part (61 %) of respondents accepted the idea of voluntary work to improve the condition of rivers and riparian forests and in average there were ready to work 3.8 days per year. Willingness to pay (WTP) to improve the situation of riparian forests and rivers close to a residence place of a respondents was expressed by 62 % of respondents, in the average 28.50 Euro per year was mentioned. The current research is a starting point for evaluation of riparian forest ecosystems and provides valuable information for further analyses. Research data are used to identify factors influencing the use and evaluation of different services provided by riparian forest ecosystem. Results will be used in decision making processes related to legislation and management changes, as well as in valuation of ecosystem services and planning of public use of riparian forests.
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3

Grenouillet, Jean-Jacques. "EDF Decommissioning Programme: A Global Commitment to a Sustainable Development." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4722.

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Nowadays, decommissioning of nuclear power plants has become a key issue for nuclear industry in Europe. The phasing out of nuclear energy in Germany, Belgium and Sweden, as well as the early closure of nuclear units in applicant countries in the frame of EU enlargement, has largely contributed to consider decommissioning as the next challenge to face. The situation is slightly different in France where nuclear energy is still considered as a safe, cost-effective and environment friendly energy source. Electricite´ de France (EDF) is working on the development of a new generation of reactor to replace the existing one and erection of a new nuclear power plant could start in the next few years. Nevertheless, to achieve this objective, it will be necessary to get the support of political decision-makers and the acceptance of public opinion. Due to the growing concern of these stakeholders for environmental issues, their support can only be obtained if it is possible to demonstrate that nuclear energy industry will not leave behind unsolved issues that will be a burden to the next generations. In this context decommissioning of the first generation of EDF NPPs constitutes a prerequisite for the erection of a new type of nuclear power plant. This paper will present the programme defined by EDF for the decommissioning of its nine already shutdown reactors (Fig. 1). The reasons of the recent evolution of EDF decommissioning strategy will be explained and the key issues that will contribute to the successful implementation of this programme will be addressed. Finally, what has been achieved on sites so far and major planned activities will be described.
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