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Journal articles on the topic 'Euro-Arab'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 May 2024

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1

Ballantyne, W. M. "Euro-Arab Conference: The Euro-Arab Conference on Arbitration in Euro-Arab Commercial Relations, Tunisia 24 to 27 September 1985." Arab Law Quarterly 1, no. 1 (November 1985): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381677.

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2

Watson, William E. "Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 3 (January 2005): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526593.

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3

Saleh, S. A. "Euro-Arab Arbitration - Arbitrage Euro-Arabe (Proceedings of first Euro-Arab Arbitration Conference held in Tunisia, September 1985). General Editor Fathi Kemicha." Arbitration International 4, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arbitration/4.2.169.

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4

Saleh, S. "Euro-Arab Arbitration 11 (Proceedings of the Second Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress, Bahrain) edited by Dr. Fathi Kemicha." Arbitration International 7, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arbitration/7.1.80.

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5

Tal, Lawrence. "Euro—Arab relations: a study in collective diplomacy." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (July 1993): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622328.

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6

Denza, Eileen, and Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen. "THE EURO–ARAB INVESTMENT TREATY THAT NEARLY WAS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 2 (April 2020): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589320000068.

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AbstractThis article documents how members of the European Economic Community and members of the Arab League negotiated a draft ‘mega-regional’ investment protection treaty from 1976 to the late 1980s—the first of its kind. The negotiations produced a full draft treaty and came tantalisingly close to completion but ultimately ran into the political sands. Had it been concluded, the Convention would have been the most significant investment protection treaty ever negotiated at the time, and one of the most significant to this day. Negotiations were conducted within the cloak of diplomatic confidentiality, however, so the effort has remained unknown to even specialised scholars and practitioners to this day.

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7

Pranger, R. J. "Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis; Contested State Identities and Regional Security in the Euro-Mediterranean Area." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2007-010.

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8

Bedjaoui, Mohammed. "Final Report of the Proceedings of Euro-Arab Arbitration Iii." Arab Law Quarterly 6, no. 1 (1991): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157302591x00179.

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9

Gawad Soltan, Gamal A. "Security perceptions in the Arab world and Euro‐med relations." International Spectator 36, no. 1 (January 2001): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720108456897.

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10

Harb, Nasri. "Trade between Euro zone and Arab countries: a panel study." Applied Economics 39, no. 16 (September 2007): 2099–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036840600722307.

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11

Akmir, Abdelouahed. "European Arabs: identity, education and citizenship." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1016762.

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The Arab diaspora, comprising Arab immigrants and their descendants, currently represents the highest percentage of Arabs living in Europe. They are Arabs and Europeans, but they are unlike the Arabs who were born in the Arab world and unlike the Europeans who inherited their European origins and culture from father to son. The difference between these European Arabs and other Europeans often makes them experience a state of cultural detachment, as well as crises of their education, identity and citizenship. This article is a modest attempt to examine this phenomenon whilst highlighting the obstacles facing European Arabs and to propose some solutions. Furthermore, it is a call to draw attention to the European Arabs who have played a successful role in their communities and to utilize them in raising awareness of Arab issues and rectifying the image of Arabs in Europe with the aim of supporting Euro-Arab dialogue and cooperation.

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12

Gaillard, Emmanuel. "Euro-Arab Chambers of Commerce: Rules of Conciliation, Arbitration and Expertise." International Legal Materials 24, no. 4 (July 1985): 1119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900029934.

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13

Wollner, Márta. "Az „euro-iszlám” modelljei az európai muszlimok identitáscsoportjaiban." Kultúra és Közösség 12, no. 3 (2021): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35402/kek.2021.3.11.

