Relevant bibliographies by topics / Euro-Arab

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Euro-Arab'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 25 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Euro-Arab"

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Ballantyne, W. M. "Euro-Arab Conference: The Euro-Arab Conference on Arbitration in Euro-Arab Commercial Relations, Tunisia 24 to 27 September 1985." Arab Law Quarterly 1, no. 1 (November 1985): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381677.

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Watson, William E. "Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 3 (January 2005): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526593.

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Saleh, S. A. "Euro-Arab Arbitration - Arbitrage Euro-Arabe (Proceedings of first Euro-Arab Arbitration Conference held in Tunisia, September 1985). General Editor Fathi Kemicha." Arbitration International 4, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arbitration/4.2.169.

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Saleh, S. "Euro-Arab Arbitration 11 (Proceedings of the Second Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress, Bahrain) edited by Dr. Fathi Kemicha." Arbitration International 7, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arbitration/7.1.80.

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Tal, Lawrence. "Euro—Arab relations: a study in collective diplomacy." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (July 1993): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622328.

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Denza, Eileen, and Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen. "THE EURO–ARAB INVESTMENT TREATY THAT NEARLY WAS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 2 (April 2020): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589320000068.

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AbstractThis article documents how members of the European Economic Community and members of the Arab League negotiated a draft ‘mega-regional’ investment protection treaty from 1976 to the late 1980s—the first of its kind. The negotiations produced a full draft treaty and came tantalisingly close to completion but ultimately ran into the political sands. Had it been concluded, the Convention would have been the most significant investment protection treaty ever negotiated at the time, and one of the most significant to this day. Negotiations were conducted within the cloak of diplomatic confidentiality, however, so the effort has remained unknown to even specialised scholars and practitioners to this day.
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Pranger, R. J. "Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis; Contested State Identities and Regional Security in the Euro-Mediterranean Area." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2007-010.

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Bedjaoui, Mohammed. "Final Report of the Proceedings of Euro-Arab Arbitration Iii." Arab Law Quarterly 6, no. 1 (1991): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157302591x00179.

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Gawad Soltan, Gamal A. "Security perceptions in the Arab world and Euro‐med relations." International Spectator 36, no. 1 (January 2001): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720108456897.

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Harb, Nasri. "Trade between Euro zone and Arab countries: a panel study." Applied Economics 39, no. 16 (September 2007): 2099–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036840600722307.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Euro-Arab"

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Jawad, Haifaa A. "Euro-Arab relations : a study in collective diplomacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329801.

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Štorková, Jitka. "Země Maghrebu ve světové ekonomice: problémy a perspektivy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-81578.

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The Maghreb is a geostrategic region which attracts the attention of world powers. However the potential of its growth is limited by numerous problems. The aim of the master thesis is to analyze the position of Maghreb countries in the world economy and the perspectives of their future development. The first chapter concentrates on the economic facts of Maghreb countries with emphasis on their problems, including the preliminary reflections of impacts of the Arab spring on individual economies. The second chapter presents the external economic relations of Maghreb countries on three levels: inside the region, in the Euro-Mediterranean area and in the global dimension. The third chapter deals with the perspectives of Maghreb economies and the possibilities of reaching them. It evaluates the existing success of integration efforts in the region, in the Euro-Mediterranean area, but also the cooperation throughout the world economy.
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Sattler, Verena. "Entre chocs pétroliers et conflit israélo-arabe : la France et l’institutionnalisation de la politique proche-orientale de la Communauté Européenne : de la création de la Coopération Politique Européenne en 1969/70 à la déclaration de Venise de 1980." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040078.