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Ez a tanulmány az európai muszlim kisebbség néhány karakteres jellemzőjét elemzi. A demográfi ai jellemzők után bemutatja az őshonos arab politikai mezőben ismert kettős (valós és virtuális) társadalmi teret, és az integrációs folyamatra gyakorolt gátló, vagy támogató hatását. Elemez – a kisebbségi identitások önkéntes választásának tipológiáját használva – két jellegzetes kategóriát, az „etnikai/vallási büszkeség” és a „kozmopoliták” csoportját. Végül bemutat három versengő „euro-iszlám” értelmezést, Júszuf al-Qaradáwi (a továbbiakban Qaradáwi) „kisebbségi vallásijog” (fi qh al-aqallíja), Tariq Ramadan szalafi ta reform-„muszlim demokrácia” és Bassam Tibi „liberális-szekularizált euroiszlám” koncepcióját. Ezen értelmezési keretek az európai muszlim identitások gondolati kereteinek megformálására törekvő kezdeményezések, melyek az iszlám belső struktúráiból indulnak, és feltehetően meghatározzák majd az „euro-iszlám” koncepciók jövőbeli változatait.

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14

Sadiki, Larbi. "Libya’s Arab Spring." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534035.

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This article presents a critical account of Libya’s incipient democratization, contextualizing it within the Arab Spring élan. This first line of inquiry is twofold: it critically assesses the meaning of democratization in the context of the Arab Middle East (AME), and briefly considers issues related to democratic knowledge and the Orientalist–Occidentalist inputs into this debate. Then, it situates this debate within the ‘Arab Spring’, looking at Western negative impressions of Arab revolts. A second line of inquiry is also twofold: While assessing the steps taken on the road to democratic reconstruction, it offers an unorthodox perspective on the North African country’s transition. To this end, the article concludes that even violence is part and parcel of the process of power redistribution and reconstitution of a new polity. From this angle, whilst Libya’s first election in nearly 50 years represents a step in the right direction along the path of political renewal, forms of unruliness—regional, religious or tribal—challenge Euro-American views of democracy as a single and fixed type of regime that precludes forms of disorder. In fact, unruliness has accompanied Libya’s long and arduous process of ousting Gaddafi from power; this continues and will mark the transition process for sometime in the foreseeable future.

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15

Agourram, Hafid, and Bill Robson. "Electronic Learning and Culture: The Case of the Euro Arab Management School." International Journal of Learning: Annual Review 12, no. 3 (2006): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9494/cgp/v12i03/47626.

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16

Yearbook of Islamic and Middle East, Editors. "Rules of Conciliation, Arbitration and Expertise of the Euro ― Arab Arbitration System." Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 4, no. 1 (1997): 497–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221129898x00369.

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17

Chourou, Béchir. "Arab Regional Integration as a Prerequisite for a Successful Euro-Mediterranean Partnership." Mediterranean Politics 8, no. 2-3 (June 2003): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390308230012.

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18

Nicholas, Pavlidis, Gadallah Mohsen, Cavalli Franco, and Costa Alberto. "Euro-Arab School of Oncology: an Educational Collaborative Activity of the European School of Oncology with the Arab World." Journal of Cancer Education 26, no. 1 (April 20, 2010): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13187-010-0119-5.

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19

Guardi, Jolanda, and Maria Elena Paniconi. "Introduction: Nahḍah Narratives." Oriente Moderno 99, no. 1-2 (June 17, 2019): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340204.

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Abstract In the last decade, the field of Nahḍah Studies has been gathering momentum. Scholars from different subject-areas have highlighted several aspects of the 19th–early 20th century cultural fervor in the Arab and south Mediterranean area. Accordingly, the whole set of Nahḍah narratives has been readdressed. By “Nahḍah narratives” we mean both the set of theoretical readings, definitions and views developed by the nahḍawī groundswell, itself and the metacritical narratives developed by international scholarship on the Arab Nahḍah. In dialogue with the recent scholarship, the papers collected here represent a contribution in questioning the “Arab awakening”: their theoretical approaches, crossing comparative literature, literary analysis, history of ideas — achieve a broader understanding of the movement, dwelling especially on intersections with other disciplines and widening the research on the Nahḍah from the point of view of cultural production. The focus on modern Arab journalism, theatre, translation, political essays, prose and poetry writing which characterizes this special issue of Oriente Moderno attempts at going beyond the critical perspectives of a Nahḍah molded on Euro-centric modernity, on a diffusionist model of text circulation and on a “retrospective” idea of a modernity-to-be.

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20

Selim, Mohammed El‐Sayed. "Towards a new WMD agenda in the Euro‐Mediterranean partnership: An Arab perspective." Mediterranean Politics 5, no. 1 (March 2000): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390008414711.

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21

Pavlidis, Nicholas, Mohsen Gadallah, Franco Cavalli, and Alberto Costa. "Erratum: Euro-Arab School of Oncology: an Educational Collaborative Activity of the European School of Oncology with the Arab World." Journal of Cancer Education 26, no. 1 (June 29, 2010): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13187-010-0138-2.

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22

Pécoud, Antoine. "Death at the Border: Revisiting the Debate in Light of the Euro-Mediterranean Migration Crisis." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219882987.

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Migrant deaths at the border is a long-standing consequence of border control. The lethal effects of irregular migration have become particularly salient in the Euro-Mediterranean region since the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2011, as several thousand migrants have been losing their lives every year. This special issue of American Behavioral Scientist revisits the debate on border deaths in the light of this context. This article introduces this special issue and outlines the key arguments developed therein.

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23

Aghasi, Maya. "World Literature in the World?" Journal of World Literature 6, no. 4 (October 4, 2021): 593–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-20210009.

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Abstract Criticized for being too Euro- and Americentric, world literature scholarship tends to center on the American implications of this shortcoming, with little discussion of world literature beyond these centers. This paper thus addresses the function of world literature beyond these centers, particularly in the lingua franca of global business: English. Drawing from my experience in the United Arab Emirates, I argue that because students in the region come from places with fraught colonial histories, migrant, Anglophone literature is critical in the world literature classroom because it allows them to see their own experiences articulated in the global literary vernacular. Using Mohja Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf as an example, I show how its transnational scope addresses both the hegemonic, Euro-American gaze, but also the students’. Thus, Anglophone literature is not necessarily the extension of an imperialist project or a flattening of differences; rather, it becomes an articulation of them.

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24

Yang, Li. "Euro Experience and the Possibility of Financial & Monetary Integration in Arab Gulf Countries." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 3, no. 2 (June 2009): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2009.12023130.

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25

Tovias, Alfred. "Euro-Mediterranean relations after the Arab Spring: persistence in times of change Jakob Horst." Mediterranean Politics 19, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 471–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.966552.

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26

Zakariah, Muhamad Hasrul. "The Euro-Arab Dialogue 1973–1978: Britain Reinsurance Policy In The Middle East Conflict." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 20, no. 1 (February 2013): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.744385.

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27

Zdafee, Keren. "Creative Agency in a World Governed by Others’ Images and Languages." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 13, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.13.1.0034.

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ABSTRACT At the core of Beautiful Agitation and The Politics of Art lies the question of what an Arab artist from the MENA region should or should not adhere to in their work, stylistically and thematically, as an Arab artist from the MENA region. This political and cultural discourse was shaped by the East-West encounters within the colonial context, and through it the issue of authenticity had served and still serves as a focal index of validation and value. Evaluating the authenticity of a certain modern or contemporary artwork, produced in the MENA region, was measured by different criteria throughout the long twentieth century—from colonialization, decolonialization, independence, postcolonialization, and globalization. However, these criteria were defined and\or reflected a Euro-American perspective. Although Beautiful Agitation and The Politics of Art address questions of resistance within the realm of art, in both works authenticity remains a key notion of interpretation and evaluation.

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28

Roux, Nathalie, and Nicolas Péridy. "Why are the Trade Gains from the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership so Small?" Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 3 (June 1, 2012): 571–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012018.

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This article shows first that, despite significant trade gains expected from the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements, especially the Barcelona Agreement, actual gains are positive but small. The reasons for such small effects are investigated. They include delays in the implementation of the tariff schedule, the lack of European Union (EU) market access for agricultural products, the persistence of non-tariff barriers, the lack of regional integration in terms of services and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), the role of rules of origins, the impact of inappropriate specialization, etc. This appraisal makes it possible to suggest several policy options which are necessary to optimize the effects of the Euromed partnership. In this regard, the Arab Spring creates new opportunities to reinforce trade integration in this area.