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C’est avec le lancement de la Coopération Politique Européenne (CPE) en 1969/70 que les six États membres de la Communaute européenne (CE) ont tourné une page dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne. À partir de cette date les membres de la CE se sont consultés sur des questions de politique étrangère afin d’harmoniser leurs vues et d’élaborer des positions communes. Dès le début la France avait le plus grand intérêt à mettre le Proche-Orient sur l’agenda des Six. Comme les deux chocs pétroliers de 1973/74 et de 1979 risquaient de peser lourd sur les relations euro-arabes, les autres États membres de la Communauté ont consenti en principe à développer une position commune envers le Proche-Orient. Ainsi une politique proche-orientale des Six, et àpartir de 1973 des Neuf, s’est institutionnalisée au cours des années 1970 qui était basée d’une part sur des déclarations communes sur la situation au Proche-Orient et d’autre part sur une coopération économique interrégionale plus étroite, notamment dans le cadre du dialogue euro-arabe. Sous la présidence de Georges Pompidou tout comme sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing la France a été le moteur dans le développement des relations euro-arabes des années 1970. Même si l’action française qui visait à faire adopter sa propre politique proche-orientale par ses partenaires européens n’était pas toujours couronnée de succès la déclaration commune du 6 novembre 1973 et surtout la déclaration commune de Venise du 13 juin 1980reflètent nettement position pro-palestinienne de la France
By launching European Political Cooperation (EPC) in 1969/70 the six member states of the European Community (EC) openend a new chapter in the history of European Integration. Henceforward the six member states consulted each other in foreign policy issues in order to develop commun positions where possible. From the beginning France showed the greatest interest in putting the Middle East on the European agenda. As the two oil price shocks of 1973/74 and 1979 put a strain on the euro-arab relations the other member states of the EC supported the French request to develop a commun European Near-Eastern policy. Consequently, the 1970ies were marked by a process of institutionalisation of commun policy towards that region that was, on theone side, based on common European declarations, and, on the other side, on a more intense euro-arab cooperation in the field of economics, and this especially within the framework of the euro-arab dialogue. Both under the presidency of Georges Pompidou and under the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France can be described as motor of the development and the extension of euro-arab relations. Even if the French diplomacy that tried to make her Near-Eastern policy a common European policy has not always been crowned with succes the common Brussels declaration of November 1973 and especially the common Venicedeclaration of June 1980 reflect clearly the pro-Palestinian stance of France
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Khabbaz-Hamoui, Fayçal. "Le dialogue euro-arabe: un échec inéluctable?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211211.

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Ghadir, Oussama. "Aspects financiers publics du partenariat euro-méditerranéen." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010288.

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Tenue à Barcelone les 27-28 novembre 1995, la Conférence euro-méditerranéenne des ministres des Affaires étrangères a marqué le début d’un Partenariat nouveau entre l’Union européenne, ses 15 Etats membres (désormais 27 Etats membres) et leurs 12 Partenaires Méditerranéens (désormais 10). Ce Partenariat comprend une coopération bilatérale (conclusion d’un accord d’association qui couvre les trois objectifs fixés par la Déclaration de Barcelone entre l’Union européenne et chaque pays partenaire), d’une part, une coopération régionale, d’autre part. Le Partenariat euro-méditerranéen repose sur la conviction commune qu’il est souhaitable de développer une politique globale axée sur l’association étroite, dans un large éventail de domaines présentant un intérêt commun, du fait de la proximité des deux régions. La Déclaration de Barcelone, adoptée lors de la Conférence de Barcelone, a établi les trois objectifs essentiels du Partenariat : 1- la définition d’un espace euro-méditerranéen de paix et de stabilité par le renforcement du dialogue politique et de sécurité (partenariat politique et de sécurité) ; 2- le rapprochement entre les peuples au moyen d’un partenariat social, culturel et humain qui vise à favoriser la compréhension des cultures et les échanges entre les sociétés civiles (partenariat social, culturel et humain) ; 3- la construction d’une zone de prospérité partagée et l’instauration d’une zone de libre-échange (partenariat économique et financier), fondée sur l’économie de marché et l’initiative privée dans le respect des règles de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce. La mise en place de la zone de libre-échange prévoit l’élimination des barrières douanières (et des taxes d’effet équivalent) et de toute entrave à la libre circulation des marchandises entre les pays de l’Union européenne et les pays du sud et de l’est de la Méditerranée. Or, dans le cadre du Partenariat euro-méditerranéen, les pays arabes partenaires sont confrontés à la nécessaire conciliation de deux impératifs majeurs : -d’une part, la demande sociale, liée à l’exigence du développement économique, entraîne un fort besoin de recettes publiques ; d’autre part, le désarmement tarifaire, résultant de l’instauration progressive de la zone de libre-échange euro-méditerranéenne, se traduit par une baisse significative de recettes douanières et entraîne de ce fait la nécessité de mobiliser plus largement la fiscalité interne. Dès lors, quid de la dimension économique et financière et des incidences financières publiques sous-jacentes du Partenariat ? Quels sont les défis auxquels les partenaires arabes méditerranéens sont désormais confrontés en matière de finances publiques ? Du Processus de Barcelone, découle une nécessaire prise de conscience par les Etats arabes méditerranéens de l’exigence d’une réforme de leurs finances publiques
Held in Barcelona November on 27 and 28 1995, the euro-Mediterranean Conference of ministers of Foreign Affairs marked the kick-off of a new Partnership between the European Union, its 15 member states (from now on 27 member states) and their 12 Mediterranean Partners (from now on 10). This Partnership includes on the one hand a bilateral cooperation (conclusion of an association agreement which covers the three objectives set out in the Barcelona Declaration between the European Union and each partner country), on the other hand, a regional cooperation. The euro-Mediterranean Partnership is founded on the mutual recognition of the value of developing a comprehensive policy of close association in a large number of sectors of common interest resulting from the proximity of the two regions. The Barcelona Declaration, adopted at the Barcelona Conference, has established the three key objectives of the Partnership : 1- the definition of a euro-Mediterranean area of peace and stability by strengthening the policy dialogue and the security (political and security partnership) ; 2- the rapprochement of peoples by means of a social, cultural and human partnership which aims at promoting understanding between cultures and exchanges between civil societies (social, cultural and human partnership) ; 3 – the creation of an area of shared prosperity and the establishment of free-trade area (economic and financial partnership), based on the market economy and private initiative in line with World Trade Organization standards. The establishment of a free trade area provides for the elimination of customs barriers (and of equivalent effect taxes) and of any obstacle to the free movement of goods between the European Union countries and South and East Mediterranean countries. However, in the framework of the euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Arab partners countries are confronted with the necessary conciliation of two majors imperatives : - on the one hand, the social demand, linked to the requirement of economic development, involves a strong need for public receipts ; - in addition, tariff dismantling, resulting from the progressive establishment of a euro-Mediterranean free trade area, results in a significant decrease in the customs returns and thus caused the need to mobilize more broadly the internal taxation. So what about the economic and financial dimension and the underlying public financial implications of the Partnership ? What are the public finance challenges facing Arab Mediterranean partners ? Arising from Barcelona process, the necessary awareness by member states of the need for their public finances reforms
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El, Khissassi Abdelkader. "Les enjeux des relations Euro-Méditerranéennes entre la chute du mur de Berlin et les déboires du Printemps Arabe (1989-2013)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG023.