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29

Shankar, Shobana. "Hajj Humanitarianism." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10896578.

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Abstract This article explores how pilgrimage to Arabia became the catalyst for Northern Nigerian Muslim leaders to develop a kind of humanitarianism for the poor to expand their political power in the era of independence from Britain and postcolonial Afro-Arab alliance-making. Muslim elites forced the British to provide welfare for poor pilgrims who conducted the pilgrimage over land through Sudan and then undertook their own relief and reform as means to resist national integration with Southern Nigeria and bolster their reputation and influence in the Muslim world. Muslim West Africans did not simply side with Sudanese or Saudi Arabian officials in the matter of hajj but instead critiqued Arab racism and enslavement of Africans while also playing on British and American fears of communism in Africa and attempts to use Islam and religious discourse more broadly to create alliances with Muslim Nigerians. Hajj humanitarianism reveals careful Nigerian negotiations of global politics during the Cold War and non-Western involvement in international humanitarianism, which has been treated as a largely Euro-American phenomenon.

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30

KRZYMOWSKI, Adam. "THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA COUNTRIES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 34 (December 13, 2020): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2020.34.04.

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: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.

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31

Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Images of Islam: American Missionary and Arab Perspectives." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 1 (April 2016): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0135.

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This article examines the story of Protestant missions in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ottoman Syria, a region of the Ottoman Empire that included present day Syria and Lebanon. It moves the study of the American Syria Mission away from Euro-centric modes of historiography, first, by adding to the small body of recent scholarship on Arab Protestantism and mission schools in Syria. Second, it focuses on Islam and Christian–Muslim relations in Syrian missionary history, a topic that has received little scholarly attention. Arguing that Muslims played an active part in this history even when they resisted missionary overtures, the article considers the perspectives of Syrian Muslims alongside images of Islam in American and Syrian Protestant publications. By pointing to the interreligious collaboration between Syrian Christian and Muslim intellectuals and the respect many Syrian Protestant writers exhibited for the Islamic tradition, this article questions assumptions of innate conflict between Muslims and Christians in the Middle East.

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32

Fregonese, Sara. "Mediterranean geographies of protest." European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412460528.

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This special issue of Euro-commentaries tackles the question of what links unprecedented anti-regime uprisings in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region, with the largest protests in decades in several European cities. Beyond the specificities of individual cases, uprisings on both sides of the Mediterranean have highlighted strong and often violent collisions between resistance movements and state security. How are these collisions reshaping urban and political geographies in the Mediterranean? The papers presented here explore different aspects of the 2011 protests, and share the view that these are shaped by concerns for social justice, human rights and democracy, which are not a prerogative of the Arab world, but indicate instead more complex geographies.

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33

Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.

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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.

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34

Moussawi, Ghassan. "Queer exceptionalism and exclusion: Cosmopolitanism and inequalities in ‘gay-friendly’ Beirut." Sociological Review 66, no. 1 (August 10, 2017): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026117725469.

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This article examines how LGBTQ individuals in Beirut articulate discourses of progress, modernity, and exceptionalism in light of the regional geopolitical situation. While transnational discourses portray Beirut as an open and cosmopolitan city in the Arab World, the study focuses on how LGBTQ individuals engage with and negotiate these discourses in their everyday lives. The author examines the gap between discourses of Beiruti openness and exceptionalism, and the realities of exclusion experienced by LGBTQ individuals in Beirut. Focusing on unequal access to space, the author asks, for whom is Beirut cosmopolitan and gay-friendly? Drawing on ethnographic observations and 20 life-history interviews with LGBTQ individuals in Beirut, the author finds that LGBTQ individuals in Beirut create relational understandings of modernity and cosmopolitanism that situate Beirut in relation to other Arab cities, rather than just Euro-American cities. In addition, gender normativity and class shape LGBTQ individuals’ access to several types of spaces. Finally, it is suggested that scholars must be attentive to celebratory discourses of exceptionalism and cosmopolitanism of places, and conceptualize them as relational and contextual designations which obscure inequalities that characterize those places.

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35

El Hoss, Salim. "Peace in Lebanon and the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802015766.

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Lebanon has never experienced an extended interval of sustainable peace since its independence. In 1975, Lebanon was the scene of a civil war. In 1982, a full-scale war was mounted by Israel. In the process massacres were perpetrated by the Israelis. The current crisis has been punctuated by momentous tragic events which brought salient changes in the sordid course of life in the country, unleashing a prolonged cabinet crisis, and finally an intricate, highly critical discord over the election of a new president. It was no accident that so many spots of tension are boiling at the same time in the Middle East in Lebanon, in Palestine, in Iraq, and in Sudan. The conventional wisdom is that, in the final analysis, Palestine lies at the core of all the mayhem. The linkage between the repeated Lebanese crises and the Palestinian issue is only too obvious. The proclivity of Arab officialdom is to negotiate within the context of what is known as the Arab initiative. The Euro–American declared position is that any negotiations should be conducted in accordance with the Road Map sponsored by the Quartet. Both initiatives leave a lot to be desired.

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36

Chidebe, Chris. "Nigeria and the Arab States." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 1 (July 1, 1985): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i1.2782.

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Nigeria is the most populous state in Africa south of the Sahara. Her geography and her history together make her an interesting sociopolitical and cultural experiment. It is a land with believers in both Islam and Christianity. A country whose northern parts were the prizes of jihadic victory of a highly Islamized Fulani elite, and whose southern portions are inhabited by peoples who were voluntarily or involuntarily brought under the control of the marching Christian soldiers determined to expand the domain of imperial Europe and committed to recruiting souls for Jesus. Nigeria is a meeting ground for two periods in African history. It is the place where Islam still rejoices over its past glories and successes; it is also a place where Euro-Western Christianity has made a major breakthrough. It is against this background, and with such facts in mind, that the subject of Nigerian-Arab relations is here explored. I divide this paper into four parts. The first part is a brief historical sketch of the impact of Arabs and Islam on the Nigerian society and the Nigerian mind. The second part addresses itself to the early post-colonial period in NigerianArab relations; the third part discusses Nigerian-Arab relations under military rule in Nigeria; the fourth part discusses Nigeria's Third Republic and the Arab states. A. Islam, Arabs and NigeriaThe arrival of Islam in northern Nigeria dates back to the 11th century and constitutes a major development in the history of this region of Africa. It not only linked the Hausas, the Fulanis, and other Islamized ethnic groups with the wider world of Islam to the north, northeast, and west, but it also opened up the possibility of Muslim expansion southwards. Indeed, one of the effects of lslamization in Northern Nigeria was the emergence of a full-fledged Islamic culture and civilization in certain parts of what we now call Nigeria. The sphere of ...

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37

Miller, Rory. "The Euro-Arab Dialogue and the Limits of European External Intervention in the Middle East, 1974–77." Middle Eastern Studies 50, no. 6 (October 6, 2014): 936–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.933421.

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38

Paciello, Maria Cristina. "The EU’s ‘Pragmatist Turn’ and the Struggle for Social Justice and Human Rights in the Arab World: A Decentring Framework for Analysis." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (May 1, 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020009.

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This Special Issue aims to inquire how two contradictory developments – the sustained struggle for human rights and social justice in the Arab world since 2011 and the EU’s pragmatist turn that has followed it – interact by examining the changing relationship between local needs and expectations on one hand and EU policies and practices on the other. It does so by systematically exploring the viewpoints of civil society stakeholders about the EU’s presence and practices in the Mediterranean, both at the local level (specifically in Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia) and at the EU level, through more than hundred in-depth interviews. This article provides a critical review of the literature on Euro-Mediterranean relations by drawing on a selected number of critical academic studies which have emerged in the post-Arab uprising, as well as by providing an overview of the grey literature by civil society networks in Europe and the Southern Mediterranean, often not taken into account in research on Mediterranean relations. This will allow us to see what has been neglected in the literature and what we can build on in this Special Issue from a decentring perspective. It then outlines the conceptual framework and methodology of this Special Issue and concludes with an overview of the case studies/contributions.