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Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes
This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation
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Grau, i. Segú Martí. "Relat històric i multilateralisme: la construcció de l'espai euromediterrani, 1995-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285607.

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La present recerca estudia l'ús d'analogies històriques en els discursos dels màxims responsables de la política exterior de França, Espanya i Itàlia per a defensar l'existència i evolució d'un marc multilateral euromediterrani a partir de la Declaració de Barcelona el 1995. Malgrat l'aparença continuista i formulària d'aquestes referències al passat, el seu significat varia amb els interessos de l'agenda política. L'evolució es produeix enmig de la contradicció insoluble de presentar la Mediterrània com el locus fundacional de la civilització -com a una regió, per tant, capaç de regenerar el món amb el seu exemple- i al mateix temps observar la història mediterrània com a fonamentalment marcada pel conflicte entre grans blocs culturals. Les pròpies bases del discurs feien difícil, doncs, que els representants polítics poguessin proporcionar fonaments històrics als objectius declarats d'inclusió cultural i cohesió regional. L'anàlisi revela, en canvi, com el relat històric preparà la progressiva desaparició del diàleg polític a la regió, propiciant el decandiment del propi marc multilateral poc després d'haver entrat en contacte amb la nova realitat de la primavera àrab.
This research looks at the use of historical analogies concerning the Mediterranean in the political speeches of top foreign-policy decision-makers in France, Spain and Italy since the Barcelona Declaration of 1995. In spite of the consistent and formulaic appearance of such references to the past, their meaning shifted as political interests changed. This evolution took place in the midst of an unsolvable contradiction. While political leaders have largely presented the Mediterranean as the birthplace of civilization, and as such, as a region capable of regenerating the world by example, at the same time, conflict between cultural blocs has been perceived as the defining feature of Mediterranean history. The very basis of discourse, then, made it difficult for leaders to provide a historical ground for the stated political goals of cultural inclusiveness and regional cohesion. Analysis reveals, on the contrary, that historical narrative contributed to a progressive withdrawal of political dialogue, which ultimately entailed the waning of the multilateral framework itself as the Arab Spring unfolded.
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Lattouf, Ziad. "La mise en oeuvre de l'accord d'association en Algérie - Union européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l'homme." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30002.

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L’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne, paraphé à Bruxelles le 19 décembre 2001 et entré en vigueur le 1er septembre 2005, fonde un partenariat en matière des droits de l’homme. Déclenché par la Déclaration de Barcelone du 27 et 28 novembre 1995, il fournit aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet pour une meilleure mise en œuvre réelle et effective des droits de l’homme dans le cadre des accords d’associations. Inspiré, d’une politique euro-méditerranéenne qui a pour objectif la promotion et la protection des droits de l’homme, tel qu’énoncée dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, inspire les politiques internes et internationales des parties et constitue un élément essentiel pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-UE. Y’a-t-il une réelle mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l’homme ? Et quels sont les moyens mis en place?
The Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 & 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?
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Gombárová, Jana. "Islámská kultura v euro-středomořském dialogu a její reflexe v českých zemích." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-322547.