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39

Krzymowski, Adam. "The importance of Ukraine’s political and economic relationship with the United Arab Emirates for the Lublin Triangle." Economic Annals-ХХI 184, no. 7-8 (September 10, 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v184-02.

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The presented research paper demonstrates the dynamic development of political and economic relations between Ukraine and the United Arab Emirates as well as their importance for projects involving the implementation of the Lublin Triangle. The results and findings of the research show that without taking into account the state-owned company from Dubai DP World, the success of the strategic cooperation between Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania in transportation, as well as in the energy sector, will be limited. For this reason, it is necessary to include the Emirate company in some projects of the Lublin Triangle. Moreover, strategic alliances of the United Arab Emirates with states and international organizations of the Euro-Atlantic community, including the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, should be noted. In this context, the strategic importance of the UAE’s partnership with Central and Eastern Europe should be taken into account. Moreover, a close, deep alliance with the United Arab Emirates will contribute to increasing the impact of the Lublin Triangle states on transatlantic partners. In addition, the UAE, being an economic and trade hub where the interests of Europe, the United States of America, the Middle East, Africa and Asia intersect, can contribute to increasing the role of Central and Eastern Europe in the global dimension. The Emirati company DP World is one of the largest global corporations, with around 150 branches in the world and working for seaports, terminals, industrial parks, logistics and economic zones. So, this Emirati economic entity has great potential in ensuring Central and Eastern Europe an effective supply chain and stable development of trade in the upcoming increasingly aggressive economic wars.

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Behar, Moshe. "Fusing Arab Nahda, European Haskalah and Euro-Zionism: Eastern Jewish thought in late-Ottoman and post-Ottoman Palestine." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 16, no. 2 (April 4, 2017): 271–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2017.1295589.

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Ziade, N. G. "Proceedings of the First Euro-Arab Arbitration Conference. Edited by Fathi Kemicha. Lloyd's of London Press Ltd. 1987." ICSID Review 5, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icsidreview/5.1.195.

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Schlumberger, Oliver. "The Ties that do not Bind: The Union for the Mediterranean and the Future of Euro-Arab Relations." Mediterranean Politics 16, no. 1 (March 2011): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2011.547401.

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Al-Hejailan, Salah. "The Future of Euro-Arab Dialogue: A Speech for the Arab-Swiss Chamber of Commerce and Industry Delivered by Sheikh Salah Al-Hejailan in Geneva on 24th March 1988." Arab Law Quarterly 4, no. 2 (May 1989): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381803.

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Hanan Najem Najaf, Dheyaa J. Kadhim, Ahmed J. Alkofee, and Dheyaa A. Al-Mashhadani. "Depression, Anxiety and Stress Among a Sample of Chronic Hepatitis C Patients in AL-Najaf Province /Iraq." International Journal of Research in Pharmaceutical Sciences 10, no. 4 (October 16, 2019): 3170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26452/ijrps.v10i4.1616.

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Previous studies in Euro-American countries have shown that patients with chronic hepatitis C virus infection have increased levels of neuropsychiatric symptoms. While chronic hepatitis C virus infection has been reported in Arab countries such as Iraq, there is little studies about the neuropsychological burden associated with chronic hepatitis C among patients in the Arab region. The aim of the current study was to measure the prevalence and level of severity of depression, anxiety and stress among a sample of chronic hepatitis C patients in AL-Najaf province /Iraq. The current study was cross-sectional study carried out on (110) already diagnosed chronic viral hepatitis C patients who attended the Gastroenterology and Hepatology Center/Al-Sader Medical City/Najaf/Iraq during November 2018 to May 2019. In addition, (100) apparently healthy subjects were included as a control group. The Arabic version of the Depression Anxiety Stress Scale (DASS-21) was used to assess mental health. Both the prevalence rates and severity levels of depression, anxiety and stress were significantly higher in chronic hepatitis C patients compared to the control group (P<0.001). Stress level is negatively correlated with age and is significantly more in single. Anxiety level is less with a higher level of education. Depression was significantly higher in those having children. The study indicates that the presence of chronic hepatitis C infection is associated with a higher risk of psychological burden. Accordingly, meeting the psychological needs of such patients would need to be addressed.