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PhDr. Jana Gombárová Islamic Culture in Euro-Mediterranean Dialogue and its Reflection in the Czech Lands Abstract The general aim of the present Ph.D. thesis is a reflection of Islamic culture within the Euro-Mediterranean multi-cultural dialogue. Its specific aim is a study of reflection of the Arab and Islamic communities in the Czech Republic. The first chapter provides methodological and theoretical analyses of the conceptions of "end of history" by Francis Fukuyama and "clash of civilisations" by Samuel P. Huntington, which provoked a wide and controversial discussion both around the world and in our country. It also provides an analysis of more recent "catastrophic scenarios" (Laqueur, Spencer, Rodrígez, Sarazin). The Islamic culture within the Euro-Mediterranean dialogue and with the history of Barcelona process of cooperation of the European Union with the South- Mediterranean countries, which culminated in founding of the Union for Mediterranean in 2010, are also included in the chapter. Anna Lindh Foundation as a European non- government organisation and its network in the Czech Republic is an object of special interest. The last part of the chapter includes the controversial results of the "Arab Spring" characterized by the rise of Islamists to power. The second chapter is focused on...
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Books on the topic "Euro-Arab"

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Sakbani, M. M. Euro-arab and Euro-mediterranean financial space. Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique: C.E.R.M.A.C., 1998.

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Eurabia: The Euro-Arab axis. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2005.

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Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress (2nd 1987 Bahrain). Euro-Arab arbitration II =: Arbitrage Euro-Arabe II : proceedings of the Second Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress, Bahrain. London: Graham & Trotman, 1989.

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Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress (3rd 1989 Amman, Jordan). Euro-Arab arbitration III: Proceedings of the Third Euro-Arab Arbitration Congress, Amman = Arbitrage Euro-Arabe III. Edited by Kemicha Fathi. London: Graham & Trotman, 1991.

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Rouleau, Eric. Information and misinformation in Euro-Arab relations: Euro-Arab dialogue lectures III, December 17, 1987. The Hague: Lutfia Rabbani Foundation, 1988.

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Hubert, Dobers, Sārah Yāsir Muḥammad, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, and Muntadá al-Fikr al-ʻArabī (Amman, Jordan), eds. Ethics in economy: Euro-Arab perspectives. Amman: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 1994.

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League of Arab States. Secretariat General. Euro-Arab dialogue: Towards a permanent strategic partnership : the works of the first Euro-Arab dialogue forum. Paris: Arab World Institute, 2007.

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Wilson, Rodney. Euro-Arab trade: Prospects to the 1990s. London, U.K: Economist Intelligence Unit, 1988.

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al-Sayyid, Salīm Muḥammad. Arab perceptions of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2001.

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Al-Sharif, Shehabuddin Al-Sayed. Euro-Arab arbitration system and Islamic Sharia law. Salford: University of Salford, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Euro-Arab"

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van Hüllen, Vera. "The Arab Spring and Euro-Mediterranean Cooperation." In EU Democracy Promotion and the Arab Spring, 145–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137298522_6.

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Göksel, Asuman, and Özgehan Şenyuva. "The Euro-Med Youth Programme and young people in the Arab Mediterranean countries 1." In Youth at the Margins, 202–21. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Europa regional perspectives: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429398988-12.

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Gaibazzi, Paolo. "Frontiers of Exodus: Activists, Border Regimes and Euro-Mediterranean Encounters After the Arab Spring." In EurAfrican Borders and Migration Management, 197–217. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-94972-4_9.

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Karoui, Kaouther. "3.3 Toward an emancipation from hegemonic constructions: The critique of orthodoxy, Arab nationalism, and Euro-modernism." In Edition Moderne Postmoderne, 222–41. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839465516-015.

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Boening, Astrid B. "Introduction: A Euro-Mediterranean Regional Security Complex?" In The Arab Spring, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-04606-8_1.

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Brahimi, Mohamed Amine. "The International Becoming of an Arab Philosopher: An Analysis of the Non-reception of Mohammed Abed al-Jabri in Euro-American Scholarship." In Islam, State, and Modernity, 127–48. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59760-1_7.

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Gayar, Attia El, and Younes Hamed. "Climate Change and Water Resources Management in Arab Countries." In Recent Advances in Environmental Science from the Euro-Mediterranean and Surrounding Regions, 89–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70548-4_31.

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"Arab sociocultural identity in the perspective of Euro-Arab interaction." In Paradise Lost, 193–212. BRILL, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004491472_012.

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Laabas, Belkacem, and Riad Dahel. "Implications of the Euro for Arab Countries." In Arab Development Challenges of the New Millennium, 177–93. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315194110-6.

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Escribano, Gonzalo. "Euro-Mediterranean versus Arab Integration: Are they Compatible?" In Arab Development Challenges of the New Millennium, 209–38. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315194110-8.

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