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Borlea, Sorin Nicolae, Codruta Mare, Monica Violeta Achim, and Adriana Puscas. "Direction of Causality Between Financial Development and Economic Growth. Evidence for Developing Countries." Studia Universitatis „Vasile Goldis” Arad – Economics Series 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sues-2016-0006.

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Abstract The results of extensive studies that analyzed the existence and meaning of correlations between the economic growth and the financial market development lead us to a more thorough study of these correlations. Therefore, we performed a broad study of the developing countries from around the world (the developing part of each region constructed by the World Bank through its Statistics Bureau). The regions taken into analysis were: Europe and Central Asia, South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, the Arab world, Latin America & and the Caribbean, the Middle East and North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa. For comparison purposes, we have also included in the sample the North American countries, the Euro Area and the European Union as a whole, because these last three areas are the main benchmarks of the financial markets. The results are consistent with those from previous studies on the subject and vary depending on region and financial indicator considered.

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Santos Carretero, Carlos. "International Colloquium on Rabbis and Synagogues in the Mediterranean Context: A Summary." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Hebreo 65 (December 28, 2016): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v65i0.957.

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On 9 and 10 February 2015, the University of Granada hosted the International Colloquium on Rabbis and Synagogues in the Mediterranean Context. The event was organized by Lorena Miralles Maciá, Carmen Caballero Navas and Daniel Muñoz Garrido and received support from the University of Granada, The Rothschild Foundation (Hanadiv), the Spanish Association of Hebrew and Jewish Studies (AEEHJ in its Spanish acronym), the research project Language and Literature of Rabbinic and Medieval Judaism (FFI2013-43813-P, funded by the State Secretariat for Research, Development and Innovation – Spanish Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness), the Regional Government of Andalusia and the Euro-Arab Foundation for Higher Studies (in whose Granada headquarters the colloquium was held). The colloquium was open to all (prior notification of attendance was the only requirement) so that anybody interested in the world of Hebrew and Jewish studies could attend as long as space was available, regardless of whether or not they were affiliated with an institution of higher learning…

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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.487.

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Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy. Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India

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48

Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.487.

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Abstract:

Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy. Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India

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49

Bilgic, Ali. "Hybrid Hegemonic Masculinity of the EU before and after the Arab Spring: A Gender Analysis of Euro-Mediterranean Security Relations." Mediterranean Politics 20, no. 3 (May 7, 2015): 322–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.950472.

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50

Gerschultz, Jessica. "Mutable Form and Materiality: Toward a Critical History of New Tapestry Networks." ARTMargins 5, no. 1 (February 2016): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00130.

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This article raises two concerns underpinning the need for a critical history of fiber art in the 20th century. The first is a critique of aesthetic formalism predominant in the Lausanne Biennale during the 1960s and 70s, which overlooks artistic, ideological, and political milieus that drew together textile artists from localities formerly treated as peripheral in art history. The second holds to account Euro-American institutions and related historiographies for their curatorial exclusion of Arab and African fiber artists. Such inclusion, I argue, would have conjured tapestry's deeper incongruities, which emanated from unresolved questions at the core of modernism: the assigning and appropriating of artistic identities, the evaded issue of state patronage, and the persistent ideological and aesthetic problem of craft and its framing within economies. By comparing three artists: Magdalena Abakanowicz, Jagoda Buic, and Safia Farhat, I reassess New Tapestry networks, myths, and systems of state and institutional support. The circulation of Abakanowicz, Buic, and Farhat around a conflux of dimensions signals a new pathway for recovering and writing a history of fiber art, and perhaps a reflection on modernism at large.

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